Abstract:This article aims to enrich the evolving concept of public diplomacy and enhance our understanding of soft power by studying the case of China. Based on empirical data, it goes beyond the conventional focus of attention on state-centric public diplomacy efforts in China to discuss the more dynamic and vibrant proliferation of intersocietal linkages and global communities of Tai Chi as a result of collaboration between state and non-state actors. The authors argue that the collaborative model, made possible since economic reform by this convergence of interests, exists within China too. The extent of convergence is not fixed. It varies depending on actors’ priorities in different periods, leading to different degrees of input . The study thus adds to the current scholarship on the network model to encompass diverse political contexts.
{"title":"China’s Development of Tai Chi Diplomacy: A Collaborative Model","authors":"Xiaoling Zhang, H. Tony","doi":"10.1353/chn.2022.0006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/chn.2022.0006","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This article aims to enrich the evolving concept of public diplomacy and enhance our understanding of soft power by studying the case of China. Based on empirical data, it goes beyond the conventional focus of attention on state-centric public diplomacy efforts in China to discuss the more dynamic and vibrant proliferation of intersocietal linkages and global communities of Tai Chi as a result of collaboration between state and non-state actors. The authors argue that the collaborative model, made possible since economic reform by this convergence of interests, exists within China too. The extent of convergence is not fixed. It varies depending on actors’ priorities in different periods, leading to different degrees of input . The study thus adds to the current scholarship on the network model to encompass diverse political contexts.","PeriodicalId":45391,"journal":{"name":"China-An International Journal","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45054957","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"China–ASEAN Relations October 2021 to December 2021: Important Documents","authors":"Chen Juan","doi":"10.1353/chn.2022.0009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/chn.2022.0009","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45391,"journal":{"name":"China-An International Journal","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42170291","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:This article reviews Isabella M. Weber’s book How China Escaped Shock Therapy: The Market Reform Debate. While in many ways a brilliant book, it can nonetheless be misleading and, in certain areas, misinformed. First, China has never really attempted shock therapy: it has almost always followed a gradual approach to reforms more akin to “acupuncture” rather than a “shock” therapy. Second, the definition of shock therapy that the book uses is deceptive, because it meant different things in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE), Russia and China. Third, the importance of the 1980s debates seems to be exaggerated: China has never implemented shock therapy largely because of more fundamental forces, and not due to the fact that “dual-track reformers” had “saved” China. Fourth, while China, with its “gradualist” approach in reforms, has become the world’s growth champion, most CEE countries that underwent shock therapy did not fare badly either.
{"title":"Why China Never Wanted Shock Therapy and Thus Needed No Escaping from It: A Critique of Isabella M. Weber’s Argument","authors":"Piatkowski Marcin, Chunlin Zhang","doi":"10.1353/chn.2022.0007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/chn.2022.0007","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This article reviews Isabella M. Weber’s book How China Escaped Shock Therapy: The Market Reform Debate. While in many ways a brilliant book, it can nonetheless be misleading and, in certain areas, misinformed. First, China has never really attempted shock therapy: it has almost always followed a gradual approach to reforms more akin to “acupuncture” rather than a “shock” therapy. Second, the definition of shock therapy that the book uses is deceptive, because it meant different things in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE), Russia and China. Third, the importance of the 1980s debates seems to be exaggerated: China has never implemented shock therapy largely because of more fundamental forces, and not due to the fact that “dual-track reformers” had “saved” China. Fourth, while China, with its “gradualist” approach in reforms, has become the world’s growth champion, most CEE countries that underwent shock therapy did not fare badly either.","PeriodicalId":45391,"journal":{"name":"China-An International Journal","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46009198","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:Despite efforts to rejuvenate the people’s assessor system in recent years, it still suffers from a number of problems such as elitism in the selection of assessors and the lack of meaningful assessor participation and function. Past empirical studies in this field are still limited, and to date, none has compared assessors’ perceptions about the system with those of judges and other key participants. Based on survey and interview data conducted in Hunan province, this study adopts a mixed method approach to examine potential perception mismatches between assessors and other legal practitioners in the existing system. Findings suggest that there exist significant disjunctions between what assessors are capable of and desire to accomplish and what others believe. Often, Chinese judges and legal professionals have underestimated the potential values and contributions of the assessors. Such perception mismatches hinder the practice of the system, and have a real effect on assessor motivation and performance.
