Pub Date : 2024-07-16DOI: 10.1353/soh.2024.a932601
Torren L. Gatson
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Terror and Truth: Civil Rights Tourism and the Mississippi Movement</em> by Stephen A. King and Roger Davis Gatchet <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Torren L. Gatson </li> </ul> <em>Terror and Truth: Civil Rights Tourism and the Mississippi Movement</em>. By Stephen A. King and Roger Davis Gatchet. Race, Rhetoric, and Media. (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 2023. Pp. xviii, 273. Paper, $30.00, ISBN 978-1-4968-4654-9; cloth, $99.00, ISBN 978-1-4968-4653-2.) <p><em>Terror and Truth: Civil Rights Tourism and the Mississippi Movement</em>’s seemingly ominous yet agreeably impactful topic unearths a need to center attention on the framing of memory. Authors Stephen A. King and Roger Davis Gatchet write, “This is not a book about the civil rights movement. Rather, it is about the <em>memory</em> of the civil rights movement” (p. xv). Mississippians will feel a sense of investment and empowerment from reading this book. It joins the list of studies framing the monumental importance of memory in shaping public identity and historical discourse on the topic of the civil rights movement and cultural heritage tourism. King and Gatchet make a convincing argument that understanding the lasting memory of the civil rights movement and, more important, crystallizing that memory are the tenets of cultural heritage tourism. Steeped in captivating evidence, this place-based study hinges on in-depth fieldwork and oral history, two hallmarks of the historical enterprise, of public history, and of community-based research.</p> <p>Overflowing with descriptive analysis of the numerous methods of racial violence, this book paints a vivid depiction of how the Magnolia State struggled to embrace a cohesive narrative of the legacies of the civil rights movement. After a thorough introduction cementing the need and purpose for such a study, the first chapter traces the origins of Mississippi’s civil rights heritage tourism. This “synoptic history” is a significant intervention in scholarship as it “is the first systematic effort to narrate the history of Mississippi’s civil rights tourism industry” (p. 32).</p> <p>The study describes Mississippi’s first attempts at civil rights heritage tourism, which were rooted in grassroots efforts that predated any formal commitment or involvement from the state. The authors brilliantly display local Mississippians’ commitment to principles of community, highlighting their creation of small museums like the Canton Freedom House Civil Rights Museum, public performances, and local support for such projects. All of those factors worked to ensure that the memory of the brutal legacy of the civil rights movement did not erode from the landscape.</p> <p>An entire chapter is dedicated to framing the impact of the tragic murder of Emmett Till in Money, Mississippi, in 1955. Till’s murder
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Pub Date : 2024-07-16DOI: 10.1353/soh.2024.a932604
Debra L. Schultz
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Free Joan Little: The Politics of Race, Sexual Violence, and Imprisonment</em> by Christina Greene <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Debra L. Schultz </li> </ul> <em>Free Joan Little: The Politics of Race, Sexual Violence, and Imprisonment</em>. By Christina Greene. Justice, Power, and Politics. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2022. Pp. xiv, 348. Paper, $32.95, ISBN 978-1-4696-7131-4; cloth, $99.00, ISBN 978-1-4696-7130-7.) <p>In 1976, the National Alliance of Black Feminists (NABF) drafted a Black Woman’s Bill of Rights. “The NABF’s logo,” as historian Christina Greene tells us in <em>Free Joan Little: The Politics of Race, Sexual Violence, and Imprisonment</em>, “was a pair of clenched fists in handcuffs, evoking both enslavement and imprisonment; one cuff was marked ‘sexism,’ the other labeled ‘racism’” (p. 83). This image distills many of the histories invoked and questions raised in this ambitious, groundbreaking work centered on Joan Little’s iconic 1974 sexual self-defense case against her jailer, a sixty-two-year-old white man, Clarence Alligood. The twenty-year-old African American woman fled her rural North Carolina jail cell, leaving Alligood naked from the waist down with multiple (and fatal) stab wounds. She escaped the death penalty through an international support campaign and a successful claim of self-defense against sexual assault, catalyzing important debates about such rights.</p> <p>Greene writes engagingly, using the Joan Little case to make incisive intersectional contributions in several historiographies. She states, for example, “By the 1970s, female activists on both sides of the prison walls drew on the women’s liberation, civil rights, and Black Power movements to fashion a politics that included incarcerated women” (p. 83). By making visible southern Black women’s prison and anti-rape organizing, she challenges the declension theory of the Black freedom movement after the late 1960s, writes Black women’s leadership into second-wave feminism—particularly the antiviolence movement—and honors Black women’s contributions to critiquing state violence as embodied by the growing prison industrial complex.</p> <p>The book is organized into three sections. The first demythologizes Joan Little (in the spirit of recent scholarship on Rosa Parks), illuminating how her case inspired alliances among many 1970s movements. The second sketches the foundations of a women’s tradition of prison organizing at the nexus of civil rights and Black Power. The third chronicles how a robust, multi-issue Black feminist movement led the way on organizing against sexual violence targeting women of color, part of a long tradition of Black women’s resistance to racialized and sexualized violence, including lynching. An epilogue on the 1994 Crime Bill and the Violence Against Women Act
