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China's Seaport Diplomacy in the Eastern Mediterranean: Features, Dynamics and Prospects 中国在东地中海的海港外交:特点、动态与展望
IF 0.5 4区 社会学 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-11-01 DOI: 10.1353/chn.2021.0043
Zhiqiang Zou, Degang Sun
Abstract:China seeks to build a multipolar architecture in the Eastern Mediterranean through economic expansion without challenging the political and security order in the region. Unlike the United States, Russia, Britain and France, which rely on military presence in the region, China has built substantial economic presence within its ambitious framework of the Belt and Road Initiative, exemplified by its seaport diplomacy towards Greece, Turkey, Egypt, Israel and Lebanon. China's seaport diplomacy is shaped by its development-oriented mentality, and driven by the economic competitiveness of the host countries, China's economic interdependence and political affinity with the target states, as well as the development potential and the regional influence of the target seaports. Beijing highlights that its geoeconomic interests, manifested in its participation in seaport development, are compatible with other great powers' geopolitical interests in the region. However, China's seaport diplomacy there faces various hurdles, including seaport overcapacity, debt problems and great powers' geopolitical rivalry due to China's ambiguity of strategic motives. In the long run, China's commercial seaport projects in the Eastern Mediterranean may have potential to clash with the United States and the European Union due to the escalating mutual mistrust among great powers, making it hard for Beijing to seek economic benefit while avoiding political entanglement.
摘要:中国寻求在不挑战该地区政治和安全秩序的情况下,通过经济扩张在东地中海建立多极架构。与依赖在该地区军事存在的美国、俄罗斯、英国和法国不同,中国在其雄心勃勃的“一带一路”倡议框架内建立了大量经济存在,对希腊、土耳其、埃及、以色列和黎巴嫩的海港外交就是例证。中国的海港外交是由其以发展为导向的心态形成的,受东道国的经济竞争力、中国与目标国的经济相互依存和政治亲和力以及目标海港的发展潜力和区域影响力的驱动。北京强调,其地缘经济利益,表现为参与海港开发,与其他大国在该地区的地缘政治利益相一致。然而,由于中国战略动机的模糊性,中国在那里的海港外交面临着各种障碍,包括海港产能过剩、债务问题和大国的地缘政治竞争。从长远来看,由于大国之间的相互不信任不断升级,中国在东地中海的商业海港项目可能会与美国和欧盟发生冲突,这使得北京很难在避免政治纠缠的同时寻求经济利益。
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引用次数: 1
China–Asean Relations July 2021 to September 2021: Chronology of Events 中国与东盟关系2021年7月至2021年9月:事件年表
IF 0.5 4区 社会学 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-11-01 DOI: 10.1353/chn.2021.0049
Juan Chen
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引用次数: 0
Discipline the Party: From Rectification Campaigns to Intra-Party Educational Activities in China 治党:从整风运动到中国的党内教育
IF 0.5 4区 社会学 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-11-01 DOI: 10.1353/chn.2021.0041
Zhifan Luo
Abstract:How were the post-Deng Xiaoping "educational activities" tied to or different from the rectification campaigns of the earlier periods? What does this mean for the future of intra-Party governance in China? Through a comparison of rectification campaigns in the 1940s–1980s and intra-Party educational activities thereafter, the author concludes that the campaign method had been institutionalised as an integral instrument of intra-Party governance, forging a three-stage procedure to fulfil the dual aims of education and deterrence. Consequently, the Communist Party of China discarded the imposition of extreme sanctions in the post-Deng era but reinforced authoritative and distributive powers through less severe forms of sanctions.
