Pub Date : 2024-07-16DOI: 10.1353/soh.2024.a932552
Stefan Roel Reyes
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> The Ideological Origins of the Texas Revolution <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Stefan Roel Reyes (bio) </li> </ul> <p>D<small>uring the convention of</small> 1836, <small>delegates adopted the</small> T<small>exas</small> Declaration of Independence. It justified independence by accusing the Mexican government of having failed “to protect the lives, liberty and property of the people, from whom its legitimate powers are derived, and for the advancement of whose happiness it was instituted.” Later in the document, the writers reiterated the association between property and liberty by arguing that trial by jury was the “guarantee” of the right to “life, liberty, and property of the citizen.”<sup>1</sup> Such statements almost echo the American Revolution’s declaration, which espoused the rights to “Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.”<sup>2</sup> In fact, Thomas Jefferson had originally considered property among the inalienable rights. While historians debate whether Jefferson substituted <em>happiness</em> to signify a life of virtue or to reflect his uneasiness with slavery in the euphemism of property, Texans held no such qualms.<sup>3</sup> Why this difference between the American and Texas Declarations of Independence? Did Texans see property in slavery as a prerequisite for the pursuit of happiness as well as other liberties?</p> <p>It is difficult to take Texas revolutionaries’ language of freedom and rights seriously when they also believed in racism and slavery. Modern historians dismiss Texas revolutionaries’ arguments as a propagandistic narrative. Indeed, scholarly skepticism toward such rhetoric is well justified. Since the nineteenth century, Texas historians and writers have attempted to cleanse Texas history of the stain of slavery, often by emphasizing American exceptionalism—that is, by casting the Texas <strong>[End Page 479]</strong> Revolution as an heir to supposedly irresistible American ideas of universal human liberation. In 1855, Henderson K. Yoakum published one of the earliest accounts of the Texas Revolution. Although Yoakum refers to slavery a few times, the account is dominated by a narrative of affinity between Texan and American values.<sup>4</sup> Eugene C. Barker built on this perspective that the Texas Revolution was the offspring of the American Revolution. Barker’s work recognizes that the issue of slavery called into question the sincerity of Texan ideals. Nonetheless, he argues that the Mexican government’s attempt to enforce laws on a culturally different people was the impetus for the Texas Revolution, drawing parallels to Britain’s attempts to bring the American colonies under control. Barker suggests that Texas settlers were too American to blend successfully into Mexican society.<sup>5</sup> Amelia Worthington Williams was a historian, a student of Eugene Barker’s, and an act
{"title":"The Ideological Origins of the Texas Revolution","authors":"Stefan Roel Reyes","doi":"10.1353/soh.2024.a932552","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/soh.2024.a932552","url":null,"abstract":"<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span>\u0000<p> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> The Ideological Origins of the Texas Revolution <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Stefan Roel Reyes (bio) </li> </ul> <p>D<small>uring the convention of</small> 1836, <small>delegates adopted the</small> T<small>exas</small> Declaration of Independence. It justified independence by accusing the Mexican government of having failed “to protect the lives, liberty and property of the people, from whom its legitimate powers are derived, and for the advancement of whose happiness it was instituted.” Later in the document, the writers reiterated the association between property and liberty by arguing that trial by jury was the “guarantee” of the right to “life, liberty, and property of the citizen.”