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The Power of Charisma: Investigating the Neglected Citizen–Politician Linkage in Hugo Chávez's Venezuela 魅力的力量:乌戈·查韦斯的委内瑞拉被忽视的公民与政治家的联系
IF 1.3 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/1866802X19891472
Caitlin Andrews-Lee
Charisma has long been considered a powerful tool for leaders worldwide to rise to greatness. Yet we have given less attention to the way in which charismatic leaders develop deep, unmediated emotional bonds with their followers. I propose a compact theory that explains how charismatic attachments form, overwhelm alternative linkage types, and facilitate the development of powerful and potentially enduring political movements. To illustrate the theory, I turn to Hugo Chávez’s Bolivarian movement in Venezuela. Firstly, the analysis of a 2007 survey from the Latin American Public Opinion Project demonstrates the disproportionate influence of charisma on citizens’ attachments to Bolivarianism relative to competing factors. Next, six original focus groups conducted with Bolivarian followers in 2016 illustrate the mechanisms underlying the followers’ surprisingly resilient loyalty, not only to the leader but also to his overarching movement. The results suggest that affective political attachments can help sustain charismatic movements after their founders disappear.
长期以来,魅力一直被认为是世界各国领导人走向伟大的有力工具。然而,我们很少关注有魅力的领导人与追随者建立深厚、无中介的情感纽带的方式。我提出了一个紧凑的理论,解释了魅力依恋是如何形成的,压倒了其他联系类型,并促进了强大且可能持久的政治运动的发展。为了说明这一理论,我转向乌戈·查韦斯在委内瑞拉的玻利瓦尔运动。首先,对拉丁美洲民意项目2007年一项调查的分析表明,相对于竞争因素,魅力对公民对玻利维亚主义的依恋产生了不成比例的影响。接下来,2016年与玻利瓦尔追随者进行的六个最初的焦点小组说明了追随者令人惊讶的坚韧忠诚背后的机制,不仅是对领导人的忠诚,也是对其总体运动的忠诚。研究结果表明,情感政治依恋有助于在创始人消失后维持魅力运动。
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引用次数: 6
Who Sees Corruption? The Bases of Mass Perceptions of Political Corruption in Latin America 谁看到腐败?拉丁美洲群众对政治腐败认识的基础
IF 1.3 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-08-01 DOI: 10.1177/1866802X19876462
D. Canache, Matthew Cawvey, Matthew Hayes, Jeffery J. Mondak
The capacity of citizens to see political corruption where it exists and to link such perceptions to evaluations of public officials constitutes an important test of political accountability. Although past research has established that perceived corruption influences political judgments, much less is known regarding the critical prefatory matter of who sees corruption. This article develops a multifaceted theoretical framework regarding the possible bases of perceived corruption. Experiential factors – personal experience and vicarious experience with bribery – mark the starting point for our account. We then incorporate psychological dispositions that may colour judgments about corruption and that may strengthen or weaken the links between experiences and perceptions. Expectations derived from this framework are tested in a series of multi-level models, with data from over 30,000 survey respondents from 17 nations and 84 regions in the Americas.
公民是否有能力看到存在的政治腐败,并将这种看法与对公职人员的评价联系起来,这是对政治问责制的一个重要考验。尽管过去的研究已经证实,感知到的腐败会影响政治判断,但对于谁看到腐败这一关键的前提问题,人们知之甚少。这篇文章发展了一个多方面的理论框架,关于感知腐败的可能基础。经验因素——个人经历和贿赂的替代经历——标志着我们账户的起点。然后,我们将心理倾向纳入其中,这些倾向可能会影响对腐败的判断,并可能加强或削弱经验和感知之间的联系。该框架得出的预期在一系列多层次模型中进行了测试,数据来自美洲17个国家和84个地区的30000多名受访者。
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引用次数: 4
Neither Penalised nor Prized: Feminist Legislators, Women’s Representation, and Career Paths in Argentina 既不受惩罚也不受惩罚:阿根廷的女权主义立法者、妇女代表权和职业道路
IF 1.3 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-08-01 DOI: 10.1177/1866802X19876460
M. Caminotti, Jennifer M. Piscopo
The conventional wisdom holds that party leaders punish women legislators who advocate for gender equality. We test this assumption using the Argentine case, asking two questions. First, who counts as a feminist legislator and how do we know? Second, do feminist legislators have career trajectories that indicate marginalisation or penalisation? We use bill authorship data and expert surveys to identify legislators of both sexes who champion feminist causes and who adopt a gendered, though not necessarily feminist, perspective. Comparing these categories of legislators to those in the general population, we find no meaningful differences in political careers by either legislators’ gender or policy profile. In fact, many feminist champions hold prestigious positions while in congress, but this political capital results neither in punishment nor reward after congress. Women who represent women do not go on to the top posts after congress, but neither do they disappear from public life.