{"title":"Mismatched Perceptions Between Assessors and Others: An Empirical Examination of the People’s Assessor System in China","authors":"B. Liang, K. Kuang, Qinlin Zhang","doi":"10.1353/chn.2022.0002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/chn.2022.0002","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Despite efforts to rejuvenate the people’s assessor system in recent years, it still suffers from a number of problems such as elitism in the selection of assessors and the lack of meaningful assessor participation and function. Past empirical studies in this field are still limited, and to date, none has compared assessors’ perceptions about the system with those of judges and other key participants. Based on survey and interview data conducted in Hunan province, this study adopts a mixed method approach to examine potential perception mismatches between assessors and other legal practitioners in the existing system. Findings suggest that there exist significant disjunctions between what assessors are capable of and desire to accomplish and what others believe. Often, Chinese judges and legal professionals have underestimated the potential values and contributions of the assessors. Such perception mismatches hinder the practice of the system, and have a real effect on assessor motivation and performance.","PeriodicalId":45391,"journal":{"name":"China-An International Journal","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46621951","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Siyu Chen, Gengzhi Huang, Hongou Zhang, Yuyao Ye, Qitao Wu
Abstract:This article examines international economic relations, particularly those between China and ASEAN, by using an analytical framework for investment and trade networks. It discovers that connection density and network concentration increase with trade and investment. It finds that (i) the synergy of the Belt and Road Initiative will open new prospects for China–ASEAN investment and trade relations; (ii) China, Japan and the United States should become investment and trade partners rather than competitors with regard to ASEAN. This study provides directions for research on international economic ties and makes available new scientific perceptions and policy development for China in handling complicated international investment and trade relations.
{"title":"Analysing the Evolutionary Structure of the China–ASEAN Investment and Trade Networks: China’s Changing Position","authors":"Siyu Chen, Gengzhi Huang, Hongou Zhang, Yuyao Ye, Qitao Wu","doi":"10.1353/chn.2022.0005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/chn.2022.0005","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This article examines international economic relations, particularly those between China and ASEAN, by using an analytical framework for investment and trade networks. It discovers that connection density and network concentration increase with trade and investment. It finds that (i) the synergy of the Belt and Road Initiative will open new prospects for China–ASEAN investment and trade relations; (ii) China, Japan and the United States should become investment and trade partners rather than competitors with regard to ASEAN. This study provides directions for research on international economic ties and makes available new scientific perceptions and policy development for China in handling complicated international investment and trade relations.","PeriodicalId":45391,"journal":{"name":"China-An International Journal","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42902791","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"China–ASEAN Relations October 2021 to December 2021: Chronology of Events","authors":"Chen Juan","doi":"10.1353/chn.2022.0008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/chn.2022.0008","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45391,"journal":{"name":"China-An International Journal","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42255603","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:Collaborative governance has gained increasing attention among practitioners and public administration scholars worldwide in the past several decades. However, little is known about government officials’ motivation for or willingness to take collaborative action, which work as a mediating variable between a range of other factors and collaboration as an outcome. Grounded in social action theory, this study examines the factors that enhance local officials’ willingness to participate in cross-departmental collaboration. Survey data and in-depth interviews from Shanghai indicate that a collaborative environment and organisational trust can increase officials’ willingness to collaborate with other departments, while the relationship between technological support and bureaucrats’ willingness is not significant. These findings suggest that defining the administrative power and responsibility of individual government departments, improving administrative accountability and building a sound incentive mechanism are crucial to facilitate local government’s cross-departmental collaboration in China.
{"title":"Cross-departmental Collaboration within the Government in China: The Case of Shanghai","authors":"Zeli Xue, Yang Zheng, Jieren Hu","doi":"10.1353/chn.2022.0003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/chn.2022.0003","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Collaborative governance has gained increasing attention among practitioners and public administration scholars worldwide in the past several decades. However, little is known about government officials’ motivation for or willingness to take collaborative action, which work as a mediating variable between a range of other factors and collaboration as an outcome. Grounded in social action theory, this study examines the factors that enhance local officials’ willingness to participate in cross-departmental collaboration. Survey data and in-depth interviews from Shanghai indicate that a collaborative environment and organisational trust can increase officials’ willingness to collaborate with other departments, while the relationship between technological support and bureaucrats’ willingness is not significant. These findings suggest that defining the administrative power and responsibility of individual government departments, improving administrative accountability and building a sound incentive mechanism are crucial to facilitate local government’s cross-departmental collaboration in China.","PeriodicalId":45391,"journal":{"name":"China-An International Journal","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47567745","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:Using macro- and micro-level data, this article examines China’s productivity growth slowdown after 2007. The authors find that strong investment in infrastructure and housing led to lower returns to capital. Firm-level evidence suggests that limited market entry and exit and a lack of resource allocation to more productive firms were associated with slower manufacturing total factor productivity (TFP) growth. Earlier reforms had led to convergence in productivity between state-owned and private manufacturing companies, but this process stalled after 2007. China’s growth potential remains high, but its long-term prospects depend on reversing the decline in TFP growth.