<sup>1</sup> Such statements almost echo the American Revolution’s declaration, which espoused the rights to “Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.”<sup>2</sup> In fact, Thomas Jefferson had originally considered property among the inalienable rights. While historians debate whether Jefferson substituted <em>happiness</em> to signify a life of virtue or to reflect his uneasiness with slavery in the euphemism of property, Texans held no such qualms.<sup>3</sup> Why this difference between the American and Texas Declarations of Independence? Did Texans see property in slavery as a prerequisite for the pursuit of happiness as well as other liberties?</p> <p>It is difficult to take Texas revolutionaries’ language of freedom and rights seriously when they also believed in racism and slavery. Modern historians dismiss Texas revolutionaries’ arguments as a propagandistic narrative. Indeed, scholarly skepticism toward such rhetoric is well justified. Since the nineteenth century, Texas historians and writers have attempted to cleanse Texas history of the stain of slavery, often by emphasizing American exceptionalism—that is, by casting the Texas <strong>[End Page 479]</strong> Revolution as an heir to supposedly irresistible American ideas of universal human liberation. In 1855, Henderson K. Yoakum published one of the earliest accounts of the Texas Revolution. Although Yoakum refers to slavery a few times, the account is dominated by a narrative of affinity between Texan and American values.<sup>4</sup> Eugene C. Barker built on this perspective that the Texas Revolution was the offspring of the American Revolution. Barker’s work recognizes that the issue of slavery called into question the sincerity of Texan ideals. Nonetheless, he argues that the Mexican government’s attempt to enforce laws on a culturally different people was the impetus for the Texas Revolution, drawing parallels to Britain’s attempts to bring the American colonies under control. Barker suggests that Texas settlers were too American to blend successfully into Mexican society.<sup>5</sup> Amelia Worthington Williams was a historian, a student of Eugene Barker’s, and an act","PeriodicalId":45484,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN HISTORY","volume":"171 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2024-07-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141720099","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-07-16DOI: 10.1353/soh.2024.a932561
Abel A. Bartley
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Charleston and Savannah: The Rise, Fall, and Reinvention of Two Rival Cities</em> by Thomas D. Wilson <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Abel A. Bartley </li> </ul> <em>Charleston and Savannah: The Rise, Fall, and Reinvention of Two Rival Cities</em>. By Thomas D. Wilson. (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2023. Pp. xiv, 348. Paper, $39.95, ISBN 978-0-8203-6319-6; cloth, $114.95, ISBN 978-0-8203-6321-9.) <p>Thomas D. Wilson chronicles the strange relationship between Charleston, South Carolina, and Savannah, Georgia, in <em>Charleston and Savannah: The Rise, Fall, and Reinvention of Two Rival Cities</em>. Charleston and Savannah are rival sister cities and were founded by some of England’s most provocative political thinkers. Charleston was influenced by John Locke, whose colonial admirers passionately argued for the natural rights of individuals but sanctioned a rigid slavocracy in Charleston. Built on an urban pattern called the Grand Model, Charleston was located on high ground, with street grids facing the prevailing winds. Its founders also avoided building near extensive wet-lands. It was a contradiction from the beginning: a city dependent on African labor but dedicated to white supremacy. Charleston utilized slavery and rice cultivation to become the richest city in colonial America. Savannah, in contrast, was founded by James Oglethorpe, who envisioned a land built on yeoman farmers working small plots of land.