传统观点认为,政党领导人会惩罚倡导性别平等的女议员。我们用阿根廷的案例检验了这一假设,提出了两个问题。首先,谁算女权主义立法者,我们怎么知道?其次,女权主义立法者的职业轨迹是否表明被边缘化或受到惩罚?我们使用法案作者数据和专家调查来确定支持女权主义事业的男女立法者,以及采用性别观点的立法者,尽管不一定是女权主义者。将这些类别的立法者与一般人群进行比较,我们发现立法者的性别或政策形象在政治生涯中没有显着差异。事实上,许多女权主义倡导者在国会中享有声望,但这种政治资本在国会之后既没有惩罚也没有奖励。代表女性的女性在国会结束后不会继续担任高层职位,但她们也不会从公共生活中消失。
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引用次数: 4
Labor Reform in Brazil, Politics, and Sindicatos: Notes on the General Strikes of 2017 巴西的劳工改革、政治和迹象:2017年总罢工纪要
IF 1.3 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-08-01 DOI: 10.1177/1866802X19861493
Davide Carbonai
On July 2017, Brazil’s Senate approved the country’s most extensive labor reform since the emergent 1943’s Consolidation of Labor Law (Consolidação das Leis Trabalhistas, CLT). The aforementioned reform provoked heated debates and its approval faced resistance. Unions, for instance, convened two general strikes: the first, on April 2017, garnered a significant amount of participation, while the latter, on June, ended with participation falling significantly below expectations. Despite the widespread rejection of Temer’s mandate and the content of the law, on June, unions were surprisingly unable to agree on a common strategy regarding a proposal on labor reform. The present research aims to explore this paradox. A survey-based analysis, along with a series of unstructured interviews with union leaders and protesters, establishes a solid empirical base from which to draw hypotheses about the Brazilian state corporatist union model and its evolution.
2017年7月,巴西参议院批准了该国自1943年颁布的《劳动法》(Consolidação das Leis Trabalhistas,CLT)以来最广泛的劳动改革。上述改革引发了激烈的辩论,其批准面临阻力。例如,工会召集了两次大罢工:第一次是在2017年4月,获得了大量的参与,而第二次是在6月,参与率大大低于预期。尽管Temer的授权和法律内容遭到广泛拒绝,但令人惊讶的是,6月,工会未能就劳工改革提案达成共同战略。本研究旨在探讨这一悖论。一项基于调查的分析,以及对工会领导人和抗议者的一系列非结构化采访,建立了一个坚实的经验基础,可以从中得出关于巴西国家社团主义工会模式及其演变的假设。
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引用次数: 2
The Construction of Indigenous Language Rights in Peru: A Language Regime Approach 秘鲁原住民语言权利的建构:一种语言制度的视角
IF 1.3 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-08-01 DOI: 10.1177/1866802X19866527
S. Rousseau, Eduardo Dargent
From the 1990s onwards, many Latin American states have adopted constitutional reforms that recognise indigenous peoples’ rights. In this article, we address a much less studied aspect, the emergence of new language rights. Based on field research and process tracing, we study the case of Peru where indigenous language rights were created in the absence of ethnic parties and with a relatively weak indigenous movement. We argue that the country moved slowly away from a monolingual language regime towards the recognition of indigenous languages as official languages and the creation of language rights. We identify key moments of state transformation in the 1970s, the 1990s, and the 2000s as linked to successive building blocks in the creation of a multi-lingual language regime. In particular, the decentralisation reforms of the 2000s created new opportunities for subnational actors to further develop these rights in different regions of the country. We exemplify these dynamics by looking into the adoption of language rights in the regions of Cuzco and Ayacucho.
从20世纪90年代起,许多拉丁美洲国家通过了承认土著人民权利的宪法改革。在这篇文章中,我们讨论了一个研究较少的方面,即新语言权利的出现。在实地研究和过程追踪的基础上,我们研究了秘鲁的情况,在那里,土著语言权利是在没有少数民族政党和土著运动相对较弱的情况下产生的。我们认为,该国慢慢地从单一语言制度转向承认土著语言为官方语言和建立语言权利。我们确定了20世纪70年代、90年代和21世纪初国家转型的关键时刻,这些关键时刻与创建多语言语言制度的连续构建块有关。特别是,2000年代的权力下放改革为国家以下各级行为者在国家不同地区进一步发展这些权利创造了新的机会。我们通过调查库斯科和阿亚库乔地区通过语言权利的情况,举例说明了这些动态。
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引用次数: 4
You Win Some, You Lose Some: Pension Reform in Bachelet’s First and Second Administrations 有得也有失:巴切莱特第一届和第二届政府的养老金改革
IF 1.3 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-07-30 DOI: 10.1177/1866802X19861491
S. Borzutzky
This article analyses and compares President Bachelet’s successful efforts to reform the Chilean pension system in 2008 and her failure to achieve the same objective in 2017. The article addresses the impact of electoral promises, policy legacies, policy ideology, presidential power, the role of the private sector, and the role that the government coalitions had in the process of pension reform during the Bachelet administrations. We argue that the 2008 reform was possible because of Bachelet’s personal commitment to reform and the presence of a stable governing coalition that had the will and capacity to legislate. In the second administration, although the policy legacies and ideology had remained the same, the reform did not materialise due to intense conflict within the administration and within the government coalition, as well as conflict between the administration and the coalition. These conflicts, in turn, generated a vicious cycle responsible for Bachelet’s declining popularity, limited political capital, and reduced support for reform. A stagnant economy further undermined these efforts. In brief, this article argues that when assessing success and failure in pension policy reform it is important to analyse not only policy legacies and political ideology but also the strength of the executive, the cohesion of the governing coalition, and the country’s economic performance.
