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Filial Piety, Pension Policy and Changing Perceptions of Elderly Care Responsibility: Evidence from China 孝道、养老政策与养老责任观念的转变:来自中国的证据
IF 0.5 4区 社会学 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-08-01 DOI: 10.1353/chn.2021.0031
Litao Zhao, Jiwei Qian, W. Shan
Abstract:Along with rapid population ageing and extensive policy changes, Chinese attitudes towards elderly care responsibility are shifting. Using nationally representative survey data, this study finds that the proportion of people holding the traditional view that children should be the main elderly care providers decreased from 57 per cent in 2010 to 50 per cent in 2015. Further analyses show that above and beyond individual factors such as gender, age and marital status, social policies and institutions have influenced people's attitudes. Pension coverage, an urban hukou (household registration), and employment in sectors that provide long-standing social programmes and higher pension benefits are factors that may increase people's likelihood to subscribe to an alternative view that the responsibility of elderly care should be shared equally among the government, the child(ren) and the elderly, or mainly undertaken by the government or by the elderly themselves.
摘要:随着人口老龄化的快速发展和政策的广泛变化,中国人对养老责任的态度正在发生转变。利用具有全国代表性的调查数据,这项研究发现,持有传统观点的人的比例,即儿童应该是主要的老年人护理提供者,从2010年的57%下降到2015年的50%。进一步的分析表明,除了性别、年龄和婚姻状况等个人因素之外,社会政策和制度也影响着人们的态度。养老金覆盖范围、城市户口、在提供长期社会项目和较高养老金福利的部门就业,这些因素可能会增加人们认同另一种观点的可能性,即养老责任应由政府、子女和老年人平等分担,或者主要由政府或老年人自己承担。
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引用次数: 4
The Mindset: Tackling The Challenges of Old Age Care in Communities in China 心态:应对中国社区养老的挑战
IF 0.5 4区 社会学 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-08-01 DOI: 10.1353/chn.2021.0033
Bingqin Li, Jiwei Qian, Sisi Yang
Abstract:In policy analyses, the mindset of policymakers is crucial to determine the governing culture, incentivise stakeholders and assess the policy outcomes. By examining the policies associated with community-based care, this article analyses how policymakers have responded to the needs of old age care in China. The research establishes that China has shifted from a fixed to a growth mindset, which anticipates a growing investment in community-based old age care services. However, after the initial excitement, the growth mindset, being fixated on the economic perspectives of the old age care service system, has become a constraint, especially if the performance indicators are not set to improve the quality of care and the development of human resources in age care. It is time to move one step further to adopt a "benefit mindset" that is centred around addressing the needs of older people.
摘要:在政策分析中,决策者的心态对于确定治理文化、激励利益相关者和评估政策结果至关重要。通过考察与社区护理相关的政策,本文分析了政策制定者如何应对中国老年护理的需求。这项研究表明,中国已经从固定心态转变为增长心态,预计对社区养老服务的投资将不断增加。然而,在最初的兴奋之后,专注于老年护理服务系统的经济前景的增长心态已经成为一种制约因素,特别是如果绩效指标的设定不能提高护理质量和老年护理人力资源的开发。现在是时候更进一步,采取以解决老年人需求为中心的“福利心态”了。
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引用次数: 1
Groping for Stones to Cross the River: Early Local Lessons from Three Effluent Pollution Cases in Hubei in the 1960s–1980s 摸着石头过河:20世纪60 - 80年代湖北三起污水污染事件的早期地方教训
IF 0.5 4区 社会学 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-08-01 DOI: 10.1353/chn.2021.0036
Yun Liu
Abstract:This article uses local official archives of three effluent pollution cases in Hubei in the 1960s–1980s to examine early regulatory failures of industrial waste control. With many unpublished records of official responses, these effluent cases received first exposure in semi-public discourses, while public voices in Hubei protested against the pollution which arose because of the conflicting interests of industrial sectors. In defusing public pressures from pollution, local agencies continually interacted with intricate bureaucratic channels. Experiments with policy enforcement, still prevalent today, had created poor regulatory effects in containing illegal emission incidents initially and in regularising pollution penalties subsequently.