以下是内容的简要摘录，以代替摘要：评论者： 自由的琼-利特尔：Christina Greene Debra L. Schultz 著，《种族政治、性暴力和监禁》（Free Joan Little: The Politics of Race, Sexual Violence, and Imprisonment）：种族政治、性暴力和监禁》。作者：克里斯蒂娜-格林。正义、权力与政治》。(教堂山：北卡罗来纳大学出版社，2022 年。第 xiv 页，第 348 页。纸质版，32.95 美元，ISBN 978-1-4696-7131-4；布质版，99.00 美元，ISBN 978-1-4696-7130-7）。1976 年，全国黑人女权主义者联盟（NABF）起草了《黑人妇女权利法案》。"正如历史学家克里斯蒂娜-格林（Christina Greene）在《自由琼-利特尔》（Free Joan Little：历史学家克里斯蒂娜-格林（Christina Greene）在《释放琼-利特尔：种族、性暴力和监禁的政治》一书中告诉我们，"NABF 的标志是一双紧握的拳头，带着手铐，让人联想到奴役和监禁；一只手铐上标有'性别歧视'，另一只手铐上标有'种族主义'"（第 83 页）。这幅图片浓缩了这部雄心勃勃的开创性作品中援引的许多历史和提出的许多问题，该作品以琼-利特尔 1974 年对其狱卒--62 岁的白人克拉伦斯-阿利古德--的标志性性自卫案件为中心。这位 20 岁的非裔美国妇女逃离了她在北卡罗来纳州乡村监狱的牢房，导致阿利古德下半身赤裸，身上有多处（致命的）刀伤。她通过一场国际支持运动和对性侵犯的成功自卫主张，逃脱了死刑，引发了关于此类权利的重要辩论。格林的文章引人入胜，她利用琼-利特尔一案在多部史学著作中做出了精辟的交叉贡献。例如，她指出："到 20 世纪 70 年代，监狱围墙两侧的女性活动家借鉴妇女解放、民权和黑人力量运动，形成了一种包括被监禁妇女在内的政治"（第 83 页）。通过展示南方黑人妇女的监狱和反强奸组织活动，她对 20 世纪 60 年代末之后黑人自由运动的衰落理论提出了质疑，将黑人妇女的领导力写入了第二波女权主义--尤其是反暴力运动--并表彰了黑人妇女在批判日益增长的监狱工业综合体所体现的国家暴力方面做出的贡献。本书分为三个部分。第一部分对琼-利特尔进行了解构（与最近关于罗莎-帕克斯的学术研究精神一致），阐明了她的案例如何激发了 20 世纪 70 年代众多运动之间的联盟。第二部分勾勒了在民权和黑人力量的纽带上，监狱妇女组织传统的基础。第三部分记录了一场声势浩大、涉及多个问题的黑人女权运动是如何领导组织反对针对有色人种妇女的性暴力的，这也是黑人妇女反抗种族化和性暴力行为（包括私刑）的悠久传统的一部分。关于 1994 年《犯罪法案》和《对妇女的暴力行为法案》的后记挑战读者对当今性别和监禁政治进行批判性思考。能见度和发言权的主题贯穿整个叙述。作者一再提醒读者，除了关注强奸危机中心，还要关注黑人妇女的反暴力组织活动。作者大量使用了琼-利特尔（Joan Little）和其他被监禁的黑人妇女的著作，这对于构建社会一心想让这群妇女消失的历史尤为有力。格林分析了像利特尔和其他被关押在北卡罗来纳州妇女教养中心的本地妇女与安吉拉-戴维斯和阿萨塔-夏库尔等国际巨星之间的辩证关系。该书仔细记录了黑人妇女在反监狱政治中的领导作用--她们既是男子监狱起义的支持者，也是自己的妇女抗议活动的煽动者--这对以阿提卡为中心的男性主义监狱活动观提出了挑战。格林运用多学科的研究方法，巧妙地将原始资料（包括手稿集、口述历史、运动图像和文本）与多项历史研究和黑人女权主义理论结合在一起，例如，她巧妙地论证了被监禁的黑人女活动家通过拒绝体面政治来反抗国家和改革者的观点。该书对多种族妇女运动进行了细致入微的描绘，还记录了恩肯格-图雷、洛雷塔-罗斯和拜尔利-艾弗里等黑人妇女领袖如何领导或建立自己的多问题组织，包括全国黑人妇女健康项目，并与白人女权组织建立战略联盟。民权领袖安妮-布莱登（Anne Braden）、女同性恋女权主义者马布-塞格雷斯特（Mab Segrest）和诗人明妮-布鲁斯-普拉特（Minnie Bruce Pratt）等白人女性勇敢地为琼...
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Pub Date : 2024-07-16DOI: 10.1353/soh.2024.a932572
Christopher S. DeRosa
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Of Age: Boy Soldiers and Military Power in the Civil War Era</em> by Frances M. Clarke and Rebecca Jo Plant <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Christopher S. DeRosa </li> </ul> <em>Of Age: Boy Soldiers and Military Power in the Civil War Era</em>. By Frances M. Clarke and Rebecca Jo Plant. (New York: Oxford University Press, 2023. Pp. xiv, 434. $34.95, ISBN 978-0-19-760104-4.) <p>If what we call childhood makes up half of a person’s felt history, then the growing field of the history of youth should command our attention. Frances M. Clarke and Rebecca Jo Plant’s new work, <em>Of Age: Boy Soldiers and Military Power in the Civil War Era</em>, is an illuminating addition to this literature. The authors are not primarily concerned with trying to see through the eyes of the boys who served in Civil War armies (although the book contributes on this level nevertheless). Rather, their goal is to explain how nineteenth-century American society weighed private and public demands on young males, navigated those boys’ own aspirations, and differed on these issues sectionally.</p> <p>By taking an admirably long view of their topic, Clarke and Plant uncover underage enlistment as a major flashpoint of U.S. civil-military relations going back to the War of 1812. Fathers considered themselves the owners of their sons’ labor until the age of majority, twenty-one before the War of 1812, eighteen after. By this age their children were capable of full, able-bodied work: work that could be rented out, realized for profit, or simply needed for family survival. Able-bodied youth went to school with children of all ages and served in the militia under community guidance. All of these things made youths in their late teens—unable to vote or to make contracts for themselves—cognizant of their ability, their worth, and their personal stake in American politics and wars.</p> <p>If militia service was part of a local upbringing, enlisting in the U.S. military was more in the nature of making a contract for oneself. In <em>Of Age</em>, we learn how in the Civil War, the federal government in the Union gradually broke the power of parental ownership of youth labor and further eroded local control of militias. The major blow in this fight was the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus. Clarke and Plant argue that historians, by interpreting the suspension in light of Copperheads’ antiwar activities, have missed its central importance in squelching parents’ attempts to reclaim their sons from the army. Thwarting parental claims may be considered another part of the radicalizing of the northern war effort. Through a careful comparison of regimental records and nonmilitary records, and corroboration with the <em>Early</em> <strong>[End Page 616]</strong> <em>Indicators of Later Work Levels, Disease, and Death</em> database, the auth
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Pub Date : 2024-07-16DOI: 10.1353/soh.2024.a932577
Ben H. Severance
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Congress of States: Proceedings of the Provisional Congress of the Confederate States of America</em> ed. by R. David Carlson <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Ben H. Severance </li> </ul> <em>Congress of States: Proceedings of the Provisional Congress of the Confederate States of America</em>. Edited by R. David Carlson. (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 2023. Pp. xxii, 354. Paper, $34.95, ISBN 978-0-8173-6091-7; cloth, $115.00, ISBN 978-0-8173-2165-9.) <p>Legislative minutes are an invaluable primary source when studying the political life of a country. They often make for monotonous reading, however, even when they pertain to a government just forming at the outset of a war. Such is the case with the <em>Journal of the Congress of the Confederate States of America, 1861–1895</em> (1904–1905), seven volumes that mostly record various motions, appointments, and roll call votes while leaving out the speeches, debates, and petitions that instill the statistical data with vibrancy and interest. To augment this information, historians have long consulted the “Proceedings of the Confederate Congress,” a supplement of nine volumes compiled by Douglas S. Freeman and published through the <em>Southern Historical Society Papers</em> (1923–1959). This supplement incorporates newspaper coverage that presents the detail missing from the journals themselves. Unfortunately, Freeman produced “Proceedings” only for the first and second congresses of the Confederacy; the Provisional Congress, which presided over the first year of the Civil War, was neglected. Enter R. David Carlson, who rectifies this oversight with <em>Congress of States: Proceedings of the Provisional Congress of the Confederate States of America</em>, a book that both emulates and improves upon Freeman’s approach to the other volumes in the collection.