Pub Date : 1994-07-01DOI: 10.1007/978-1-349-10092-7
C. Nicholson
{"title":"Critical Approaches to the Fiction of Margaret Laurence // Review","authors":"C. Nicholson","doi":"10.1007/978-1-349-10092-7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-10092-7","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45057,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF CANADIAN STUDIES-REVUE D ETUDES CANADIENNES","volume":"29 1","pages":"189"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"1994-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"51736171","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
A prominent feminist within Canada, Elizabeth Smith Shortt travelled with her husband to Great Britain and Europe in 1911. The ensuing trip revealed her maternal feminist perspective, but it also disclosed racial, religious and upper-class sentiments which often overshadowed her feminist values. Maternal feminism inclined Smith Shortt towards a conservative reform of society while racial, religious and class exclusiveness predisposed her towards a more intolerant and selfish ethic. Smith Shortt failed to resolve this conflict in the old world and it remained problematic upon her return to Canada. Elizabeth Smith Shortt, figure feministe importante au Canada, voyagea avec son mari en Grande Bretagne et en Europe en 1911. Ce voyage revela la perspective maternelle de son feminisme, mais aussi des sentiments raciaux, religieux et aristocratiques qui masquerent souvent ses valeurs feministes. Le feminisme maternel entraina Smith Shortt vers une reforme conservatrice de la societe alors que l'exclusivisme racial, religieux et de classe la predisposerent a une morale plus intolerante et egoiste. Smith Shortt ne reussit pas a resoudre ce conflit lors de son sejour dans le Vieux Monde et il resta problematique apres son retour au Canada. The dominant feminism in early twentieth-century Canada was maternal feminism. The early historical works on this subject concentrated on the suffragists and presented them "as heroines, organizing lobbying campaigns and overcoming the prejudices of their day to win the vote."' In response, Wayne Roberts developed a more critical perspective, pointing out that most suffragists and other feminists of the era were essentially "conservative."2 The main responsibility of a proper lady was being a good wife and an even better mother. Larger issues in the outside world were only confronted as an extension of women's primary role within this familial context. Other historians of women agreed with Roberts that the maternal feminists were conservative, but indicated that this assessment needed amendment. Wendy Mitchinson revealed that, if the ladies of the Women's Christian Temperance Union were not full feminists, they were at least "social feminists" while Veronica Strong-Boag demonstrated that after 1894 the basically conservative National Council of Women was "a major instrument of feminine nationalism, reform and ambition."3 Some suffragists such as Nellie McClung moved beyond reform and spoke out for what Strong-Boag later identified as a potentially radical doctrine of "equal rights."4 More recently, Mariana Valverde has recognized the positive vision that women in the social purity movement shared in the years between 1885 and 1925: "the movement was held together not only by its attacks on vice but by a common vision of the pure life that individuals, families and the nation would lead in the near future."5 There was a positive as well as a negative dimension in the activities of these maternal feminists. Elizabeth Smith
{"title":"An English, Protestant, Upper-Class Feminist on the Grand Tour: Elizabeth Smith Shortt in Great Britain and Europe, 1911","authors":"P. E. Dembski","doi":"10.3138/JCS.28.4.72","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/JCS.28.4.72","url":null,"abstract":"A prominent feminist within Canada, Elizabeth Smith Shortt travelled with her husband to Great Britain and Europe in 1911. The ensuing trip revealed her maternal feminist perspective, but it also disclosed racial, religious and upper-class sentiments which often overshadowed her feminist values. Maternal feminism inclined Smith Shortt towards a conservative reform of society while racial, religious and class exclusiveness predisposed her towards a more intolerant and selfish ethic. Smith Shortt failed to resolve this conflict in the old world and it remained problematic upon her return to Canada. Elizabeth Smith Shortt, figure feministe importante au Canada, voyagea avec son mari en Grande Bretagne et en Europe en 1911. Ce voyage revela la perspective maternelle de son feminisme, mais aussi des sentiments raciaux, religieux et aristocratiques qui masquerent souvent ses valeurs feministes. Le feminisme maternel entraina Smith Shortt vers une reforme conservatrice de la societe alors que l'exclusivisme racial, religieux et de classe la predisposerent a une morale plus intolerante et egoiste. Smith Shortt ne reussit pas a resoudre ce conflit lors de son sejour dans le Vieux Monde et il resta problematique apres son retour au Canada. The dominant feminism in early twentieth-century Canada was maternal feminism. The early historical works on this subject concentrated on the suffragists and presented them \"as heroines, organizing lobbying campaigns and overcoming the prejudices of their day to win the vote.\"' In response, Wayne Roberts developed a more critical perspective, pointing out that most suffragists and other feminists of the era were essentially \"conservative.\"2 The main responsibility of a proper lady was being a good wife and an even better mother. Larger issues in the outside world were only confronted as an extension of women's primary role within this familial context. Other historians of women agreed with Roberts that the maternal feminists were conservative, but indicated that this assessment needed amendment. Wendy Mitchinson revealed that, if the ladies of the Women's Christian Temperance Union were not full feminists, they were at least \"social feminists\" while Veronica Strong-Boag demonstrated that after 1894 the basically conservative National Council of Women was \"a major instrument of feminine nationalism, reform and ambition.