{"title":"Recent Productivity Trends in China: Evidence from Macro- and Firm-Level Data","authors":"B. Loren, Litwack John, Mileva Elitza, Luhang Wang, Yifan Zhang, Luan Zhao","doi":"10.1353/chn.2022.0004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/chn.2022.0004","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Using macro- and micro-level data, this article examines China’s productivity growth slowdown after 2007. The authors find that strong investment in infrastructure and housing led to lower returns to capital. Firm-level evidence suggests that limited market entry and exit and a lack of resource allocation to more productive firms were associated with slower manufacturing total factor productivity (TFP) growth. Earlier reforms had led to convergence in productivity between state-owned and private manufacturing companies, but this process stalled after 2007. China’s growth potential remains high, but its long-term prospects depend on reversing the decline in TFP growth.","PeriodicalId":45391,"journal":{"name":"China-An International Journal","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43906797","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:This article analyses the higher education systems in the European Union (EU) and China, and the influence of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI, yidai yilu) on the implementation, development and reforms of an international agenda. It also takes into consideration the development of EU–China cooperation in education and academia through research and scientific programmes launched in recent years, as well as the role of some key institutions such as the Confucius Institutes. To this end, the aim is to analyse China's "soft power" policy and its link with the novel concept of "academic diplomacy" introduced in this article to describe the engagement and academic international cooperation between the EU and China. Such reforms and promotion of collaboration with the EU have ultimately promoted China's influence and visibility in the global arena.
{"title":"From Soft Power Policy to Academic Diplomacy: The \"Belt and Road Initiative\" in EU–China Internationalisation of the Higher Education System","authors":"M. Pérez-García, Oriol Nierga","doi":"10.1353/chn.2021.0044","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/chn.2021.0044","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This article analyses the higher education systems in the European Union (EU) and China, and the influence of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI, yidai yilu) on the implementation, development and reforms of an international agenda. It also takes into consideration the development of EU–China cooperation in education and academia through research and scientific programmes launched in recent years, as well as the role of some key institutions such as the Confucius Institutes. To this end, the aim is to analyse China's \"soft power\" policy and its link with the novel concept of \"academic diplomacy\" introduced in this article to describe the engagement and academic international cooperation between the EU and China. Such reforms and promotion of collaboration with the EU have ultimately promoted China's influence and visibility in the global arena.","PeriodicalId":45391,"journal":{"name":"China-An International Journal","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43568308","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:China seeks to build a multipolar architecture in the Eastern Mediterranean through economic expansion without challenging the political and security order in the region. Unlike the United States, Russia, Britain and France, which rely on military presence in the region, China has built substantial economic presence within its ambitious framework of the Belt and Road Initiative, exemplified by its seaport diplomacy towards Greece, Turkey, Egypt, Israel and Lebanon. China's seaport diplomacy is shaped by its development-oriented mentality, and driven by the economic competitiveness of the host countries, China's economic interdependence and political affinity with the target states, as well as the development potential and the regional influence of the target seaports. Beijing highlights that its geoeconomic interests, manifested in its participation in seaport development, are compatible with other great powers' geopolitical interests in the region. However, China's seaport diplomacy there faces various hurdles, including seaport overcapacity, debt problems and great powers' geopolitical rivalry due to China's ambiguity of strategic motives. In the long run, China's commercial seaport projects in the Eastern Mediterranean may have potential to clash with the United States and the European Union due to the escalating mutual mistrust among great powers, making it hard for Beijing to seek economic benefit while avoiding political entanglement.
{"title":"China's Seaport Diplomacy in the Eastern Mediterranean: Features, Dynamics and Prospects","authors":"Zhiqiang Zou, Degang Sun","doi":"10.1353/chn.2021.0043","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/chn.2021.0043","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:China seeks to build a multipolar architecture in the Eastern Mediterranean through economic expansion without challenging the political and security order in the region. Unlike the United States, Russia, Britain and France, which rely on military presence in the region, China has built substantial economic presence within its ambitious framework of the Belt and Road Initiative, exemplified by its seaport diplomacy towards Greece, Turkey, Egypt, Israel and Lebanon. China's seaport diplomacy is shaped by its development-oriented mentality, and driven by the economic competitiveness of the host countries, China's economic interdependence and political affinity with the target states, as well as the development potential and the regional influence of the target seaports. Beijing highlights that its geoeconomic interests, manifested in its participation in seaport development, are compatible with other great powers' geopolitical interests in the region. However, China's seaport diplomacy there faces various hurdles, including seaport overcapacity, debt problems and great powers' geopolitical rivalry due to China's ambiguity of strategic motives. In the long run, China's commercial seaport projects in the Eastern Mediterranean may have potential to clash with the United States and the European Union due to the escalating mutual mistrust among great powers, making it hard for Beijing to seek economic benefit while avoiding political entanglement.","PeriodicalId":45391,"journal":{"name":"China-An International Journal","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42108776","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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