</p> <p><em>Congress of States</em> is essentially a documentary editing project that supplements the <em>Journal</em> minutes for the Provisional Congress in two significant ways. First, like Freeman, Carlson weaves in the reports of newspaper correspondents who daily attended the sessions. But whereas Freeman used only the Richmond, Virginia, press, Carlson draws on newspapers from many of the South’s other big cities, too, particularly Charleston, South Carolina; Montgomery, Alabama; and New Orleans, Louisiana. The result is coverage that better reflects the national outlook of the Confederate Congress as opposed to just what Virginia’s journalists chose to address. Second, unlike Freeman’s “Proceedings,” Carlson has fully annotated his own work. Every person mentioned and every event discussed receives detailed explanations in the endnotes. Combined with its extensive index, <em>Congress of States</em> greatly facilitates research into the subject matter. <strong>[End Page 622]</strong>
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Pub Date : 2024-07-16DOI: 10.1353/soh.2024.a932594
Janet Allured
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>The Life of Elreta Melton Alexander: Activism Within the Courts</em> by Virginia L. Summey <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Janet Allured </li> </ul> <em>The Life of Elreta Melton Alexander: Activism Within the Courts</em>. By Virginia L. Summey. (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2022. Pp. [x], 193. Paper, $27.95, ISBN 978-0-8203-6193-2; cloth, $120.95, ISBN 978-0-8203-6192-5.) <p>This book’s dive into the public and private life of Judge Elreta Melton Alexander of Greensboro, North Carolina, reminds us how the politics of respectability sometimes translated into civil rights and feminist activism on the local level. For many well-educated Black women like Alexander, participating in public demonstrations such as pickets and boycotts—with the attendant risk of arrest and imprisonment—was unseemly and not an option. Instead, she and others of her class joined service organizations like the Links, defied segregation customs, and quietly integrated white professional spaces as they sought to uplift their communities. As author Virginia L. Summey explains, “Through performance and everyday acts of resistance, she [Alexander] used her career as a platform to create change for African Americans within the law” (p. 56). This book, then, broadens our understanding of what civil rights activism looked like.</p> <p>It also speaks to the conundrum that domestic violence caused well-educated women of color. For those who practiced the politics of respectability, divorce was not an option (or so they believed). Alexander and her husband, Girardeau “Tony” Alexander, a successful Black doctor, discussed divorce. But the judge stayed in her marriage to avoid damaging both her and her family’s reputation, though on more than one occasion she barely escaped with her life. <strong>[End Page 644]</strong></p> <p>Summey resurrects this unsung heroine through masterful research into campus newspapers, local newspapers, trial transcripts, Judge Alexander’s files at the University of North Carolina at Greensboro, Alexander’s unpublished book of poetry, interviews conducted by others, and Summey’s own interviews with those who knew the judge. Born in 1919 to a family lacking material wealth but possessing strong values of education and racial uplift, Alexander went on to achieve several significant firsts. She became, in 1945, the first African American woman to graduate from Columbia Law School; in 1947, the first African American woman to practice law in North Carolina; and in 1968, the first Black woman elected a district court judge. She also became part of the first integrated law firm in the South.</p> <p>Summey attributes Alexander’s accomplishments to her family and to her upbringing in East Greensboro, North Carolina, which provided greater educational opportunities to African American children than did most a
以下是内容的简要摘录，以代替摘要：评论者： 埃勒塔-梅尔顿-亚历山大的一生：Virginia L. Summey 著 Janet Allured 译 《Elreta Melton Alexander 的一生：法院内的激进主义》：法院内的激进主义。作者：Virginia L. Summey。(雅典：乔治亚大学出版社，2022 年。Pp.[x], 193.纸质版，27.95 美元，ISBN 978-0-8203-6193-2；布质版，120.95 美元，ISBN 978-0-8203-6192-5）。本书对北卡罗来纳州格林斯博罗的埃勒塔-梅尔顿-亚历山大（Elreta Melton Alexander）法官的公私生活进行了深入探讨，提醒我们受人尊敬的政治有时是如何转化为当地的民权和女权运动的。对于许多像亚历山大这样受过良好教育的黑人妇女来说，参加纠察队和抵制等公共示威活动--随之而来的是被捕和入狱的风险--是不体面的，也是不可取的。相反，她和其他黑人妇女加入了 "链接"（Links）等服务性组织，蔑视种族隔离习俗，并悄悄融入白人职业空间，努力提升自己的社区。正如作者 Virginia L. Summey 所说，"通过表演和日常的反抗行为，她（亚历山大）将自己的职业生涯作为一个平台，在法律范围内为非裔美国人创造变革"（第 56 页）。因此，本书拓宽了我们对民权运动的理解。同时，它也揭示了家庭暴力给受过良好教育的有色人种妇女带来的难题。对于那些奉行体面政治的人来说，离婚不是一种选择（或者说她们是这么认为的）。亚历山大和她的丈夫吉拉多-"托尼"-亚历山大（一位成功的黑人医生）讨论过离婚。但法官为了避免损害自己和家庭的声誉，还是维持了婚姻，尽管她不止一次勉强逃过一劫。[通过对校园报纸、当地报纸、审判记录、亚历山大法官在北卡罗来纳大学格林斯博罗分校的档案、亚历山大未出版的诗集、其他人的访谈以及萨姆米自己对认识这位法官的人的访谈的精湛研究，萨姆米复活了这位默默无闻的女英雄。亚历山大于 1919 年出生在一个物质匮乏但拥有强烈的教育和种族提升价值观的家庭。1945 年，她成为第一位从哥伦比亚法学院毕业的非裔美国女性；1947 年，她成为第一位在北卡罗来纳州从事法律工作的非裔美国女性；1968 年，她成为第一位当选地区法院法官的黑人女性。她还成为南方第一家一体化律师事务所的成员。萨米将亚历山大的成就归功于她的家庭和她在北卡罗来纳州东格林斯博罗的成长经历，那里为非裔美国儿童提供了比南方大多数地区更多的教育机会。她陷入困境的婚姻也是一个因素。丈夫的酗酒、暴力和不忠促使她到州外接受高等教育。这对夫妻缺乏亲密关系，经常分居，给了她专注于事业的空间和精力（他们唯一的孩子患有严重的精神疾病，最终被送进了精神病院）。与此同时，萨姆米还指出了亚历山大为黑人社区造福的多种变革方式。亚历山大在法庭和法院中蔑视种族隔离习俗，为考虑采取民权行动的非裔美国人提供建议，并协助黑人专业人士对歧视他们的机构提起诉讼。她意识到黑人男子被判的刑罚过于严厉，因此对存在缺陷的陪审团制度提出质疑，最终导致吉尔福德县改变了陪审团的遴选程序。最后，她在量刑时注重改造而非监禁。1974 年，她竞选州最高法院法官，结果输给了一个只有高中学历的白人灭火器推销员。心灰意冷的她在六十二岁时从法官职位上退休，重新开始私人执业。埃勒塔-梅尔顿-亚历山大的一生：法院内的激进主义》是有关美国第一代女律师和女法官的越来越多的文献的一部分。对美国妇女史、黑人史、民权史和南方史感兴趣的历史学家应该必读该书。该书脉络清晰、可读性强、结构紧凑，也会引起更多读者的兴趣。Janet Allured 阿肯色大学 版权所有...