这篇文章分析并比较了巴切莱特总统在2008年成功改革智利养老金制度的努力和她在2017年未能实现同样目标的努力。本文讨论了选举承诺的影响、政策遗产、政策意识形态、总统权力、私营部门的作用以及政府联盟在巴切莱特政府期间养老金改革过程中的作用。我们认为,2008年的改革是可能的,因为巴切莱特个人致力于改革,并且存在一个稳定的执政联盟,该联盟有意愿和能力立法。在第二届政府中,虽然政策遗产和意识形态保持不变,但由于政府内部和联合政府内部的激烈冲突以及政府与联合政府之间的冲突,改革未能实现。这些冲突反过来又产生了一个恶性循环,导致巴切莱特的支持率下降,政治资本有限,对改革的支持减少。停滞的经济进一步破坏了这些努力。简而言之,本文认为,在评估养老金政策改革的成败时,不仅要分析政策遗产和政治意识形态,还要分析行政力量、执政联盟的凝聚力和国家的经济表现。
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引用次数: 13
Public Costs versus Private Gain: Assessing the Effect of Different Types of Information about Corruption Incidents on Electoral Accountability 公共成本与私人收益:评估不同类型的腐败事件信息对选举问责制的影响
IF 1.3 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-07-29 DOI: 10.1177/1866802X19840457
Alejandro Avenburg
Are voters’ attitudes towards corrupt candidates affected by the details they learn about candidates’ wrongdoing? This study examines the effect of including different pieces of information emphasising the public costs or private gain of a similar corruption incident on the probability of support for the incumbent mayor’s re-election. I use three surveys experiments with online convenience samples of Brazilian subjects. The survey experiments use various vignettes presenting a fictitious Brazilian incumbent mayor with antecedents of misuse of public funds, running for re-election. I manipulate the details that subjects learn on those antecedents to assess whether information on the public costs of the corruption incident or on the candidate’s illicit enrichment stimulates a stronger rejection. Additional manipulations are used to test rival hypotheses. Results consistently show that information showing the candidate’s illicit enrichment drives a stronger negative response than every alternative treatment.
选民对腐败候选人的态度是否受到他们了解到的候选人不法行为细节的影响?本研究考察了在类似的腐败事件中加入不同的强调公共成本或私人收益的信息对现任市长连任支持概率的影响。我使用了三个调查实验,对巴西人的在线方便样本进行了调查。调查实验使用了不同的小插图,展示了一个虚构的巴西现任市长,他有滥用公共资金的前科,正在竞选连任。我对被试了解到的这些前事的细节进行了处理,以评估有关腐败事件的公共成本或候选人非法敛财的信息是否会引发更强烈的排斥。额外的操作被用来测试对立的假设。结果一致表明,显示候选人非法致富的信息比任何其他治疗方法都更能引发负面反应。
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引用次数: 3
Digital Activism and Indignation Nets in Brazil: The Pressure Groups 巴西的数字激进主义和愤怒网络:压力集团
IF 1.3 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-06-13 DOI: 10.1177/1866802X19840455
Davi Barboza Cavalcanti, Elder Paes Barreto Bringel, Fábio Regueira Jardelino da Costa, Tassiana Moura de Oliveira, Vinicius Rodrigues Zuccolotto
To understand the relevance of the new media in the formation of the indignation nets, this text, of exploratory stamp, debates the digital activism in contemporary Brazil . Methodologically, we will make a discussion on cyberactivism, digital media, and national pressure groups starting from two examples, Movimento Brasil Livre (The Free Brazil Movement) and Vem pra Rua (Come to The Street movement) – these are key movements in the organisation of the big anti-government mobilisation that took place in 2015–2016 in Brazil. The theme is important because it embraces current and future challenges of the digital activism, once that this field faced significant changes in the last decades, with the development of interactive media and the technological convergence.
