Abstract:China implemented a long-term care insurance (LTCI) pilot programme in 15 cities in 2016. This study examines the pilot programme through a systematic literature review and discusses the implications of its implementation in a national framework. Findings show evidence of fragmentation in the LTCI design in the 15 pilot cities with respect to its coverage, eligibility, funding, benefits, and reimbursement rates and caps. China aims to emulate Germany to cover all public medical insurance recipients regardless of disabilities and age. But its fundraising levels and reimbursement rates in pilot cities were mostly lower than those in Germany, Japan and South Korea. Fragmentation in the LTCI can be attributed to the incremental and decentralised model of policy reform, path dependency and competing objectives. China’s experience could serve as a useful reference for other countries that plan to adopt the LTCI system.
{"title":"The Pilot Programme of Long-term Care Insurance in China: Fragmentation and Policy Implications","authors":"Weidong Dai, Y. Li, Jiahui Shen","doi":"10.1353/chn.2022.0010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/chn.2022.0010","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:China implemented a long-term care insurance (LTCI) pilot programme in 15 cities in 2016. This study examines the pilot programme through a systematic literature review and discusses the implications of its implementation in a national framework. Findings show evidence of fragmentation in the LTCI design in the 15 pilot cities with respect to its coverage, eligibility, funding, benefits, and reimbursement rates and caps. China aims to emulate Germany to cover all public medical insurance recipients regardless of disabilities and age. But its fundraising levels and reimbursement rates in pilot cities were mostly lower than those in Germany, Japan and South Korea. Fragmentation in the LTCI can be attributed to the incremental and decentralised model of policy reform, path dependency and competing objectives. China’s experience could serve as a useful reference for other countries that plan to adopt the LTCI system.","PeriodicalId":45391,"journal":{"name":"China-An International Journal","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44087468","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:Using the case of a state-owned coal mining enterprise located in an agriculture-dominated region of China undergoing rapid industrialisation, this empirical study investigates how employees express their opinions during neoliberal restructuring. The findings show that workers cautiously select their voice channels and strategies in the context of increasing levels of unequal income distribution and managerial power. This article highlights the legacy of socialist ideology and practice, the prevailing cultural values and norms, and the close interpersonal relationships which together shape the localities in which workers develop their voice and strategies for action.
{"title":"Understanding Employee Voice Amid Restructuring: A Case Study of a Chinese State-owned Coal Mining Enterprise","authors":"Guang Yang, Lixin Yang","doi":"10.1353/chn.2022.0020","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/chn.2022.0020","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Using the case of a state-owned coal mining enterprise located in an agriculture-dominated region of China undergoing rapid industrialisation, this empirical study investigates how employees express their opinions during neoliberal restructuring. The findings show that workers cautiously select their voice channels and strategies in the context of increasing levels of unequal income distribution and managerial power. This article highlights the legacy of socialist ideology and practice, the prevailing cultural values and norms, and the close interpersonal relationships which together shape the localities in which workers develop their voice and strategies for action.","PeriodicalId":45391,"journal":{"name":"China-An International Journal","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45807732","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:In China, major policy initiatives are often implemented through campaign-style mobilisation which seeks to increase bureaucratic responsiveness through intensified monitoring activities. Little is known about the views of street-level bureaucrats regarding the mobilisation approach. This article argues that draconian monitoring measures have placed bureaucrats in a highly stressful working environment and lowered their morale. Through these mechanisms, intense monitoring can undermine bureaucratic support for central policy campaigns. Data from a national survey of rural officials responsible for implementing the targeted poverty alleviation (TPA) programme support the argument. The findings imply that while campaign mobilisation can deliver immediate policy results, its negative impact on bureaucratic morale and capacity should not be ignored.