{"title":"The Life of Elreta Melton Alexander: Activism Within the Courts by Virginia L. Summey (review)","authors":"Janet Allured","doi":"10.1353/soh.2024.a932594","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/soh.2024.a932594","url":null,"abstract":"<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span>\u0000<p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>The Life of Elreta Melton Alexander: Activism Within the Courts</em> by Virginia L. Summey <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Janet Allured </li> </ul> <em>The Life of Elreta Melton Alexander: Activism Within the Courts</em>. By Virginia L. Summey. (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2022. Pp. [x], 193. Paper, $27.95, ISBN 978-0-8203-6193-2; cloth, $120.95, ISBN 978-0-8203-6192-5.) <p>This book’s dive into the public and private life of Judge Elreta Melton Alexander of Greensboro, North Carolina, reminds us how the politics of respectability sometimes translated into civil rights and feminist activism on the local level. For many well-educated Black women like Alexander, participating in public demonstrations such as pickets and boycotts—with the attendant risk of arrest and imprisonment—was unseemly and not an option. Instead, she and others of her class joined service organizations like the Links, defied segregation customs, and quietly integrated white professional spaces as they sought to uplift their communities. As author Virginia L. Summey explains, “Through performance and everyday acts of resistance, she [Alexander] used her career as a platform to create change for African Americans within the law” (p. 56). This book, then, broadens our understanding of what civil rights activism looked like.</p> <p>It also speaks to the conundrum that domestic violence caused well-educated women of color. For those who practiced the politics of respectability, divorce was not an option (or so they believed). Alexander and her husband, Girardeau “Tony” Alexander, a successful Black doctor, discussed divorce. But the judge stayed in her marriage to avoid damaging both her and her family’s reputation, though on more than one occasion she barely escaped with her life. <strong>[End Page 644]</strong></p> <p>Summey resurrects this unsung heroine through masterful research into campus newspapers, local newspapers, trial transcripts, Judge Alexander’s files at the University of North Carolina at Greensboro, Alexander’s unpublished book of poetry, interviews conducted by others, and Summey’s own interviews with those who knew the judge. Born in 1919 to a family lacking material wealth but possessing strong values of education and racial uplift, Alexander went on to achieve several significant firsts. She became, in 1945, the first African American woman to graduate from Columbia Law School; in 1947, the first African American woman to practice law in North Carolina; and in 1968, the first Black woman elected a district court judge. She also became part of the first integrated law firm in the South.</p> <p>Summey attributes Alexander’s accomplishments to her family and to her upbringing in East Greensboro, North Carolina, which provided greater educational opportunities to African American children than did most a","PeriodicalId":45484,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN HISTORY","volume":"77 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2024-07-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141722326","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-07-16DOI: 10.1353/soh.2024.a932567
Bonnie Laughlin-Schultz
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>The Grimkes: The Legacy of Slavery in an American Family</em> by Kerri K. Greenridge <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Bonnie Laughlin-Schultz </li> </ul> <em>The Grimkes: The Legacy of Slavery in an American Family</em>. By Kerri K. Greenridge. (New York: Liveright, 2023. Pp. xxviii, 404. Paper, $21.99, ISBN 978-1-324-09454-8; cloth, $32.50, ISBN 978-1-324-09084-7.) <p>In her carefully argued family biography <em>The Grimkes: The Legacy of Slavery in an American Family</em>, Kerri K. Greenridge details the history of the Grimke sisters—Angelina Grimke and Sarah Moore Grimke—and the several generations that followed, those born from Angelina Grimke’s marriage to famed abolitionist Theodore Dwight Weld and those born to an enslaved woman, Nancy Weston, and her abuser (and possible rapist) Henry Grimke. The work opens and closes with details of queer writer Angelina (“Nana”) Weld Grimke, granddaughter of Nancy Weston and Henry Grimke, whose life, like all others in the family, was shaped by race, the legacy of slavery, and her link to the Grimke name.</p> <p>Greenridge’s engrossing narrative centers three themes. First, she traces what she describes as the multigenerational attempt by white reformers (and the Grimke-Welds, specifically) to disavow their “complicity in America’s racial project” (p. xxvi). She highlights the children of Henry and Nancy, too, as in a denial of sorts, highlighting Black elites’ “superficialities” and their classist belief in the politics of respectability in the post–Civil War world (p. xxvii). Third—and possibly most important for those scholars reading this book for intersections with recent abolitionist historiography—she describes “the limits of interracial alliances” (p. xxvii).</p> <p>Greenridge revisits the oft-told story of the power that the Grimke sisters (and Weld) held in late-1830s America as they lectured widely and authored powerful tracts in addition to their work on <em>American Slavery as It Is: Testimony of a Thousand Witnesses</em> (1839). The many narrative choices made by Greenridge to juxtapose the lives of the white Grimkes in Philadelphia and New York with those of their Black neighbors, such as James Forten, are striking. Through this technique, Greenridge shows how Angelina and Sarah—fleeing the sin of southern slavery and seeking personal atonement—failed to see the full humanity of the Black community they supposedly looked to save.</p> <p>A pivotal early moment in the narrative comes when the sisters took up correspondence with Sarah Mapp Douglass. Two years in, they began to really listen to her, as well as to the Forten women. Greenridge presents Angelina as having this moment where she really was changed, newly aware of the antislavery work done by Black activists and committed to a substantive interracial cooperation. However, the moment