这对中国未来的党内治理意味着什么?通过对20世纪40年代至80年代的整风运动和此后的党内教育活动的比较,作者得出结论,整风方法已经制度化,成为党内治理的一个不可或缺的工具,形成了一个三阶段的程序,以实现教育和威慑的双重目标。因此,中国共产党在后邓时代放弃了实施极端制裁,而是通过不那么严厉的制裁形式加强了权威和分配权力。
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引用次数: 1
A Comparative Study from the Perspectives of Institutionalism and Culturalism of Patient Trust and Related Influencing Factors in the Chinese Mainland and Taiwan 制度主义与文化主义视角下两岸患者信任及其影响因素的比较研究
IF 0.5 4区 社会学 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-11-01 DOI: 10.1353/chn.2021.0047
S. Chi, Shipeng Su, Ying Xu
Abstract:By analysing the Chinese General Social Survey and Taiwan Social Change Survey data from 2011, this article examines from institutionalist and culturalist perspectives the trust level and influencing factors of patients in the Chinese Mainland and Taiwan. Findings have demonstrated that trust levels of patients in the Mainland and Taiwan are internally differentiated, with a high level of general trust and a low level of specific trust. Second, patients in the Mainland have a higher level of general trust than patients in Taiwan, but their level of specific trust is lower than that of patients in Taiwan, which may be attributed to the influence of traditional Chinese culture and the social transition. Third, although institutional factors play a more significant role, consistency is embodied in institutional and cultural factors that affect the trust of patients in both the Mainland and Taiwan. However, in the Mainland, medical satisfaction has a greater impact on patients' trust, while, in Taiwan, medical equity, internet use and universal trust have stronger effects on patients' trust. Therefore, to improve patient trust in China and Taiwan, there should be greater focus on institutional factors, while not neglecting the cultural factors.
摘要:通过对2011年中国社会综合调查和台湾社会变迁调查数据的分析,从制度主义和文化主义的角度考察了中国大陆和台湾患者的信任水平及其影响因素。研究结果表明,大陆和台湾患者的信任水平存在内部差异,一般信任水平较高,具体信任水平较低。第二,大陆患者的总体信任水平高于台湾患者,但其具体信任水平低于台湾患者,这可能是受中国传统文化和社会转型的影响。第三,尽管制度因素起着更重要的作用,但一致性体现在影响大陆和台湾患者信任的制度和文化因素上。但在大陆,医疗满意度对患者信任的影响更大,而在台湾,医疗公平、互联网使用和普遍信任对患者信任影响更大。因此,要提高中国和台湾地区的患者信任度,应更多地关注制度因素,而不是忽视文化因素。
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引用次数: 0
Exploring the Determinants of the Evolution of Doctor–Patient Conflict in China: A Group Behaviour Perspective 从群体行为视角探讨中国医患冲突演变的决定因素
IF 0.5 4区 社会学 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-11-01 DOI: 10.1353/chn.2021.0048
Zhi Li, Jia Xu, Jiuchang Wei
Abstract:Basing their approach on Homans' group theory, the authors evaluated 168 examples of doctor–patient conflict that occurred between 2000 and 2016. The empirical results show that group relationship, group scale and event duration act as catalysts, while media attention can be a conditional buffer in influencing the evolution of such conflict behaviour. The authors also found that group scale has a buffering effect when the event duration is longer, while the buffering effect of media attention is weaker when the event duration is shorter. The authors discuss how these findings contribute to research on social risk management.
摘要:基于Homans的群体理论,作者评估了2000年至2016年间发生的168起医患冲突案例。实证结果表明,群体关系、群体规模和事件持续时间起到了催化剂的作用,而媒体关注可以成为影响冲突行为演变的条件缓冲。作者还发现,当事件持续时间较长时,群体规模具有缓冲作用,而当事件持续时较短时,媒体注意力的缓冲作用较弱。作者讨论了这些发现如何有助于社会风险管理的研究。
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引用次数: 1
Plus ça Change: Three Decades of Fiscal Policy and Central–Local Relations in China 加<s:1>变革:中国三十年财政政策与中央地方关系
IF 0.5 4区 社会学 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-11-01 DOI: 10.1353/chn.2021.0039
Christine P. W. Wong
Abstract:In China's decentralised system, vital public services such as health, education and social welfare are provided by local governments. The intergovernmental fiscal system is critical to ensuring local governments are adequately financed. Since 1994, China has overhauled its public finances to create a system able to finance government operations, support economic growth and fund industrial policies and international initiatives. Its Achilles' heel remains a weak intergovernmental fiscal system that is unable to fund local governments efficiently and equitably. This article analyses local finance through three decades of reform. Despite a promise early in the Xi Jinping administration to realign central–local fiscal relations, local finances have deteriorated since 2015 due to slowing growth, tax cuts and pressures from tightened budget management. Local fiscal difficulties have caused a decline in social spending as a share of gross domestic product. If continued, this trend threatens to reverse recent gains in improving services and undermine other national policy goals.