{"title":"Intense Monitoring and Bureaucratic Support for an Anti-poverty Campaign in China","authors":"Qingjie Zeng, C. Zuo, Zhongyuan Wang","doi":"10.1353/chn.2022.0014","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/chn.2022.0014","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:In China, major policy initiatives are often implemented through campaign-style mobilisation which seeks to increase bureaucratic responsiveness through intensified monitoring activities. Little is known about the views of street-level bureaucrats regarding the mobilisation approach. This article argues that draconian monitoring measures have placed bureaucrats in a highly stressful working environment and lowered their morale. Through these mechanisms, intense monitoring can undermine bureaucratic support for central policy campaigns. Data from a national survey of rural officials responsible for implementing the targeted poverty alleviation (TPA) programme support the argument. The findings imply that while campaign mobilisation can deliver immediate policy results, its negative impact on bureaucratic morale and capacity should not be ignored.","PeriodicalId":45391,"journal":{"name":"China-An International Journal","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42587475","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:This article explores China’s environmental champion–villain paradox within the context of its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Specifically, in structurally breaking down China’s industrial governance framework, this article identifies the root structural causes of the disjointed development of the BRI at its early stage. It argues how the recent framework reforms mark a significant step towards the actual greening of the Belt and Road.
{"title":"The Belt and Road Initiative’s Environmental Champion–Villain Paradox: How New Governance Mechanisms Pave the Way for a Green Belt and Road","authors":"Max Zhang","doi":"10.1353/chn.2022.0016","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/chn.2022.0016","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This article explores China’s environmental champion–villain paradox within the context of its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Specifically, in structurally breaking down China’s industrial governance framework, this article identifies the root structural causes of the disjointed development of the BRI at its early stage. It argues how the recent framework reforms mark a significant step towards the actual greening of the Belt and Road.","PeriodicalId":45391,"journal":{"name":"China-An International Journal","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44262636","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
S. Waldron, Zhizhi Si, Theingi Myint, Dominic Smith
Abstract:China has sought agricultural integration with neighbouring countries to access resources, promote economic development and border stability, and to manage problems of food safety, biosecurity and smuggling. Based on fieldwork and primary data from both sides of the border, this article examines the way that these forces play out in the case of the Myanmar–China cattle trade. Both countries have embarked on the formidable task of diverting a large flow of smuggled cattle into formal channels where cattle are inspected for diseases and taxes levied. While these measures were facilitated by high-level policy support and about US$1 billion in government and corporate investment, they have not been successful in formalising and expanding the trade. This is primarily because the Myanmar government was concerned with resource depletion and because smuggling is more profitable for value chain actors. As such, these concerns should be incorporated into future revised trade programmes. This article enhances our understanding of China’s cross-border integration programme and provides new empirical data for researchers of trade policy, transboundary disease management and agricultural development.
{"title":"China’s Cross-border Economic Integration: Formalising Cattle Imports from Myanmar","authors":"S. Waldron, Zhizhi Si, Theingi Myint, Dominic Smith","doi":"10.1353/chn.2022.0018","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/chn.2022.0018","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:China has sought agricultural integration with neighbouring countries to access resources, promote economic development and border stability, and to manage problems of food safety, biosecurity and smuggling. Based on fieldwork and primary data from both sides of the border, this article examines the way that these forces play out in the case of the Myanmar–China cattle trade. Both countries have embarked on the formidable task of diverting a large flow of smuggled cattle into formal channels where cattle are inspected for diseases and taxes levied. While these measures were facilitated by high-level policy support and about US$1 billion in government and corporate investment, they have not been successful in formalising and expanding the trade. This is primarily because the Myanmar government was concerned with resource depletion and because smuggling is more profitable for value chain actors. As such, these concerns should be incorporated into future revised trade programmes. This article enhances our understanding of China’s cross-border integration programme and provides new empirical data for researchers of trade policy, transboundary disease management and agricultural development.","PeriodicalId":45391,"journal":{"name":"China-An International Journal","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45169391","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"China–ASEAN Relations January 2022 to March 2022: Important Documents","authors":"Juan Chen","doi":"10.1353/chn.2022.0013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/chn.2022.0013","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45391,"journal":{"name":"China-An International Journal","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46141635","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:The legitimacy of the Hong Kong and Macao governments was challenged by large-scale, youth-led social movements in 2014. The authors conducted a cross-sectional survey targeting young people aged 18 to 35 in these two Chinese cities simultaneously and they found that the determinants of young people’s participation in these two movements were not exactly the same. Although young people in both cities evaluated their government’s performance according to perceived upward mobility opportunities for youth as a whole, the correlation between this perception and participation in the movement of young people applies in Hong Kong, but not in Macao.