</p> <p>The two cities influenced colonial American culture and set a tone for southern urbanization. The cities grew up together, with similar cultural, economic, and architectural beginnings. Though having an age difference of less than sixty years, Charleston had a medieval-style urban plan and was wedded to slavery, while Savannah’s design was influenced by the Age of Enlightenment and, initially, more progressive thinking regarding slavery. Savannah, under the influence of Georgia’s trustees, initially rejected slavery and encouraged small-scale agriculture. Eventually, Charlestonians won the day and shaped the politics of what became the South. As a result, slavery spread like a weed through the area below the Mason-Dixon Line.</p> <p>The book is a very interesting and exhaustive history of these two cities. Wilson merges the cities’ histories into a compelling story of race, politics, and urban development in the South. Wilson, an independent scholar, takes the reader on an intellectual journey, using economic and political arguments to explain the significance of these cities. He argues that Charleston shaped Savannah and had an outsized role in shaping the South. Its devotion to slavery and white supremacy produced a powerful oligarchy, which profoundly impacted the way white southerners saw everything. By relying on a monoculture underwritten by plantation slavery based fi
{"title":"Charleston and Savannah: The Rise, Fall, and Reinvention of Two Rival Cities by Thomas D. Wilson (review)","authors":"Abel A. Bartley","doi":"10.1353/soh.2024.a932561","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/soh.2024.a932561","url":null,"abstract":"<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span>\u0000<p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Charleston and Savannah: The Rise, Fall, and Reinvention of Two Rival Cities</em> by Thomas D. Wilson <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Abel A. Bartley </li> </ul> <em>Charleston and Savannah: The Rise, Fall, and Reinvention of Two Rival Cities</em>. By Thomas D. Wilson. (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2023. Pp. xiv, 348. Paper, $39.95, ISBN 978-0-8203-6319-6; cloth, $114.95, ISBN 978-0-8203-6321-9.) <p>Thomas D. Wilson chronicles the strange relationship between Charleston, South Carolina, and Savannah, Georgia, in <em>Charleston and Savannah: The Rise, Fall, and Reinvention of Two Rival Cities</em>. Charleston and Savannah are rival sister cities and were founded by some of England’s most provocative political thinkers. Charleston was influenced by John Locke, whose colonial admirers passionately argued for the natural rights of individuals but sanctioned a rigid slavocracy in Charleston. Built on an urban pattern called the Grand Model, Charleston was located on high ground, with street grids facing the prevailing winds. Its founders also avoided building near extensive wet-lands. It was a contradiction from the beginning: a city dependent on African labor but dedicated to white supremacy. Charleston utilized slavery and rice cultivation to become the richest city in colonial America. Savannah, in contrast, was founded by James Oglethorpe, who envisioned a land built on yeoman farmers working small plots of land.</p> <p>The two cities influenced colonial American culture and set a tone for southern urbanization. The cities grew up together, with similar cultural, economic, and architectural beginnings. Though having an age difference of less than sixty years, Charleston had a medieval-style urban plan and was wedded to slavery, while Savannah’s design was influenced by the Age of Enlightenment and, initially, more progressive thinking regarding slavery. Savannah, under the influence of Georgia’s trustees, initially rejected slavery and encouraged small-scale agriculture. Eventually, Charlestonians won the day and shaped the politics of what became the South. As a result, slavery spread like a weed through the area below the Mason-Dixon Line.