摘要:在中国的分权制度中,卫生、教育和社会福利等重要公共服务由地方政府提供。政府间财政体系对于确保地方政府获得充足资金至关重要。自1994年以来,中国对公共财政进行了全面改革,建立了一个能够为政府运作提供资金、支持经济增长、为产业政策和国际倡议提供资金的体系。其致命弱点仍然是政府间财政体系薄弱,无法有效、公平地为地方政府提供资金。本文通过对地方财政改革三十年历程的分析。 地方财政困难导致社会支出占国内生产总值的比例下降。如果继续下去,这一趋势可能会逆转最近在改善服务方面取得的成果,并破坏其他国家政策目标。
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引用次数: 3
Public Welfare Resource Mobilisation: Strategies Adopted by Christian Churches in China 公益资源动员:中国基督教会的策略
IF 0.5 4区 社会学 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-11-01 DOI: 10.1353/chn.2021.0045
Y. Liu, Xiaoshan Zhang
Abstract:Extensive studies have shown that social services of Christian churches in mainland China today are still charity-focused, and feature temporary, sporadic and unsystematic efforts. Social services of a local Christian church in city S have risen above the conventional charities through various endeavours, a success attributed mainly to a set of self-developed and effective strategies, namely centralised control to boost organisational efficacy, collective identity cultivation to build a shared frame of reference and capitalising on favourable political circumstances to tap external resources. Specifically, improved organisational efficacy offers stable institutional support; a shared frame of reference ignites internal driving power; and external support catalyses greater public engagement. A closer examination of these strategies reveals the modes of church–government interactions that vary from one context to another. On the one hand, China's religious affairs authorities remain sceptical towards churches, while local governments, on the other hand, have taken initiatives to explore collaborations with churches to address their needs for effective governance. Manoeuvring between religious affairs authorities and local governments, local Christian churches have managed to blaze a trail of social engagement to demonstrate their social and public orientations without going against the national discourse.
摘要:大量研究表明,中国大陆基督教会的社会服务仍然以慈善为中心,具有临时性、偶发性和非系统性的特点。通过各种努力,S市当地基督教会的社会服务已经超越了传统慈善机构,这一成功主要归功于一套自主制定的有效策略,即集中控制以提高组织效率,集体身份培养以建立共同的参照系,并利用有利的政治环境挖掘外部资源。具体而言,组织效能的提高提供了稳定的制度支持;共享的参考框架点燃内部驱动力;外部支持促进公众更多参与。对这些策略的仔细研究揭示了教会与政府互动的模式,这些模式因环境而异。一方面,中国宗教事务主管部门仍然对教会持怀疑态度,而另一方面,地方政府已主动探索与教会的合作,以满足其有效治理的需求。在宗教事务当局和地方政府之间的协调下,当地基督教会成功地开辟了一条社会参与的道路,以展示他们的社会和公共取向,而不违背国家话语。
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引用次数: 0
The Emergence of Environmental Policy in China: Multiple Streams and the Shaping of a Technocratic Bias 中国环境政策的出现:多元流和技术官僚偏见的形成
IF 0.5 4区 社会学 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-11-01 DOI: 10.1353/chn.2021.0040
C. Du, E. Baark
Abstract:Was it a result of domestic political changes or of developments in international environmental politics? While the decision to introduce comprehensive modern environmental policies in China has had arguably a long-term impact on environmental governance, few studies have scrutinised the early decision-making process. This article attempts to address the void in scholarship. Adopting the multiple streams framework, the authors argue that the origins of environmental policy in China arose from the confluence of three streams—problem identification, political tensions and policy choices—under Premier Zhou Enlai's sponsorship. The new ecological perspective arising from the environmental policy emphasises scientific principles and technocratic solutions, lending a contrast to an ideological approach that had characterised the previous decades. This process was accompanied by the new political role of an environmentalist group consisting primarily of bureaucrats and scientists who mobilised international experience to identify appropriate technological solutions. This article analytically traces the historical context, problem identification, policy entrepreneurship and key policy instruments that characterised the first phase of Chinese environmental policies. The authors discuss the extent to which key elements of China's environmental policies today may still be shaped by the technocratic approach in the initial phase.