为了理解新媒体在愤慨网形成中的相关性,本文探索性地讨论了当代巴西的数字行动主义。在方法上,我们将从两个例子开始讨论网络行动主义、数字媒体和国家压力团体,Movimento Brasil Livre(自由巴西运动)和Vem pra Rua(走上街头运动),这是2015-2016年在巴西发生的大型反政府动员组织中的关键运动。这个主题很重要,因为它包含了数字行动主义当前和未来的挑战,在过去的几十年里,随着互动媒体的发展和技术的融合,这个领域面临着重大的变化。
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引用次数: 2
Fuel for Conspiracy: Suspected Imperialist Plots and the Chaco War 阴谋的燃料:疑似帝国主义阴谋和查科战争
IF 1.3 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-06-09 DOI: 10.1177/1866802X19843008
L. Roniger, L. Senkman
Conspiracy discourse interprets the world as the object of sinister machinations, rife with opaque plots and covert actors. With this frame, the war between Bolivia and Paraguay over the Northern Chaco region (1932–1935) emerges as a paradigmatic conflict that many in the Americas interpreted as resulting from the conspiracy manoeuvres of foreign oil interests to grab land supposedly rich in oil. At the heart of such interpretation, projected by those critical of the fratricidal war, were partial and extrapolated facts, which sidelined the weight of long-term disputes between these South American countries traumatised by previous international wars resulting in humiliating defeats and territorial losses, and thus prone to welcome warfare to bolster national pride and overcome the memory of past debacles. The article reconstructs the transnational diffusion of the conspiracy narrative that tilted political and intellectual imagination towards attributing the war to imperialist economic interests, downplaying the political agency of those involved. Analysis suggests that such transnational reception highlights a broader trend in the twentieth-century Latin American conspiracy discourse, stemming from the theorization of geopolitical marginality and the belief that political decision-making was shaped by the plots of hegemonic powers.
阴谋论将世界解释为邪恶阴谋的对象,充斥着不透明的阴谋和隐秘的行为者。在这种框架下,玻利维亚和巴拉圭之间关于北查科地区的战争(1932年-1935年)成为一场典型的冲突,许多美洲人认为这场冲突是外国石油利益集团阴谋夺取据称富含石油的土地的结果。那些对自相残杀战争持批评态度的人所提出的这种解释的核心是部分和推断的事实,这些事实使这些因前几次国际战争而遭受创伤的南美国家之间长期争端的分量靠边站,这些战争导致了耻辱性的失败和领土损失,因此,他们倾向于欢迎战争,以增强民族自豪感,克服对过去失败的记忆。这篇文章重建了阴谋叙事的跨国传播,这种叙事使政治和智力想象力倾向于将战争归因于帝国主义的经济利益,淡化了参与者的政治能动性。分析表明,这种跨国接受凸显了20世纪拉丁美洲阴谋论的一个更广泛趋势,源于地缘政治边缘化的理论化,以及认为政治决策是由霸权阴谋决定的信念。
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引用次数: 3
Labor Divides, Informality, and Regulation: The Public Opinion on Labor Law in Latin America 劳动分工、非正式性与管制:拉丁美洲劳动法的舆论
IF 1.3 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-04-01 DOI: 10.1177/1866802X19843362
S. Berens, A. Kemmerling
While scholarship on the politics of labor market divides and labor law in Latin America has bloomed in recent years, this literature rarely looks at the role of public opinion. Using data on public attitudes towards labor law for 18 Latin American countries, we start filling this gap. We follow the literature on labor market divides to see how far those at the margins of the formal labor market differ in their opinions from the formally employed. We find that large segments of the people perceive labor law as protective for workers, but there are also important divides: Whereas formal sector workers indeed assess the protective function of labor law positively, informal sector workers are more sceptical. Moreover, we find feedback effects of labor law on these differences of opinion. We conclude with a discussion how these divides in attitudes also have political effects, especially on voting behavior.
虽然近年来关于拉丁美洲劳动力市场分化和劳动法的学术研究蓬勃发展,但这些文献很少关注公众舆论的作用。利用18个拉美国家公众对劳动法态度的数据,我们开始填补这一空白。我们遵循关于劳动力市场划分的文献,看看那些处于正式劳动力市场边缘的人与正式就业者的观点有多大不同。我们发现,很大一部分人认为劳动法对工人有保护作用,但也存在重要的分歧:尽管正式部门的工人确实积极评估劳动法的保护功能,但非正式部门的工人更持怀疑态度。此外,我们还发现了劳动法对这些意见分歧的反馈效应。最后,我们讨论了这些态度上的分歧如何也会产生政治影响,尤其是对投票行为的影响。
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引用次数: 11
期刊
Journal of Politics in Latin America
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