</p> <p>The book is a very interesting and exhaustive history of these two cities. Wilson merges the cities’ histories into a compelling story of race, politics, and urban development in the South. Wilson, an independent scholar, takes the reader on an intellectual journey, using economic and political arguments to explain the significance of these cities. He argues that Charleston shaped Savannah and had an outsized role in shaping the South. Its devotion to slavery and white supremacy produced a powerful oligarchy, which profoundly impacted the way white southerners saw everything. By relying on a monoculture underwritten by plantation slavery based fi","PeriodicalId":45484,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN HISTORY","volume":"231 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2024-07-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141720111","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-07-16DOI: 10.1353/soh.2024.a932569
Rita Reynolds
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Flee North: A Forgotten Hero and the Fight for Freedom in Slavery’s Borderland</em> by Scott Shane <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Rita Reynolds </li> </ul> <em>Flee North: A Forgotten Hero and the Fight for Freedom in Slavery’s Borderland</em>. By Scott Shane. (New York: Celadon Books, 2023. Pp. [x], 340. $30.00, ISBN 978-1-250-84321-0.) <p>The history of the American abolitionist movement has primarily been understood through the eyes of fugitive slaves, who told their stories using oral or written accounts, and of white northerners, who were morally and religiously opposed to the institution of slavery. Frederick Douglass, William Lloyd Garrison, and the American Antislavery Society are central historical figures on the subject. Within Garrison’s circle, moral suasion and pacifism <strong>[End Page 612]</strong> were the fundamental tools used in the struggle to rid the United States of the peculiar institution.</p> <p>However, recent scholarship, such as Manisha Sinha’s <em>A Slave’s Cause: A History of Abolition</em> (New Haven, 2016), reconstructs the considerable role that free Black people and fugitive slaves played in the antislavery movement. In a similar vein, Scott Shane’s book <em>Flee North: A Forgotten Hero and the Fight for Freedom in Slavery’s Borderland</em> tells the largely overlooked story of Thomas Smallwood, a former slave, shoemaker, and radical abolitionist who lived in Washington, D.C. Smallwood, despite the personal danger associated with assisting fugitives, helped hundreds of enslaved African Americans escape from the District of Columbia, Virginia, and Maryland to the northern states and Canada in the 1840s.</p> <p>Smallwood’s fascinating story is a unique one. With the help of white abolitionist Charles Turner Torrey, Smallwood personally assisted groups of African Americans to safely navigate the arduous journey out of the slave South. In one typical instance, he guided five fugitives to freedom in 1842. According to Shane, conducting routes of the Underground Railroad—a term Smallwood coined in print—was just one of Smallwood’s roles as an antislavery activist. Smallwood and Torrey believed that depriving masters of their slave property was not enough. The two men used the abolitionist press to taunt and admonish the owners of the slaves they had helped obtain their liberty. Writing under the pen name Samivel Weller Jr., Smallwood chided and embarrassed individual slave masters for their inhumanity, brutality, and greed. He also used the column to comment on the discrimination that free and enslaved African Americans faced in antebellum America. With help from Torrey, who was the editor of an Albany, New York, abolitionist newspaper, <em>Tocsin of Liberty</em> (later called the Albany <em>Weekly Patriot</em>), Smallwood took the unusual step of having his column ma