摘要:本文利用湖北省20世纪60年代至80年代三起污水污染案件的地方官方档案,考察了早期工业废物控制的监管失灵。由于官方的回应有很多未公开的记录,这些污水事件首先在半公开的话语中被曝光,而湖北的公众则因为工业部门的利益冲突而对污染提出了抗议。为了缓解公众对污染的压力,地方机构不断与复杂的官僚渠道互动。今天仍然普遍存在的政策执行试验,在最初遏制非法排放事件和后来对污染的惩处方面造成了不良的管制效果。
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引用次数: 0
Ageing, Work and Retirement in China, East and Southeast Asia 中国、东亚和东南亚的老龄化、工作和退休
IF 0.5 4区 社会学 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-08-01 DOI: 10.1353/chn.2021.0028
P. O'Keefe, J. Giles, Yang-hua Huang
Abstract:The work and retirement behaviour of older people in East and Southeast Asia is a major social and economic policy issue. The region currently has a relatively strong labour force participation and intensity of work at older ages, although with variations across location, gender and education. Labour income remains the dominant source of elderly income, in part due to underdeveloped social protection systems. The drivers of work and retirement behaviour include health status, access to pensions, care responsibilities and retirement decisions of spouses. There is potential for public policy to extend productive working lives, while mitigating social impacts. This includes extending pension coverage, removing policy barriers to longer and flexible work, building formal care systems, strengthening lifelong learning, and addressing negative societal attitudes. There is also a need for evidence on the productivity of older workers, cost-effectiveness of policy interventions, and the optimal roles of state, markets and households in employment outcomes of older people.
摘要:东亚和东南亚老年人的工作和退休行为是一个重大的社会和经济政策问题。该地区目前劳动力参与度和老年工作强度相对较高,尽管不同地区、性别和教育程度有所不同。劳动收入仍然是老年人收入的主要来源,部分原因是社会保护制度不发达。工作和退休行为的驱动因素包括健康状况、获得养老金的机会、护理责任和配偶的退休决定。公共政策有可能延长生产性工作寿命,同时减轻社会影响。这包括扩大养老金覆盖范围,消除长期灵活工作的政策障碍,建立正式的护理系统,加强终身学习,以及解决消极的社会态度。还需要证据证明老年工人的生产力、政策干预的成本效益以及国家、市场和家庭在老年人就业结果中的最佳作用。
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引用次数: 0
Population Ageing, Productivity and Technological Change in Asia 亚洲人口老龄化、生产力与技术变革
IF 0.5 4区 社会学 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-08-01 DOI: 10.1353/chn.2021.0027
Rafal Chomik, J. Piggott
Abstract:Demographic and technological changes are two megatrends set to transform labour markets around the world. These shifts are already under way and are expected to accelerate, particularly in East and Southeast Asia, which is home to the world's oldest and fastest-ageing societies and a region with an enviable pace of economic development. Yet for some countries, demographic ageing is coinciding with a slowdown in productivity and economic growth. While each of these phenomena has been extensively researched, the study of the interactions between them is often incidental and rarely carried out in the Asian setting. This article explores the plausible channels of these interactions and assembles evidence of links between age and productivity at the individual, firm and country levels, drawn from both Asian and global settings. Findings have shown that there are many knowledge gaps, both in data and modelling, which need to be addressed to inform the major policy interventions required to successfully manage these transitions.
摘要:人口和技术变化是改变世界各地劳动力市场的两大趋势。这些转变已经在进行,预计还会加速,尤其是在东亚和东南亚,那里是世界上最古老、老龄化最快的社会所在地,也是一个经济发展速度令人羡慕的地区。然而,对一些国家来说,人口老龄化与生产力和经济增长放缓同时发生。虽然这些现象中的每一种都得到了广泛的研究,但对它们之间相互作用的研究往往是偶然的,很少在亚洲环境中进行。本文探讨了这些互动的合理渠道,并收集了来自亚洲和全球环境的个人、企业和国家层面的年龄和生产力之间联系的证据。调查结果表明,在数据和建模方面存在许多知识差距,需要加以解决,以便为成功管理这些过渡所需的主要政策干预措施提供信息。
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引用次数: 1
A Sociopolitical Analysis of Yi Nao: Public Disruption, Performativity and the Power of Doctors in Chinese Medical Disputes 易闹的社会批判分析:中国医疗纠纷中的公共干扰、表现与医生权力
IF 0.5 4区 社会学 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-05-01 DOI: 10.1353/chn.2021.0019
Tianyang Liu, Xiao Tan
Abstract:Yi Nao describes a type of organised disturbance in Chinese hospitals. This study seeks to examine yi nao as a locally determined, radical expression of medical grievances. It is first argued that yi nao actors (usually the relatives of patients and sometimes professional yi nao gangs) have exploited the contradictions in the hospitals' stability maintenance policies, thereby complicating the resolution of medical disputes. Second, yi nao incidents feature a "performative" quality. Lacking professional power in the Chinese context, doctors are often passive sufferers of yi nao violence. However, this study examines some outliers wherein doctors were mobilised to resist yi nao.