以下是内容的简要摘录，以代替摘要：评论者： 格林柯尔家族：Kerri K. Greenridge 著 Bonnie Laughlin-Schultz 译 The Grimkes：一个美国家庭的奴隶制遗产。作者：凯丽-K-格林里奇。(纽约：Liveright, 2023）。第 xxviii 页，第 404 页。纸质版，21.99 美元，ISBN 978-1-324-09454-8；布质版，32.50 美元，ISBN 978-1-324-09084-7）。在她精心论证的家族传记《格林克斯家族》（The Grimkes：格林里奇（Kerri K. Greenridge）在其经过精心论证的家族传记《格里姆克家族：美国家族中的奴隶制遗产》（The Legacy of Slavery in an American Family）中，详细描述了格里姆克姐妹--安吉丽娜-格里姆克（Angelina Grimke）和萨拉-摩尔-格里姆克（Sarah Moore Grimke）--以及安吉丽娜-格里姆克（Angelina Grimke）与著名废奴主义者西奥多-德怀特-韦尔德（Theodore Dwight Weld）结婚后所生的子女，以及被奴役妇女南希-韦斯顿（Nancy Weston）与虐待她（可能是强奸犯）的亨利-格里姆克（Henry Grimke）所生子女的历史。作品以南希-韦斯顿和亨利-格里姆克的孙女、同性恋作家安吉丽娜-韦尔德-格里姆克（"娜娜"）的细节开篇和结尾，她的生活和家族中的其他人一样，受到种族、奴隶制遗产以及她与格里姆克姓氏的联系的影响。格林里奇引人入胜的叙述围绕三个主题展开。首先，她追溯了她所描述的白人改革者（特别是格里姆克-韦尔德家族）多代人试图否认他们 "在美国种族项目中的共谋"（第 xxvi 页）。她强调，亨利和南希的子女也在某种程度上否认了黑人精英的 "肤浅 "以及他们对内战后世界体面政治的阶级主义信念（第 xxvii 页）。第三--可能对阅读本书的学者来说最重要的是，本书与近期废奴主义史学的交集--她描述了 "种族间联盟的局限性"（第 xxvii 页）。格林里奇重温了格里姆克姐妹（和韦尔德）在 19 世纪 30 年代晚期的美国所拥有的权力，因为她们除了撰写《美国奴隶制的现状：千人见证》（1839 年）一书之外，还广泛开展演讲并撰写了极具影响力的小册子。格林里奇在叙事上多次选择将费城和纽约的白人格林克斯的生活与他们的黑人邻居（如詹姆斯-福尔滕）的生活并列起来，令人印象深刻。通过这种手法，格林里奇展示了安吉丽娜和萨拉是如何逃离南方奴隶制的罪恶，寻求个人赎罪，却未能看到他们本应拯救的黑人社区的全部人性。姐妹俩与莎拉-梅普-道格拉斯开始通信，这是叙事早期的一个关键时刻。两年后，她们开始真正倾听莎拉-梅普-道格拉斯以及福尔滕妇女们的心声。格林里奇将安吉丽娜描绘成一个真正改变了自己的时刻，她对黑人活动家所做的反奴隶制工作有了新的认识，并致力于开展实质性的跨种族合作。然而，这一刻很快就过去了。格林里奇认为，格里姆克-韦尔德婚后退居新泽西，不仅是对积极废奴主义的退却，也是对黑人社区和跨种族努力的放弃。1869 年春天，格里姆克姐妹遇到了哥哥亨利的两个孩子--侄子阿奇博尔德-亨利-格里姆克（Archibald Henry Grimke，简称 Archie）和弗朗西斯-詹姆斯-格里姆克（Francis James Grimke，简称 Frank），她们在 1838 年从黑人妇女身上学到的教训荡然无存。他们反而斥责兄弟俩--这两个在童年和少年时期经历过奴隶生活的年轻人--在华而不实的服饰上过度消费。弗兰克看清了安吉丽娜和萨拉的真面目，于是远离了他们，而阿奇--黑人精英中的佼佼者--则更多地留在了他们的轨道上。格林里奇对剩下的格里姆克家族的评价毫不留情。安吉丽娜和西奥多-韦尔德的子女--查尔斯-斯图尔特-韦尔德、西奥多 [第 610 页完]-格里姆克-韦尔德（索迪）和萨拉-格里姆克-韦尔德（茜茜）--似乎对追随其父母的改良主义情感毫无兴趣，令人震惊，格林里奇认为他们 "并不特别出众"（第 174 页）。茜茜的女儿安吉丽娜-格里姆克-汉密尔顿（也被称为娜娜）在伊利诺伊州的安娜市长大，这是一个声名狼藉的日落小镇。阿奇和弗兰克也是一叶障目，他们无法完全承认自己所经历的创伤，也无法完全承认阶级歧视和精英政治。在书的末尾，格林里奇描写了年迈的西奥多-韦尔德对 "阿奇的奶奶 "安吉丽娜-韦尔德-格里姆克（Angelina Weld Grimke）的喜爱（第265页）。安吉丽娜-韦尔德-格里姆克（Angelina Weld Grimke）（第 265 页）。
{"title":"The Grimkes: The Legacy of Slavery in an American Family by Kerri K. Greenridge (review)","authors":"Bonnie Laughlin-Schultz","doi":"10.1353/soh.2024.a932567","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/soh.2024.a932567","url":null,"abstract":"<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span>\u0000<p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>The Grimkes: The Legacy of Slavery in an American Family</em> by Kerri K. Greenridge <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Bonnie Laughlin-Schultz </li> </ul> <em>The Grimkes: The Legacy of Slavery in an American Family</em>. By Kerri K. Greenridge. (New York: Liveright, 2023. Pp. xxviii, 404. Paper, $21.99, ISBN 978-1-324-09454-8; cloth, $32.50, ISBN 978-1-324-09084-7.) <p>In her carefully argued family biography <em>The Grimkes: The Legacy of Slavery in an American Family</em>, Kerri K. Greenridge details the history of the Grimke sisters—Angelina Grimke and Sarah Moore Grimke—and the several generations that followed, those born from Angelina Grimke’s marriage to famed abolitionist Theodore Dwight Weld and those born to an enslaved woman, Nancy Weston, and her abuser (and possible rapist) Henry Grimke. The work opens and closes with details of queer writer Angelina (“Nana”) Weld Grimke, granddaughter of Nancy Weston and Henry Grimke, whose life, like all others in the family, was shaped by race, the legacy of slavery, and her link to the Grimke name.</p> <p>Greenridge’s engrossing narrative centers three themes. First, she traces what she describes as the multigenerational attempt by white reformers (and the Grimke-Welds, specifically) to disavow their “complicity in America’s racial project” (p. xxvi). She highlights the children of Henry and Nancy, too, as in a denial of sorts, highlighting Black elites’ “superficialities” and their classist belief in the politics of respectability in the post–Civil War world (p. xxvii). Third—and possibly most important for those scholars reading this book for intersections with recent abolitionist historiography—she describes “the limits of interracial alliances” (p. xxvii).</p> <p>Greenridge revisits the oft-told story of the power that the Grimke sisters (and Weld) held in late-1830s America as they lectured widely and authored powerful tracts in addition to their work on <em>American Slavery as It Is: Testimony of a Thousand Witnesses</em> (1839). The many narrative choices made by Greenridge to juxtapose the lives of the white Grimkes in Philadelphia and New York with those of their Black neighbors, such as James Forten, are striking. Through this technique, Greenridge shows how Angelina and Sarah—fleeing the sin of southern slavery and seeking personal atonement—failed to see the full humanity of the Black community they supposedly looked to save.</p> <p>A pivotal early moment in the narrative comes when the sisters took up correspondence with Sarah Mapp Douglass. Two years in, they began to really listen to her, as well as to the Forten women. Greenridge presents Angelina as having this moment where she really was changed, newly aware of the antislavery work done by Black activists and committed to a substantive interracial cooperation. However, the moment ","PeriodicalId":45484,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN HISTORY","volume":"77 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2024-07-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141722335","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-07-16DOI: 10.1353/soh.2024.a932599
Misti Nicole Harper
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Southern Beauty: Race, Ritual, and Memory in the Modern South</em> by Elizabeth Bronwyn Boyd <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Misti Nicole Harper </li> </ul> <em>Southern Beauty: Race, Ritual, and Memory in the Modern South</em>. By Elizabeth Bronwyn Boyd. (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2022. Pp. xviii, 191. Paper, $30.95, ISBN 978-0-8203-6232-8; cloth, $120.95, ISBN 978-0-8203-6231-1.) <p>“What sort of trauma has their frivolity obscured?” (p. 146)—Elizabeth Bronwyn Boyd’s question drives her investigation of why the ideal of “the southern beauty figure” continues to endure into the twenty-first century after decades of radical social changes that destabilized white supremacy through the civil rights movement, feminism, and multiculturalism (p. xi). In <em>Southern Beauty: Race, Ritual, and Memory in the Modern South</em>, Boyd dismantles the figure of the southern belle turned southern lady. She traces the evolution of a potent symbol of an “imagined place and golden time when their [white people’s] interests were in favor and their privilege intact” (p. 33). The southern beauty is also wielded as an effective political weapon that suffocates further social progress by standing in for white southerners who relish reinforcing conservative, Eurocentric notions of femininity, heteronormativity, sexual <strong>[End Page 651]</strong> belonging, race, and class for the modern era. Boyd’s analysis of how the southern beauty and her political meaning remain relevant turns sorority rush, beauty pageants, and Old South spectacles into battlefields where white girls and women compete for physical and social validation, and where they defend the myths through which the southern beauty was first elevated.