{"title":"Flee North: A Forgotten Hero and the Fight for Freedom in Slavery's Borderland by Scott Shane (review)","authors":"Rita Reynolds","doi":"10.1353/soh.2024.a932569","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/soh.2024.a932569","url":null,"abstract":"<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span>\u0000<p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Flee North: A Forgotten Hero and the Fight for Freedom in Slavery’s Borderland</em> by Scott Shane <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Rita Reynolds </li> </ul> <em>Flee North: A Forgotten Hero and the Fight for Freedom in Slavery’s Borderland</em>. By Scott Shane. (New York: Celadon Books, 2023. Pp. [x], 340. $30.00, ISBN 978-1-250-84321-0.) <p>The history of the American abolitionist movement has primarily been understood through the eyes of fugitive slaves, who told their stories using oral or written accounts, and of white northerners, who were morally and religiously opposed to the institution of slavery. Frederick Douglass, William Lloyd Garrison, and the American Antislavery Society are central historical figures on the subject. Within Garrison’s circle, moral suasion and pacifism <strong>[End Page 612]</strong> were the fundamental tools used in the struggle to rid the United States of the peculiar institution.</p> <p>However, recent scholarship, such as Manisha Sinha’s <em>A Slave’s Cause: A History of Abolition</em> (New Haven, 2016), reconstructs the considerable role that free Black people and fugitive slaves played in the antislavery movement. In a similar vein, Scott Shane’s book <em>Flee North: A Forgotten Hero and the Fight for Freedom in Slavery’s Borderland</em> tells the largely overlooked story of Thomas Smallwood, a former slave, shoemaker, and radical abolitionist who lived in Washington, D.C. Smallwood, despite the personal danger associated with assisting fugitives, helped hundreds of enslaved African Americans escape from the District of Columbia, Virginia, and Maryland to the northern states and Canada in the 1840s.</p> <p>Smallwood’s fascinating story is a unique one. With the help of white abolitionist Charles Turner Torrey, Smallwood personally assisted groups of African Americans to safely navigate the arduous journey out of the slave South. In one typical instance, he guided five fugitives to freedom in 1842. According to Shane, conducting routes of the Underground Railroad—a term Smallwood coined in print—was just one of Smallwood’s roles as an antislavery activist. Smallwood and Torrey believed that depriving masters of their slave property was not enough. The two men used the abolitionist press to taunt and admonish the owners of the slaves they had helped obtain their liberty. Writing under the pen name Samivel Weller Jr., Smallwood chided and embarrassed individual slave masters for their inhumanity, brutality, and greed. He also used the column to comment on the discrimination that free and enslaved African Americans faced in antebellum America. With help from Torrey, who was the editor of an Albany, New York, abolitionist newspaper, <em>Tocsin of Liberty</em> (later called the Albany <em>Weekly Patriot</em>), Smallwood took the unusual step of having his column ma","PeriodicalId":45484,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN HISTORY","volume":"39 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2024-07-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141720116","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-07-16DOI: 10.1353/soh.2024.a932598
Andrew Gutkowski