\"3 Some suffragists such as Nellie McClung moved beyond reform and spoke out for what Strong-Boag later identified as a potentially radical doctrine of \"equal rights.\"4 More recently, Mariana Valverde has recognized the positive vision that women in the social purity movement shared in the years between 1885 and 1925: \"the movement was held together not only by its attacks on vice but by a common vision of the pure life that individuals, families and the nation would lead in the near future.\"5 There was a positive as well as a negative dimension in the activities of these maternal feminists. Elizabeth Smith","PeriodicalId":45057,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF CANADIAN STUDIES-REVUE D ETUDES CANADIENNES","volume":"28 1","pages":"72-87"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"1994-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69363871","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Historians have long - known that the American Revolution created Canada in a political sense as surely as it created the United States. Consequently any work that changes our understanding of the Loyalists, or of the way political ideas were formed in the revolutionary and post - revolutionary era, is of fundamental importance. These five quite different yet superb books provide interesting perspectives on the Loyalists, and on the way Loyalist Canadians saw their politics. To begin with, patriarchal values loomed large in Loyalist thought as it emerged after 1785. Historians, not recognizing this, have misread the history of Loyalism, perpetuated gender stereotypes and misconstrued an important thread in our understanding of political culture in Canada. As Janice Potter - MacKinnon convincingly demonstrates, Loyalist ideology was defined in exile, complete with short - term objectives and deliberate misrepresentation.Potter - MacKinnon wonders why women have been disadvantaged and ignored in the historiography of the Loyalists. Loyalist women played key roles in the decisions of families to become Loyalist. Often, they ran the family farms and businesses when husbands had to leave suddenly to avoid capture by the Patriots. During these periods the contributions of these women were recognized as valuable by their families, by the British authorities and by the American Patriots.Within the patriarchal conventions of the eighteenth century, women were treated as extensions of their husbands. While this was also true for Patriot women, it was at least possible to create legends around women who advanced the Patriot cause. For one thing, revolutionary rhetoric, unlike Loyalist rhetoric, lent itself to a loosening of the prevailing paternalism.For Loyalist women, the war tightened patriarchal values. In the early stages of the war, women could be independent as long as they remained where they were. Where they were, however, was increasingly behind the lines in a bitter civil war, open to abuse and mistreatment by their neighbours, especially if they were easily labelled as traitors. They lacked legal guarantees to their rights or properties; aside from dower rights, land and chattel were considered the property of their husbands. If the husband had left, or if he were considered an enemy, his property could be confiscated even while his wife and children occupied it.There was pressure on Loyalist women to leave, even at great sacrifice. However, in leaving they lost any semblance of independence. They often required permission from local committees of vigilance. Then, they needed aid and assistance from Indian and military guides to reach husbands stationed in military forts or in refugee camps. In these forts and camps, they were only significant as spouses; they were treated as dependents and as burdens. Now weak and dependent, they sought compensation for very real sacrifices from a British government only interested in helping those with militar
{"title":"While the Women Only Wept: Loyalist Refugee Women in Eastern Ontario // Review","authors":"Janice Potter-MacKinnon","doi":"10.2307/2081222","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/2081222","url":null,"abstract":"Historians have long - known that the American Revolution created Canada in a political sense as surely as it created the United States. Consequently any work that changes our understanding of the Loyalists, or of the way political ideas were formed in the revolutionary and post - revolutionary era, is of fundamental importance. These five quite different yet superb books provide interesting perspectives on the Loyalists, and on the way Loyalist Canadians saw their politics. To begin with, patriarchal values loomed large in Loyalist thought as it emerged after 1785. Historians, not recognizing this, have misread the history of Loyalism, perpetuated gender stereotypes and misconstrued an important thread in our understanding of political culture in Canada. As Janice Potter - MacKinnon convincingly demonstrates, Loyalist ideology was defined in exile, complete with short - term objectives and deliberate misrepresentation.Potter - MacKinnon wonders why women have been disadvantaged and ignored in the historiography of the Loyalists. Loyalist women played key roles in the decisions of families to become Loyalist. Often, they ran the family farms and businesses when husbands had to leave suddenly to avoid capture by the Patriots. During these periods the contributions of these women were recognized as valuable by their families, by the British authorities and by the American Patriots.Within the patriarchal conventions of the eighteenth century, women were treated as extensions of their husbands. While this was also true for Patriot women, it was at least possible to create legends around women who advanced the Patriot cause. For one thing, revolutionary rhetoric, unlike Loyalist