{"title":"Social Mobility, Political Legitimacy and Social Movements: A Survey of Youth Participation in the 2014 Social Movements in Hong Kong and Macao","authors":"K. Wong, S. Chiu, Po-san Wan, V. Zheng","doi":"10.1353/chn.2022.0015","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/chn.2022.0015","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:The legitimacy of the Hong Kong and Macao governments was challenged by large-scale, youth-led social movements in 2014. The authors conducted a cross-sectional survey targeting young people aged 18 to 35 in these two Chinese cities simultaneously and they found that the determinants of young people’s participation in these two movements were not exactly the same. Although young people in both cities evaluated their government’s performance according to perceived upward mobility opportunities for youth as a whole, the correlation between this perception and participation in the movement of young people applies in Hong Kong, but not in Macao.","PeriodicalId":45391,"journal":{"name":"China-An International Journal","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45406524","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:This article examines the measures taken in China over the past four decades that aim to encourage taxpayer compliance through building a tax morale that is premised on fairness, equity and reciprocity between the government and citizens. The state’s contradictions and conflicting aspirations in tax governance are characterised as a process resulting in an ambivalent tax morale. The Communist Party of China’s goals of maintaining both Party legitimacy and monopoly as well as the lack of state capacity have resulted in the ambivalence. Building a tax morale thus has contradictory outcomes. The building of an ambivalent tax morale explains the limited effects of tax governance in China. While such ambivalence allows the state to collect tax revenue to maintain Party legitimacy, it has not helped promote voluntary tax compliance.
{"title":"Ambivalent Tax Morale-building in China","authors":"Huina Xiao","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3969699","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3969699","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This article examines the measures taken in China over the past four decades that aim to encourage taxpayer compliance through building a tax morale that is premised on fairness, equity and reciprocity between the government and citizens. The state’s contradictions and conflicting aspirations in tax governance are characterised as a process resulting in an ambivalent tax morale. The Communist Party of China’s goals of maintaining both Party legitimacy and monopoly as well as the lack of state capacity have resulted in the ambivalence. Building a tax morale thus has contradictory outcomes. The building of an ambivalent tax morale explains the limited effects of tax governance in China. While such ambivalence allows the state to collect tax revenue to maintain Party legitimacy, it has not helped promote voluntary tax compliance.","PeriodicalId":45391,"journal":{"name":"China-An International Journal","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44414835","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:While recent policies issued by the government advocate the return of overseas Chinese and the attraction of skilled foreign nationals to the country, the People’s Republic of China still rejects the recognition of dual nationality. This article aims to present scenarios of de facto dual nationality, resulting from the implementation of Chinese nationality law. It discusses three main scenarios: children who acquire Chinese and foreign nationality by birth, former Chinese citizens who do not cancel their household registrations, and Chinese officials who naturalise elsewhere but yet are denied the right to voluntary expatriation by the Chinese state and are treated as single nationals. These scenarios are examples of how the non-recognition of dual nationality under Chinese law conflicts with the interest of individuals. Legal and procedural inconsistencies of the Chinese state, too, have created inconsistent implementation of nationality law. Public administration of nationality law and the Chinese household registration (hukou) system are often conflicting, and China’s diplomatic efforts in holding up single nationality as the sole legal rule have contrasted with its focus on maintaining control over former citizens who naturalise elsewhere. The authors conclude that enhanced cooperation between authorities will make problems related to the enforcement of the single nationality rule more obvious, while underlying major problems persist, such as the conflicting implementation of nationality and household registration or inconsistent interpretation of the scope of control of the state over its former citizens. The authors suggest that the possibility to apply for permanent residence and the rights attached to it should be enhanced to safeguard participation in social security and political life, especially for foreign children and skilled foreign nationals.