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Race and the Greening of Atlanta: Inequality, Democracy, and Environmental Politics in an Ascendant Metropolis</em> by Christopher C. Sellers <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Andrew Gutkowski </li> </ul> <em>Race and the Greening of Atlanta: Inequality, Democracy, and Environmental Politics in an Ascendant Metropolis</em>. By Christopher C. Sellers. Environmental History and the American South. (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2023. Pp. xii, 428. Paper, $39.95, ISBN 978-0-8203-4408-9; cloth, $114.95, ISBN 978-0-8203-4407-2.) <p>In recent years, Atlanta has emerged as a key battleground in the fate of American democracy. In the 2020 presidential election, the city proved decisive in tilting Georgia to the Democrats and consequently became the focus of voting fraud conspiracies in the election’s aftermath. Fulton County has also issued a historic indictment of Donald J. Trump for attempting to overturn Georgia’s election results. In <em>Race and the Greening of Atlanta: Inequality, Democracy, and Environmental Politics in an Ascendant Metropolis</em>, Christopher C. Sellers provides important context for understanding this moment, demonstrating how Atlanta first became a laboratory for democratizing movements. Throughout the twentieth century, environmental and civil rights activists undermined racial authoritarian rule in Georgia and democratized the city. Sellers emphasizes that both movements, often seen as adversaries, were intertwined. Both provided a fulcrum for dismantling Jim Crow and launching a new cadre of Black civil rights leaders such as Maynard Jackson Jr. and John Lewis into positions of political leadership, simultaneously appealing to concerns over civil rights and environmental issues.</p> <p>Before the 1960s, Sellers argues, Atlanta was shackled by a system of “rustic rule” (p. 4). This regime not only disenfranchised Black citizens but also severely curtailed the voting power and governing authority of cities, concentrated wealth in the hands of a rural elite, and enabled industry to resist unionization and freely exploit Georgia’s air and waterways. An influx of federal assistance and New Deal programs, however, catalyzed the rise of both a white and a Black middle class along the city’s suburban arc. Throughout the 1960s, both groups challenged racial authoritarianism from different vantage points, with the city’s civil rights leaders pressing for greater Black representation in metropolitan planning and housing opportunities for Black citizens, while a mostly white environmental movement advocated for nature preserves and pollution control measures. Historians have generally treated these as separate social movements with intractable differences in ideology, structure, and racial composition. Although each group articulated a different understanding of the “environment,”
以下是内容的简要摘录，以代替摘要：评论者 亚特兰大的种族与绿化：Christopher C. Sellers 著 Andrew Gutkowski 译 Race and the Greening of Atlanta：崛起大都市中的不平等、民主与环境政治》。作者：克里斯托弗-C-塞勒斯。环境史与美国南方》。(雅典：乔治亚大学出版社，2023 年。第 xii、428 页。纸质版，39.95 美元，ISBN 978-0-8203-4408-9；布质版，114.95 美元，ISBN 978-0-8203-4407-2）。近年来，亚特兰大已成为美国民主命运的关键战场。在 2020 年的总统大选中，亚特兰大在佐治亚州向民主党倾斜的过程中起到了决定性的作用，因此在大选结束后，亚特兰大成为投票舞弊阴谋的焦点。富尔顿县还对唐纳德-特朗普（Donald J. Trump）试图推翻佐治亚州的选举结果提出了历史性的起诉。在《亚特兰大的种族与绿化》（Race and the Greening of Atlanta：一书中，克里斯托弗-塞勒斯（Christopher C. Sellers）提供了理解这一时刻的重要背景，展示了亚特兰大如何首先成为民主化运动的实验室。在整个 20 世纪，环境和民权活动家破坏了佐治亚州的种族专制统治，并使城市民主化。塞勒斯强调，这两项运动通常被视为对立面，但却相互交织在一起。两者都为废除吉姆-克罗提供了支点，并将小梅纳德-杰克逊（Maynard Jackson Jr.）和约翰-刘易斯（John Lewis）等一批新的黑人民权领袖推上了政治领导岗位，同时呼吁人们关注民权和环境问题。Sellers 认为，在 20 世纪 60 年代之前，亚特兰大一直受到 "乡村统治 "制度的束缚（第 4 页）。这种制度不仅剥夺了黑人公民的权利，还严重削弱了城市的投票权和管理权，将财富集中在农村精英手中，并使工业得以抵制工会组织，自由开发佐治亚州的空气和水道。然而，联邦援助和新政计划的涌入催化了城市郊区白人和黑人中产阶级的崛起。在整个 20 世纪 60 年代，这两个群体从不同的视角向种族专制主义发起挑战，城市的民权领袖要求在大都市规划中增加黑人的代表权，并为黑人市民提供住房机会，而以白人为主的环保运动则倡导自然保护区和污染控制措施。历史学家通常将这些运动视为独立的社会运动，它们在意识形态、结构和种族构成方面存在着难以解决的差异。尽管每个团体对 "环境 "都有不同的理解，但塞勒斯强调，他们都提倡一种新的 [第 650 页完] 公民愿景--享有公共公园、绿地、清洁的空气和水--这与佐治亚州种族主义专制主义者所主张的极简主义政府相冲突。在讲述这个故事的过程中，塞勒斯还发现了二十世纪南方历史中经常被忽视的环保活动传统。20 世纪 60 年代后，佐治亚保护协会等环保组织开始倡导建立一个新的环保主义国家，保护佐治亚州的自然资源，规范工业废料的处理。像吉米-卡特（Jimmy Carter）这样的环境友好型政治家利用这些运动，掀起了一股新的环境保护浪潮，开始创建州立公园系统，并扩大黑人在州和市级政治中的代表性。塞勒斯的作品还有力地强调了环境问题在后民权时代重塑南方政治的核心地位。从 20 世纪 80 年代开始，亚特兰大的黑人民权领袖采用了环境正义的语言，而新保守主义者则学会了将环保主义重塑为一种政府过度扩张的形式。这种转变与亚特兰大大都会景观中更广泛的地理和经济变化同步进行。塞勒斯还说明了随后的全球化和放松管制是如何在城市中回归"'裂痕资本主义'"的，因为无序扩张进一步将居民隔离在种族和阶级同质化的郊区飞地中（第 4 页）。富裕的郊区白人开始习惯于拥有自己的各种私人环境设施，并对环境监管产生了敌意。按照纽特-金里奇（Newt Gingrich）开创的模式，佐治亚州共和党人利用了这一转变，放弃了对环境保护的支持，并将环保主义重新塑造为一场敌视消费者价值观的运动。在这方面，塞勒斯有助于解释我们当前的政治形势--不仅仅是亚特兰大在国家政治中的决定性作用，还有......