rhetoric, lent itself to a loosening of the prevailing paternalism.For Loyalist women, the war tightened patriarchal values. In the early stages of the war, women could be independent as long as they remained where they were. Where they were, however, was increasingly behind the lines in a bitter civil war, open to abuse and mistreatment by their neighbours, especially if they were easily labelled as traitors. They lacked legal guarantees to their rights or properties; aside from dower rights, land and chattel were considered the property of their husbands. If the husband had left, or if he were considered an enemy, his property could be confiscated even while his wife and children occupied it.There was pressure on Loyalist women to leave, even at great sacrifice. However, in leaving they lost any semblance of independence. They often required permission from local committees of vigilance. Then, they needed aid and assistance from Indian and military guides to reach husbands stationed in military forts or in refugee camps. In these forts and camps, they were only significant as spouses; they were treated as dependents and as burdens. Now weak and dependent, they sought compensation for very real sacrifices from a British government only interested in helping those with militar","PeriodicalId":45057,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF CANADIAN STUDIES-REVUE D ETUDES CANADIENNES","volume":"36 1","pages":"159"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"1993-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/2081222","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68597017","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Point-Counterpoint: Ethics in the Media","authors":"T. Findley","doi":"10.3138/JCS.27.4.197","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/JCS.27.4.197","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45057,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF CANADIAN STUDIES-REVUE D ETUDES CANADIENNES","volume":"27 1","pages":"197-198"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"1993-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69363830","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Following the Arts Scorecard: The Ballet in 1991-92","authors":"James E. Neufeld","doi":"10.3138/JCS.27.3.128","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/JCS.27.3.128","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45057,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF CANADIAN STUDIES-REVUE D ETUDES CANADIENNES","volume":"66 1","pages":"128-134"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"1992-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69363811","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In the years before the Progressive Conservative victory in the federal election of 1984, George Perlin of Queen's University authored a book with the provocative thesis that the Conservative Party suffered from a "syndrome" peculiar to losing political parties. A malady had developed over the decades of electoral reversals. Adversity had bred an institutionalized party of opposition. Party ranks had become populated by those feeling perpetually on the outside. Long years in opposition meant that for many the expression of criticism and negative sentiments were the mainstays of political dialogue. "A party which is habitually in opposition becomes absorbed entirely in the strategy and tactics of criticism," wrote Perlin. "It tends to approach all debate with an attacking, destructive style."(f.1)Perlin's perceptions of the PCs provide a useful guide for those seeking insight into the party's history. Back - to - back electoral victories in the 1980s have dramatically changed party behaviour and orientation. The transition from a party of habitual opposition to one able to broker a successful electoral coalition is a fascinating evolution. Equally fascinating is the parallel debate being played out in the ranks of the federal and provincial NDP over the differences between principled socialist opposition and cautious, fiscally responsible government. A guide to the historical context for this parallel debate can be gathered from the assorted works surveyed here. The current tensions between long - held points of social and economic criticism, and the proclaimed demands of government, have deep roots.NDP premiers, such as Ontario's Bob Rae, are finding themselves questioned by federal compatriots about their loyalty to traditional party sentiments relating to economic and budgetary matters. In return, Rae and his provincial counter - parts maintain that responsible leadership involves consideration for constraints such as debt loads and credit ratings. Rae, in fact, has adapted the notion of an opposition mentality to his fellow Ontario New Democrats. The following passage from his speech of Nov. 29, 1992 to the Ontario New Democratic Party Provincial Council might have been employed by Perlin with regard to the Conservatives in opposition:The culture of the Party for many years was that of a Party in Opposition. I think it is fair to say that the Party in Opposition did not spend a whole lot of time talking about how to do things. I think it is fair to say that the Party in Opposition spent a great deal of time talking about what, in an ideal world, we would like to do.This language of Opposition which is almost internal to our - selves in terms of the dialogue which goes on within us is one which really has to change to a language which deals very directly with what we can do and how we must do it well.(f.2)Rae's portrait of the New Democratic Party tradition stands in stark contrast to what is normally presented. More common is the image of visi