{"title":"De Facto Dual Nationality in Chinese Law and Practice","authors":"Jasper Habicht, Richter Eva Lena","doi":"10.1353/chn.2022.0001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/chn.2022.0001","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:While recent policies issued by the government advocate the return of overseas Chinese and the attraction of skilled foreign nationals to the country, the People’s Republic of China still rejects the recognition of dual nationality. This article aims to present scenarios of de facto dual nationality, resulting from the implementation of Chinese nationality law. It discusses three main scenarios: children who acquire Chinese and foreign nationality by birth, former Chinese citizens who do not cancel their household registrations, and Chinese officials who naturalise elsewhere but yet are denied the right to voluntary expatriation by the Chinese state and are treated as single nationals. These scenarios are examples of how the non-recognition of dual nationality under Chinese law conflicts with the interest of individuals. Legal and procedural inconsistencies of the Chinese state, too, have created inconsistent implementation of nationality law. Public administration of nationality law and the Chinese household registration (hukou) system are often conflicting, and China’s diplomatic efforts in holding up single nationality as the sole legal rule have contrasted with its focus on maintaining control over former citizens who naturalise elsewhere. The authors conclude that enhanced cooperation between authorities will make problems related to the enforcement of the single nationality rule more obvious, while underlying major problems persist, such as the conflicting implementation of nationality and household registration or inconsistent interpretation of the scope of control of the state over its former citizens. The authors suggest that the possibility to apply for permanent residence and the rights attached to it should be enhanced to safeguard participation in social security and political life, especially for foreign children and skilled foreign nationals.","PeriodicalId":45391,"journal":{"name":"China-An International Journal","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45677846","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Forsby Andreas Bøje, Habicht Jasper, Richter Eva Lena, B. Liang, K. Kuang, Qinlin Zhang, Zeli Xue, Yang Zheng, Jieren Hu, B. Loren, Litwack John, Mileva Elitza, Luhang Wang, Yifan Zhang, Luan Zhao, Siyue Chen, Gengzhi Huang, Hongou Zhang, Yuyao Ye, Qitao Wu, Xiaolin Zhang, H. Tony, Piatkowski Marcin, Chunlin Zhang, Chen Juan
Abstract:Does China’s identity affect its attractiveness to the outside world? Although many China scholars seem to subscribe to this view, few have attempted to explore and theorise the relation directly. This article argues that to fully understand China’s (in)ability to wield soft power on the international stage, it is necessary to identify the underlying discursive structures, or building blocks, of China’s national identity. Based on an extensive reading of the secondary literature, the article singles out four relatively distinct discursive building blocks—“Sino-civilization”, “Confucianism”, the “Century of Humiliation” and the “Communist March”—each of which is critical to the articulation of Chinese identity in the 21st century. Following a description of these building blocks, this article shows, by examining a selection of public speeches by Xi Jinping, how the discursive building blocks have enabled and constrained the official narrative construction of China’s national identity. Against this backdrop, it is argued that China’s national identity is predominantly particularistic, or Sino-centric, and that this particularism places serious limitations on China’s soft power potential.
{"title":"Inherently Particularistic? How China’s Identity Constrains its Ability to Wield Soft Power","authors":"Forsby Andreas Bøje, Habicht Jasper, Richter Eva Lena, B. Liang, K. Kuang, Qinlin Zhang, Zeli Xue, Yang Zheng, Jieren Hu, B. Loren, Litwack John, Mileva Elitza, Luhang Wang, Yifan Zhang, Luan Zhao, Siyue Chen, Gengzhi Huang, Hongou Zhang, Yuyao Ye, Qitao Wu, Xiaolin Zhang, H. Tony, Piatkowski Marcin, Chunlin Zhang, Chen Juan","doi":"10.1353/chn.2022.0000","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/chn.2022.0000","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Does China’s identity affect its attractiveness to the outside world? Although many China scholars seem to subscribe to this view, few have attempted to explore and theorise the relation directly. This article argues that to fully understand China’s (in)ability to wield soft power on the international stage, it is necessary to identify the underlying discursive structures, or building blocks, of China’s national identity. Based on an extensive reading of the secondary literature, the article singles out four relatively distinct discursive building blocks—“Sino-civilization”, “Confucianism”, the “Century of Humiliation” and the “Communist March”—each of which is critical to the articulation of Chinese identity in the 21st century. Following a description of these building blocks, this article shows, by examining a selection of public speeches by Xi Jinping, how the discursive building blocks have enabled and constrained the official narrative construction of China’s national identity. Against this backdrop, it is argued that China’s national identity is predominantly particularistic, or Sino-centric, and that this particularism places serious limitations on China’s soft power potential.","PeriodicalId":45391,"journal":{"name":"China-An International Journal","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42231715","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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