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Pub Date : 2024-07-16DOI: 10.1353/soh.2024.a932605
Adam Tompkins
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Poison Powder: The Kepone Disaster in Virginia and Its Legacy</em> by Gregory S. Wilson <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Adam Tompkins </li> </ul> <em>Poison Powder: The Kepone Disaster in Virginia and Its Legacy</em>. By Gregory S. Wilson. Environmental History and the American South. (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2023. Pp. xiv, 236. Paper, $32.95, ISBN 978-0-8203-6348-6; cloth, $114.95, ISBN 978-0-8203-6347-9.) <p>Gregory S. Wilson’s <em>Poison Powder: The Kepone Disaster in Virginia and Its Legacy</em> chronicles the yearslong effort to determine the severity of harm and to minimize the threat to the environment and human health from the corporate malfeasance of Allied Chemical and Life Science Products in the manufacture of Kepone (chlordecone), a persistent organochlorine insecticide that was widely used in the cultivation of potatoes and bananas in the United States, Europe, and the Caribbean. Through extensive use of legal proceedings, government documents, oral histories, and other primary sources, Wilson makes clear the complicated process of identifying the reach of Kepone contamination, proving culpability, strengthening environmental management at state and federal levels, and creating an innovative solution in the form of the Virginia Environmental Endowment to improve environmental conditions within the state. <em>Poison Powder</em> is an engaging procedural that argues that the prompt action of regulatory agencies and the courts reduced, but did not wholly eliminate, the impacts of the Kepone disaster in Virginia. <strong>[End Page 659]</strong></p> <p>Wilson conducted over twenty oral history interviews, which he effectively uses to “remind us of the human dimension at the heart of the Kepone story” (p. xi). These interviews constitute a core strength of the book, showing how various constituencies—scientists, regulators, fisherfolk—considered partial evidence and scientific uncertainty when responding to the problem. The interviews also provide an opportunity for many of the key players to reflect on their thinking and decision-making in the past. Wilson marshals these voices into an engaging discussion of the precautionary principle, as evidenced in the decision to close the James River, and quantitative risk assessment, which underlay much of the argument to reopen the river to fishing.</p> <p>Wilson makes regular reference to the various residues left by Kepone when discussing the lasting impact of the pesticide on place, politics, environment, and memory. Often the word <em>residue</em> carries a negative connotation, but that is not always the case here. Wilson, for example, argues that the federal Toxic Substances Control Act and much of Virginia’s state legislation relating to toxic substances bear the residue of Kepone. Such residues, in this manner, largely functio
{"title":"Poison Powder: The Kepone Disaster in Virginia and Its Legacy by Gregory S. Wilson (review)","authors":"Adam Tompkins","doi":"10.1353/soh.2024.a932605","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/soh.2024.a932605","url":null,"abstract":"<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span>\u0000<p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Poison Powder: The Kepone Disaster in Virginia and Its Legacy</em> by Gregory S. Wilson <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Adam Tompkins </li> </ul> <em>Poison Powder: The Kepone Disaster in Virginia and Its Legacy</em>. By Gregory S. Wilson. Environmental History and the American South. (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2023. Pp. xiv, 236. Paper, $32.95, ISBN 978-0-8203-6348-6; cloth, $114.95, ISBN 978-0-8203-6347-9.) <p>Gregory S. Wilson’s <em>Poison Powder: The Kepone Disaster in Virginia and Its Legacy</em> chronicles the yearslong effort to determine the severity of harm and to minimize the threat to the environment and human health from the corporate malfeasance of Allied Chemical and Life Science Products in the manufacture of Kepone (chlordecone), a persistent organochlorine insecticide that was widely used in the cultivation of potatoes and bananas in the United States, Europe, and the Caribbean. Through extensive use of legal proceedings, government documents, oral histories, and other primary sources, Wilson makes clear the complicated process of identifying the reach of Kepone contamination, proving culpability, strengthening environmental management at state and federal levels, and creating an innovative solution in the form of the Virginia Environmental Endowment to improve environmental