摘要:这是国内政治变化的结果,还是国际环境政治发展的结果?尽管在中国引入全面的现代环境政策的决定可以说对环境治理产生了长期影响,但很少有研究仔细研究早期决策过程。本文试图解决学术空白的问题。采用多元流框架,作者认为中国环境政策的起源源于周恩来总理倡导下的问题识别、政治紧张和政策选择三个流的汇合。环境政策产生的新生态视角强调科学原则和技术官僚解决方案,与前几十年的意识形态方法形成鲜明对比。这一过程伴随着一个主要由官僚和科学家组成的环保主义团体的新政治角色,他们动员国际经验来确定适当的技术解决方案。本文分析了中国环境政策第一阶段的历史背景、问题识别、政策创业和关键政策工具。作者讨论了当今中国环境政策的关键要素在多大程度上仍可能受到初期技术官僚方法的影响。
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引用次数: 1
The Belt and Road Initiative: Implications for China's Foreign Aid “一带一路”倡议倡议对中国对外援助的启示
IF 0.5 4区 社会学 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-11-01 DOI: 10.1353/chn.2021.0042
Min Zhang
Abstract:This article discusses the impact of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) on China's foreign aid provision by analysing the ensuing transformation and challenges. With regard to transformation, impacts are evident in the increased significance of this aid in China's overall diplomatic project, the changes in development financing arrangements, the long-term vision in planning infrastructure engagement, and the shift towards multilateral cooperation and soft aid programmes. While the BRI has reshaped China's foreign aid in many aspects, the initiative has also posed challenges to the organisation and delivery of aid. The lack of transparency and the fragmented institutional arrangement of China's foreign aid are likely to limit the effectiveness of its aid engagement abroad. The rapid increase in lending to developing countries also raises the debt trap issue and discourse. Moreover, China faces challenges in engaging in partnerships with civil society groups and local communities in the host countries where "soft" programmes of cultural exchange and people-to-people connections are made. The article argues that the BRI is a double-edged sword, representing new opportunities for China's foreign aid while also posing challenges.
摘要:本文通过分析“一带一路”倡议带来的转型和挑战,探讨了“一带一路”倡议对中国对外援助的影响。在转型方面,这种援助在中国整体外交项目中日益重要的影响是显而易见的,发展融资安排的变化,规划基础设施参与的长期愿景,以及向多边合作和软援助项目的转变。虽然“一带一路”倡议在许多方面重塑了中国的对外援助,但它也给援助的组织和交付带来了挑战。中国对外援助缺乏透明度和支离破碎的制度安排,可能会限制其对外援助的有效性。对发展中国家贷款的迅速增加也引起了债务陷阱问题和讨论。此外,中国在与东道国的民间社会团体和当地社区建立伙伴关系方面也面临着挑战,这些国家正在开展文化交流和民间联系的“软”项目。文章认为,“一带一路”倡议是一把双刃剑,代表着中国对外援助的新机遇,同时也带来了挑战。
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引用次数: 0
Specialty Mediation Committees for Medical Disputes in China 中国医疗纠纷专业调解委员会
IF 0.5 4区 社会学 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-11-01 DOI: 10.1353/chn.2021.0046
Jie Wu
Abstract:The Chinese government created specialty mediation committees to settle profession-based disputes, including medical disputes, in the 2010s. Using data on medical dispute resolution collected from fieldwork from 2016 to 2017, this article examines why (and how) mediators have addressed social grievances. It argues that the specialisation of mediation institutions and a series of politicisation measures, as well as affective and bargaining strategies employed in the mediation process, have jointly led to a high mediation rate. The findings also reveal that several factors could shape mediators' strategies, including timing, disputes that may lead to group petitioning, and disputants' level of bargaining power. This article enhances our understanding of the advent of the specialty mediation committees from an institutional perspective and enriches our knowledge of the mediators' role in the process.
摘要:2010年代,中国政府成立了专业调解委员会,以解决包括医疗纠纷在内的职业纠纷。本文利用2016年至2017年从实地调查中收集的医疗纠纷解决数据,研究了调解员为什么(以及如何)解决社会不满。它认为,调解机构的专业化和一系列政治化措施,以及调解过程中使用的情感和谈判策略,共同导致了高调解率。研究结果还表明,有几个因素可能影响调解员的策略,包括时间、可能导致集体请愿的纠纷以及纠纷方的议价能力。本文从制度的角度加深了我们对专业调解委员会出现的理解,丰富了我们对调解员在调解过程中的作用的了解。
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引用次数: 1
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China-An International Journal
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