{"title":"Fool for Christ : the political thought of J.S. Woodsworth","authors":"A. Mills","doi":"10.2307/25143580","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/25143580","url":null,"abstract":"In the years before the Progressive Conservative victory in the federal election of 1984, George Perlin of Queen's University authored a book with the provocative thesis that the Conservative Party suffered from a \"syndrome\" peculiar to losing political parties. A malady had developed over the decades of electoral reversals. Adversity had bred an institutionalized party of opposition. Party ranks had become populated by those feeling perpetually on the outside. Long years in opposition meant that for many the expression of criticism and negative sentiments were the mainstays of political dialogue. \"A party which is habitually in opposition becomes absorbed entirely in the strategy and tactics of criticism,\" wrote Perlin. \"It tends to approach all debate with an attacking, destructive style.\"(f.1)Perlin's perceptions of the PCs provide a useful guide for those seeking insight into the party's history. Back - to - back electoral victories in the 1980s have dramatically changed party behaviour and orientation. The transition from a party of habitual opposition to one able to broker a successful electoral coalition is a fascinating evolution. Equally fascinating is the parallel debate being played out in the ranks of the federal and provincial NDP over the differences between principled socialist opposition and cautious, fiscally responsible government. A guide to the historical context for this parallel debate can be gathered from the assorted works surveyed here. The current tensions between long - held points of social and economic criticism, and the proclaimed demands of government, have deep roots.NDP premiers, such as Ontario's Bob Rae, are finding themselves questioned by federal compatriots about their loyalty to traditional party sentiments relating to economic and budgetary matters. In return, Rae and his provincial counter - parts maintain that responsible leadership involves consideration for constraints such as debt loads and credit ratings. Rae, in fact, has adapted the notion of an opposition mentality to his fellow Ontario New Democrats. The following passage from his speech of Nov. 29, 1992 to the Ontario New Democratic Party Provincial Council might have been employed by Perlin with regard to the Conservatives in opposition:The culture of the Party for many years was that of a Party in Opposition. I think it is fair to say that the Party in Opposition did not spend a whole lot of time talking about how to do things. I think it is fair to say that the Party in Opposition spent a great deal of time talking about what, in an ideal world, we would like to do.This language of Opposition which is almost internal to our - selves in terms of the dialogue which goes on within us is one which really has to change to a language which deals very directly with what we can do and how we must do it well.(f.2)Rae's portrait of the New Democratic Party tradition stands in stark contrast to what is normally presented. More common is the image of visi","PeriodicalId":45057,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF CANADIAN STUDIES-REVUE D ETUDES CANADIENNES","volume":"28 1","pages":"159"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"1992-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/25143580","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68816313","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Defining the transition - the analysis of social change between market and industry - the social contours of lower Canadian "Capitalism" the theory and practice of ancien regime domination a discourse of protest - the patriotes decade 1828-1838 the rebellions and beyond.
{"title":"The shaping of Québec politics and society : colonialism, power, and the transition to capitalism in the 19th century","authors":"Gérald Bernier, Danièle Salée","doi":"10.5860/choice.30-3426","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5860/choice.30-3426","url":null,"abstract":"Defining the transition - the analysis of social change between market and industry - the social contours of lower Canadian \"Capitalism\" the theory and practice of ancien regime domination a discourse of protest - the patriotes decade 1828-1838 the rebellions and beyond.","PeriodicalId":45057,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF CANADIAN STUDIES-REVUE D ETUDES CANADIENNES","volume":"32 1","pages":"167"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"1992-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71042193","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Bright Ideas: The 1991 Shaw Festival","authors":"K. Garebian","doi":"10.3138/JCS.26.4.157","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/JCS.26.4.157","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45057,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF CANADIAN STUDIES-REVUE D ETUDES CANADIENNES","volume":"56 1","pages":"157-168"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"1992-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80445676","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Mordecai Richler Was Here","authors":"K. McNaught","doi":"10.3138/JCS.26.4.141","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/JCS.26.4.141","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45057,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF CANADIAN STUDIES-REVUE D ETUDES CANADIENNES","volume":"26 1","pages":"141-143"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"1992-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69363763","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Following the Arts Contexts: The Ballet in 1990-91","authors":"James E. Neufeld","doi":"10.3138/JCS.26.3.163","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/JCS.26.3.163","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45057,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF CANADIAN STUDIES-REVUE D ETUDES CANADIENNES","volume":"26 1","pages":"163-168"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"1991-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69363730","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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