</p> <p>Boyd’s study shines like sequins on the gown of a Miss America contestant. Her first chapter, “Sister Act,” considers the rituals of exclusion during sorority rush at the University of Alabama and the University of Mississippi. In their bids for social relevance, coeds subject themselves to an intense scrutinization of their lineage and looks—all of which “reinscribe notions of race, region, and social place” (p. 5). Selecting new pledges hinges on a labyrinth of unspoken but understood rules of achievement and behavior that belie Greek organizations’ insistence that any young woman may join. Despite some notable attempts from white Greeks to dismantle discrimination, Boyd affirms that implicit tenets continue to prefer southern pledges (“Pity the poor Yankee”!), reject women whose personal styles do not conform to type, and defer to white patriarchy by favoring white candidates (p. 63). One member defended their racism by stating, “If we had a Black girl . . . none of the fraternities would want anything to do with us” (p. 56). With rare exception, Boyd notes, a culture of decorum polices mid
{"title":"Southern Beauty: Race, Ritual, and Memory in the Modern South by Elizabeth Bronwyn Boyd (review)","authors":"Misti Nicole Harper","doi":"10.1353/soh.2024.a932599","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/soh.2024.a932599","url":null,"abstract":"<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span>\u0000<p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Southern Beauty: Race, Ritual, and Memory in the Modern South</em> by Elizabeth Bronwyn Boyd <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Misti Nicole Harper </li> </ul> <em>Southern Beauty: Race, Ritual, and Memory in the Modern South</em>. By Elizabeth Bronwyn Boyd. (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2022. Pp. xviii, 191. Paper, $30.95, ISBN 978-0-8203-6232-8; cloth, $120.95, ISBN 978-0-8203-6231-1.) <p>“What sort of trauma has their frivolity obscured?” (p. 146)—Elizabeth Bronwyn Boyd’s question drives her investigation of why the ideal of “the southern beauty figure” continues to endure into the twenty-first century after decades of radical social changes that destabilized white supremacy through the civil rights movement, feminism, and multiculturalism (p. xi). In <em>Southern Beauty: Race, Ritual, and Memory in the Modern South</em>, Boyd dismantles the figure of the southern belle turned southern lady. She traces the evolution of a potent symbol of an “imagined place and golden time when their [white people’s] interests were in favor and their privilege intact” (p. 33). The southern beauty is also wielded as an effective political weapon that suffocates further social progress by standing in for white southerners who relish reinforcing conservative, Eurocentric notions of femininity, heteronormativity, sexual <strong>[End Page 651]</strong> belonging, race, and class for the modern era. Boyd’s analysis of how the southern beauty and her political meaning remain relevant turns sorority rush, beauty pageants, and Old South spectacles into battlefields where white girls and women compete for physical and social validation, and where they defend the myths through which the southern beauty was first elevated.</p> <p>Boyd’s study shines like sequins on the gown of a Miss America contestant. Her first chapter, “Sister Act,” considers the rituals of exclusion during sorority rush at the University of Alabama and the University of Mississippi. In their bids for social relevance, coeds subject themselves to an intense scrutinization of their lineage and looks—all of which “reinscribe notions of race, region, and social place” (p. 5). Selecting new pledges hinges on a labyrinth of unspoken but understood rules of achievement and behavior that belie Greek organizations’ insistence that any young woman may join. Despite some notable attempts from white Greeks to dismantle discrimination, Boyd affirms that implicit tenets continue to prefer southern pledges (“Pity the poor Yankee”!), reject women whose personal styles do not conform to type, and defer to white patriarchy by favoring white candidates (p. 63). One member defended their racism by stating, “If we had a Black girl . . . none of the fraternities would want anything to do with us” (p. 56). With rare exception, Boyd notes, a culture of decorum polices mid","PeriodicalId":45484,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN HISTORY","volume":"72 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2024-07-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141720094","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-07-16DOI: 10.1353/soh.2024.a932578
Rana A. Hogarth
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Medicine, Science, and Making Race in Civil War America</em> by Leslie A. Schwalm <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Rana A. Hogarth </li> </ul> <em>Medicine, Science, and Making Race in Civil War America</em>. By Leslie A. Schwalm. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2023. Pp. xvi, 215. Paper, $24.95, ISBN 978-1-4696-7269-4; cloth, $99.00, ISBN 978-1-4696-7268-7.) <p>Leslie A. Schwalm has put her impressive skills to work in her latest book, <em>Medicine, Science, and Making Race in Civil War America</em>. In this powerful study, Schwalm investigates the Union army’s project of systematically collecting data on the bodies of Black and white troops under the guise of advancing what contemporaries “often described as the ‘science of man”’ (p. 48). Not only did northern medical men preserve the belief that Blackness and Black bodies were inferior even as the system of racial slavery was coming to an end, but they also contributed to the longevity of race science as a legitimate sub-discipline practiced by highly trained experts. Schwalm’s book complements existing histories of the American Civil War that focus on the war’s relationship to science, public health, and medical knowledge production. Schwalm focuses on Union medical men and their statistics-driven quest to locate and prove the existence of embodied racial difference. In this regard, Schwalm joins the likes of Margaret Humphreys, Jim Downs, and Gretchen Long—scholars whose work foregrounds the racial dimensions of health and disease during the Civil War and documents the ever-present racism that African Americans faced during their wartime freedom struggles.