摘要:易脑描述了中国医院发生的一种有组织的骚乱。本研究试图将益脑视为一种局部决定的、激进的医疗不满的表达。首先有人认为,益脑行动者(通常是患者的亲属,有时是专业的益脑团伙)利用了医院维稳政策中的矛盾,从而使医疗纠纷的解决复杂化。乙脑事件具有“表演性”特征。在中国缺乏专业力量的情况下,医生往往是易脑暴力的被动受害者。然而,这项研究调查了一些异常情况,其中医生被动员起来抵制益脑。
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引用次数: 1
Unevenness vs. Unfairness: Perceptions of Economic Inequality and Political Support in China 不平等与不公平:中国对经济不平等和政治支持的看法
IF 0.5 4区 社会学 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-05-01 DOI: 10.1353/chn.2021.0013
Yu Yan, Yushan Zhong
Abstract:Does economic inequality in China have political repercussions? While China scholars have approached this question in various ways, few studies have directly tested the relationship between people's perceptions of income inequality and political support in China. This article examines the direct relationship between perceptions of income inequality, especially the perception of fairness in income distribution, on the one hand, and people's subjective support for China's political regime, on the other. By drawing data from the 2016 Asian Barometer Survey, the authors employ factor analysis, multiple imputation for missing values, and ordinary least squares regression analysis to estimate the relationship between perceptions of income inequality and political support. Results have consistently shown that the perceived unfairness of income distribution overshadows the perceived level of income disparity in influencing people's regime support. Chinese respondents who think income distribution is unfair tend to show weak political support for the political regime in China. These findings suggest that even though some Chinese people may be tolerant of the widening income gap in China, the perceived unfairness in the income gap poses a potential threat to the Chinese government.
摘要:中国的经济不平等是否会产生政治影响?尽管中国学者以各种方式处理这个问题,但很少有研究直接检验人们对收入不平等的看法与中国政治支持之间的关系。本文考察了人们对收入不平等的看法,特别是对收入分配公平的看法,与人们对中国政治制度的主观支持之间的直接关系。通过引用2016年亚洲晴雨表调查的数据,作者采用因子分析、缺失值的多重插补和普通最小二乘回归分析来估计对收入不平等的看法与政治支持之间的关系。结果一致表明,在影响人们的政权支持方面,收入分配的不公平感掩盖了收入差距的感知水平。认为收入分配不公平的中国受访者往往对中国的政治制度表现出微弱的政治支持。这些发现表明,尽管一些中国人可能对中国日益扩大的收入差距持宽容态度,但收入差距中的不公平现象对中国政府构成了潜在威胁。
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引用次数: 1
China's Pivot to Global Portfolio Investments through Index Inclusion: A New Chapter of Currency Internationalisation 中国通过指数纳入转向全球证券投资:货币国际化的新篇章
IF 0.5 4区 社会学 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-05-01 DOI: 10.1353/chn.2021.0016
Zhenzhen Chen, Xuanming Pan
Abstract:This study analyses how China has engaged and aligned with a new foreign interest in renminbi internationalisation through global allocations in onshore Chinese financial assets, thereby increasing global acceptance of the renminbi as a potential investment and capital currency. The analysis has two major implications. First, the expanding offshore renminbi investment infrastructure, namely Stock Connect and Bond Connect, has enabled China to accommodate large-scale global portfolio investments in its domestic financial markets, without relinquishing its fixed exchange rate regime or having to make various concessions to align with the domestic financial market. Second, the pull effect of index inclusion attracts an expanding base of international investors to Chinese financial assets, from which the process of renminbi internationalisation has benefited. However, geopolitical tensions between China and the home states of the leading foreign portfolio investors could well disrupt the market forces supporting such coordination between China as a currency-issuing state and foreign investors as private currency users, the disturbance of which has increasingly extended to the capital markets.