</p> <p>The bulk of the book is about white Union medical personnel’s view of Black people rather than Black people’s interactions with white northerners who purported to have their interests at heart. That said, Schwalm dedicates sections of her book to the unique struggles Black people faced as they <strong>[End Page 623]</strong> mobilized for war. Indeed, the first two chapters offer background on how Black people had to navigate wartime either as soldiers, denied fair treatment and dignity, or as physicians, rebuffed when they sought to work in Black regiments. Schwalm also recounts how Black women were deliberately shut out of most wartime relief activities of the United States Sanitary Commission (USSC). It is a familiar story of racial discrimination, and Schwalm’s rendering seeks to amplify African American women’s responses to this exclusion through the creation of their own relief associations.</p> <p>The third and fourth chapters are arguably the strongest. Schwalm zeroes in on the undercurrents of anti-Black sentiment that steered the Union’s efforts at measuring racial features during the war. She taps into a wide range of sources, including records from the US
{"title":"Medicine, Science, and Making Race in Civil War America by Leslie A. Schwalm (review)","authors":"Rana A. Hogarth","doi":"10.1353/soh.2024.a932578","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/soh.2024.a932578","url":null,"abstract":"<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span>\u0000<p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Medicine, Science, and Making Race in Civil War America</em> by Leslie A. Schwalm <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Rana A. Hogarth </li> </ul> <em>Medicine, Science, and Making Race in Civil War America</em>. By Leslie A. Schwalm. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2023. Pp. xvi, 215. Paper, $24.95, ISBN 978-1-4696-7269-4; cloth, $99.00, ISBN 978-1-4696-7268-7.) <p>Leslie A. Schwalm has put her impressive skills to work in her latest book, <em>Medicine, Science, and Making Race in Civil War America</em>. In this powerful study, Schwalm investigates the Union army’s project of systematically collecting data on the bodies of Black and white troops under the guise of advancing what contemporaries “often described as the ‘science of man”’ (p. 48). Not only did northern medical men preserve the belief that Blackness and Black bodies were inferior even as the system of racial slavery was coming to an end, but they also contributed to the longevity of race science as a legitimate sub-discipline practiced by highly trained experts. Schwalm’s book complements existing histories of the American Civil War that focus on the war’s relationship to science, public health, and medical knowledge production. Schwalm focuses on Union medical men and their statistics-driven quest to locate and prove the existence of embodied racial difference. In this regard, Schwalm joins the likes of Margaret Humphreys, Jim Downs, and Gretchen Long—scholars whose work foregrounds the racial dimensions of health and disease during the Civil War and documents the ever-present racism that African Americans faced during their wartime freedom struggles.</p> <p>The bulk of the book is about white Union medical personnel’s view of Black people rather than Black people’s interactions with white northerners who purported to have their interests at heart. That said, Schwalm dedicates sections of her book to the unique struggles Black people faced as they <strong>[End Page 623]</strong> mobilized for war. Indeed, the first two chapters offer background on how Black people had to navigate wartime either as soldiers, denied fair treatment and dignity, or as physicians, rebuffed when they sought to work in Black regiments. Schwalm also recounts how Black women were deliberately shut out of most wartime relief activities of the United States Sanitary Commission (USSC). It is a familiar story of racial discrimination, and Schwalm’s rendering seeks to amplify African American women’s responses to this exclusion through the creation of their own relief associations.</p> <p>The third and fourth chapters are arguably the strongest. Schwalm zeroes in on the undercurrents of anti-Black sentiment that steered the Union’s efforts at measuring racial features during the war. She taps into a wide range of sources, including records from the US","PeriodicalId":45484,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN HISTORY","volume":"33 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2024-07-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141722324","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-07-16DOI: 10.1353/soh.2024.a932571
Rodney Taylor
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Slavery, Surveillance, and Genre in Antebellum United States Literature</em> by Kelly Ross <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Rodney Taylor </li> </ul> <em>Slavery, Surveillance, and Genre in Antebellum United States Literature</em>. By Kelly Ross. Oxford Studies in American Literary History. (New York: Oxford University Press, 2022. Pp. [viii], 191. $89.00, ISBN 978-0-19-285627-2.) <p>Coming from the background of literary studies, <em>Slavery, Surveillance, and Genre in Antebellum United States Literature</em> delivers on its title. It is a valuable contribution to the study of southern, African American, American, and surveillance literature. Kelly Ross examines how surveillance and “sousveillance . . . watching from below” appear and reappear in antebellum American literature by exploring the interconnections between genre and race and “by tracing how surveillance migrates from the literature of slavery to crime, gothic, and detective fiction” (pp. 1, 13). Ross’s argument is inherently interdisciplinary as she incorporates social science and historical evidence to offer a fresh perspective on canonical literary works and to shed light on the often neglected literatures of slavery.</p> <p>Across four chapters, Ross presents different ways in which literary genres portray both surveillance and sousveillance. The first chapter discusses how fugitive slave narratives that predated the authorial intrusions from abolitionist culture provided enslaved narrators who are astute observers and informants within the slave system. Enslaved narrators who “sousveille” successfully offer a primary glimpse into southern society and show the protective means that sousveillance provided from racialized violence and surveillance (p. 26). The second chapter applies the framework of surveillance, sousveillance, and investigation to Edgar Allan Poe’s <em>The Narrative of Arthur Gordon Pym</em> (1838) as well as his Dupin tales by linking how “surveillance migrates from slave narratives . . . [to] detective fiction” (p. 13). Chapter 3 provides readings of Thomas R. Gray’s <em>The Confessions of Nat Turner</em> (1831), Frederick Douglass’s <em>The Heroic Slave</em> (1853), and Herman Melville’s <em>Benito Cereno</em> (1855) to show how Black rebellions destroyed the illusion of white surveillance, which in turn shows that white surveillants were neither invisible nor immune from the Black gaze. The fourth and final chapter discusses the speculative possibilities of both Black and white surveillance in the wake of the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850 to protect enslaved women and their families from violence and capture in Harriet Jacobs’s <em>Incidents in the Life of a Slave Girl: Written by Herself</em> (1861) and Hannah Crafts’s <em>The Bondwoman’s Narrative</em> (ca. 1853–1860).</p> <p><em>Slavery, Surveillance, and Genre i
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Pub Date : 2024-07-16DOI: 10.1353/soh.2024.a932587
Dwain Coleman
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>The First Migrants: How Black Homesteaders’ Quest for Land and Freedom Heralded America’s Great Migration</em> by Richard Edwards and Jacob K. Friefeld <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Dwain Coleman </li> </ul> <em>The First Migrants: How Black Homesteaders’ Quest for Land and Freedom Heralded America’s Great Migration</em>. By Richard Edwards and Jacob K. Friefeld. (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2023. Pp. xxii, 458. $36.95, ISBN 978-1-4962-3084-3.) <p><em>The First Migrants: How Black Homesteaders’ Quest for Land and Freedom Heralded America’s Great Migration</em>, by Richard Edwards and Jacob K. Friefeld, provides readers with a fascinating glimpse into the largely unknown and understudied history of early Black migration to the <strong>[End Page 634]</strong> western plains of America. With this monograph, Edwards and Friefeld seek to disrupt and enrich the conventional story of the settlement of the Great Plains by reinserting Black homesteaders into their rightful place in the story of westward expansion. In addition, by examining the creation of colonies and communities as well as individual Black homesteaders, <em>The First Migrants</em> asserts the important strategic role homesteading played in Black Americans’ struggle for citizenship rights before the Great Migration of the early twentieth century.</p> <p>As members of the Black Homesteader Project of the Center for Great Plains Studies at the University of Nebraska, Edwards and Friefeld have gathered the latest and greatest research on Black homesteaders of the Great Plains. As such, <em>The First Migrants</em> utilizes various source materials like state and local archival records, newspaper articles, homestead claims, and census records to assist them in telling the story of Black homesteaders. In particular, the authors’ use of the remembrances, family photos, and oral histories of the descendants of Black homesteaders allows the reader a window into the lived experience of Black Americans on the Great Plains from 1877 to 1920. Through these intimate sources, readers explore the struggles of Black homesteaders, the close-knit families and communities they built on the rural plains, and the continued significance these colonies and individual homesteads play in the lives of the descendants of Black homesteaders today.</p> <p><em>The First Migrants</em> makes several major assertions. First, Black migrants did indeed participate in the post-Reconstruction settlement of the West and utilized the Homestead Act to their benefit. Second, these early post- Reconstruction southern Black migrants were fleeing racial injustice and violence in the hopes of creating new lives and communities on the Great Plains. In the West, they hoped to experience true freedom and independence through the ownership of land and the exercise of citizens
以下是内容的简要摘录，以代替摘要：评论者： 第一批移民：理查德-爱德华兹（Richard Edwards）和雅各布-K-弗里菲尔德（Jacob K. Friefeld）著，德温-科尔曼（Dwain Coleman）译：黑人农场主对土地和自由的追求如何预示着美国的大迁徙。作者：理查德-爱德华兹（Richard Edwards）和雅各布-K-弗里菲尔德（Jacob K. Friefeld）。(林肯：内布拉斯加大学出版社，2023 年。页码 xxii, 458。36.95美元，ISBN 978-1-4962-3084-3）。第一批移民：理查德-爱德华兹（Richard Edwards）和雅各布-K-弗里菲尔德（Jacob K. Friefeld）撰写的《第一批移民：黑人家园主对土地和自由的追求如何预示着美国的大移民》（The First Migrants: How Black Homesteaders' Quest for Land and Freedom Heralded America's Great Migration）为读者提供了一个精彩的视角，让他们了解早期黑人向美国 [第 634 页完] 西部平原移民的历史，这段历史在很大程度上不为人知，也未得到充分研究。通过这本专著，爱德华兹和弗里菲尔德试图打破并丰富大平原定居的传统故事，将黑人自耕农重新置于西进扩张故事中应有的位置。此外，通过研究殖民地和社区的建立以及黑人自耕农个人，《第一批移民》肯定了自耕农在 20 世纪初大移民之前美国黑人争取公民权利的斗争中所发挥的重要战略作用。作为内布拉斯加大学大平原研究中心黑人宅主项目的成员，爱德华兹和弗里菲尔德收集了有关大平原黑人宅主的最新和最伟大的研究成果。因此，《第一批移民》利用了各种原始资料，如州和地方档案记录、报纸文章、宅地申请和人口普查记录，帮助他们讲述黑人移民的故事。特别是，作者利用黑人自耕农后裔的回忆、家庭照片和口述历史，为读者了解 1877 年至 1920 年期间大平原上美国黑人的生活经历打开了一扇窗。通过这些亲切的资料来源，读者可以探索黑人家园主的奋斗历程、他们在农村平原上建立的紧密团结的家庭和社区，以及这些殖民地和个人家园在今天黑人家园主后裔的生活中继续发挥的重要作用。第一批移民》提出了几个主要论断。首先，黑人移民确实参与了重建后的西部定居，并利用《宅地法》为自己谋利。其次，这些重建后的早期南方黑人移民是为了逃离种族不公和暴力，希望在大平原上创造新的生活和社区。在西部，他们希望通过拥有土地和行使公民权利来体验真正的自由和独立。第三，这次重建后的南方移民先于并预示着南方黑人在大移民期间的更大规模迁移。与重建后的大平原移民一样，参加大迁徙的黑人离开南方是为了逃避吉姆-克罗的暴力，并在北方城市寻找新的机会。此外，爱德华兹和弗里菲尔德还反驳了黑人自耕农经历失败的说法，因为到 1930 年，黑人殖民地和该地区大多数黑人自耕农都已消亡。与此相反，他们认为宅地是过渡性空间，为重建后的黑人移民提供了实现其真正目标的垫脚石，即确保和平与机会，并使其后代为未来的成功做好准备。在提出这些论点时，爱德华兹和弗里菲尔德以昆特德-泰勒和内尔-欧文-佩因特等历史学家的著作为基础，他们的开创性研究有助于将黑人移民重新纳入西部历史，并证明了黑人西部经验的重要贡献。此外，《第一批移民》将研究重点从一个黑人自耕农城镇或殖民地扩展到多个社区和无关联的农场，从而展示了自耕农经历为黑人移民及其后代提供的重要机会。[当然，要全面考察大平原黑人的自耕农经历并将篇幅控制在四百页以内并非易事。爱德华兹和弗里菲尔德努力完成了这一艰巨的任务，并使普通读者也能读懂，他们的努力值得称赞。使这一成就成为可能的因素之一是作者在书中采用的叙述方法。
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