摘要:本研究分析了中国如何通过在岸中国金融资产的全球配置,参与并配合外国对人民币国际化的新兴趣,从而提高全球对人民币作为潜在投资和资本货币的接受度。该分析有两个主要含义。首先,不断扩大的离岸人民币投资基础设施,即股票通和债券通,使中国能够在其国内金融市场上进行大规模的全球投资组合,而不必放弃固定汇率制度,也不必做出各种让步来与国内金融市场接轨。其次,指数纳入的拉动效应吸引了越来越多的国际投资者购买中国金融资产,人民币国际化进程从中受益。然而,中国与主要外国投资组合投资者的母国之间的地缘政治紧张关系很可能会破坏支持中国作为货币发行国与外国投资者作为私人货币用户之间协调的市场力量,这种协调的干扰已经越来越多地扩展到资本市场。
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引用次数: 2
Institutional Deficiencies of the Paris Agreement and China's Compliance Capacity: An Evaluation after US Withdrawal 《巴黎协定》的制度缺陷与中国的履约能力——美国退出后的评估
IF 0.5 4区 社会学 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-05-01 DOI: 10.1353/chn.2021.0021
Xiaolong Zou
Abstract:The successful negotiation of the Paris Agreement, and its subsequent signing and adoption in 2016, marked a new landmark in global climate governance. However, the viability of the agreement was questioned particularly after the United States announced its withdrawal in 2017, pointing to certain institutional deficiencies in the overall agreement. The signing of the agreement would not have been possible without the initial joint commitment of both China and the United States, the world's two largest greenhouse gas emitters. Despite China's official claims of steadfast compliance with the agreement, the country's capacity to fulfil its commitment remains unclear. This study aims to first determine the constitutional deficiencies of the agreement that spurred America's withdrawal and the impacts. Second, it evaluates China's compliance capacity in the post-Paris Agreement era without America's involvement. The outcomes of this study provide some useful insights into preventing other countries from following the US example and better understanding China's position and capacity in keeping climate governance on the right track.
摘要:《巴黎协定》的成功谈判以及随后在2016年的签署和通过,标志着全球气候治理的新里程碑。然而,该协议的可行性受到质疑,特别是在美国于2017年宣布退出后,指出了整个协议的某些制度缺陷。如果没有中国和美国这两个世界上最大的温室气体排放国最初的共同承诺,协议的签署是不可能的。尽管中国官方声称坚决遵守协议,但该国履行其承诺的能力仍不清楚。本研究旨在首先确定促使美国退出的协议的宪法缺陷及其影响。第二,评估中国在后《巴黎协定》时代,在没有美国参与的情况下的履约能力。本研究的结果为防止其他国家效仿美国提供了一些有用的见解,并为更好地了解中国在保持气候治理走上正轨方面的地位和能力提供了一些有用的见解。
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引用次数: 2
The Decade of Living Dangerously: The Impact of US–China Strategic Competition on Asia 危险生活的十年:中美战略竞争对亚洲的影响
IF 0.5 4区 社会学 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-05-01 DOI: 10.1353/chn.2021.0020
Kevin Rudd
Abstract:The US–China relationship is experiencing its worst period of tension since the normalisation of relations more than 40 years ago. The world is now entering a "decade of living dangerously", in which conflict between the two great powers is no longer unthinkable. What does this growing competition mean for the rest of Asia? This article traces the reality of the regional impact of the last four years of US–China relations under the Xi Jinping and Trump administrations before looking ahead to what the next four years of a Biden administration may bring for the Indo-Pacific. It concludes with reflections on the region's independence and agency, what can be done to strengthen regional multilateralism, and the how and why of building a genuine regional security architecture.
摘要:美中关系正经历着自40多年前两国关系正常化以来最紧张的时期。世界正进入一个“危险生活的十年”,两个大国之间的冲突不再是不可想象的。这种日益激烈的竞争对亚洲其他地区意味着什么?报告最后反思了本区域的独立性和能动性,加强区域多边主义可以做些什么,以及如何以及为什么要建立一个真正的区域安全架构。
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引用次数: 1
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China-An International Journal
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