conditions within the state. <em>Poison Powder</em> is an engaging procedural that argues that the prompt action of regulatory agencies and the courts reduced, but did not wholly eliminate, the impacts of the Kepone disaster in Virginia. <strong>[End Page 659]</strong></p> <p>Wilson conducted over twenty oral history interviews, which he effectively uses to “remind us of the human dimension at the heart of the Kepone story” (p. xi). These interviews constitute a core strength of the book, showing how various constituencies—scientists, regulators, fisherfolk—considered partial evidence and scientific uncertainty when responding to the problem. The interviews also provide an opportunity for many of the key players to reflect on their thinking and decision-making in the past. Wilson marshals these voices into an engaging discussion of the precautionary principle, as evidenced in the decision to close the James River, and quantitative risk assessment, which underlay much of the argument to reopen the river to fishing.</p> <p>Wilson makes regular reference to the various residues left by Kepone when discussing the lasting impact of the pesticide on place, politics, environment, and memory. Often the word <em>residue</em> carries a negative connotation, but that is not always the case here. Wilson, for example, argues that the federal Toxic Substances Control Act and much of Virginia’s state legislation relating to toxic substances bear the residue of Kepone. Such residues, in this manner, largely functio","PeriodicalId":45484,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN HISTORY","volume":"31 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2024-07-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141722329","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-07-16DOI: 10.1353/soh.2024.a932557
Maura Jane Farrelly
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Slavery and the Catholic Church in the United States: Historical Studies</em> ed. by David J. Endres <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Maura Jane Farrelly </li> </ul> <em>Slavery and the Catholic Church in the United States: Historical Studies</em>. Edited by David J. Endres. Foreword by Archbishop Shelton J. Fabre. (Washington, D.C.: Catholic University of America Press, 2023. Pp. xvi, 292. Paper, $29.95, ISBN 978-0-8132-3675-9.) <p>Editor David J. Endres’s concise <em>Slavery and the Catholic Church in the United States: Historical Studies</em> nicely exemplifies recent developments in the scholarly analysis of American Catholicism’s history with hereditary, race-based slavery. These trends have been a long time coming, as Endres notes. In the nineteenth century, scholars ignored the reality of Catholic slaveholding, along with the existence of African American Catholics. In the first half of the twentieth century, scholars did turn their attention to the church’s teachings on slavery and to the reality that American Catholics once held human beings in bondage. These scholars, however, tended to focus on the supposedly superior nature of Catholics’ slaveholding compared with Protestants’, and they depicted slavery as an “opportunity” to expose people of African descent to Catholicism. “While the Protestant slave-holders . . . were writing and rewriting arguments to prove that the Negroes were brutes and therefore should be enslaved,” one prominent scholar quoted by Endres asserted in 1946, “the Catholics were accepting the Negroes as brethren and treating them as men” (pp. 247–48).</p> <p>Not until the late 1980s—when a Black Benedictine monk, priest, and academic historian named Cyprian Davis started chronicling the history of African American Catholics—did scholars turn a truly critical eye to the topic of slavery and the Catholic Church in the United States. This attention resulted in deep dives into the sacramental records of several parishes in Louisiana, Maryland, and Kentucky. Some of these studies, such as C. Walker Gollar’s 1998 reconstruction of the Black and white Catholic community in Washington County, Kentucky, have been updated and reprinted in this volume.</p> <p>Sacramental records hold a wealth of information about the lives of enslaved Catholics. They also “document prejudices that researchers, scholars, and students . . . may find uncomfortable today,” as Emilie Gagnet Leumas asserts in an essay that considers how sacramental practices reflected Louisiana’s legal and social racism (p. 211). Records of baptisms, confirmations, marriages, and burials tell us whom the acknowledged fathers of children were; which slaves were literate and/or skilled; when and if slaves were manumitted; and what families were broken up and sold by the people who owned them. In so doing, such records
{"title":"Slavery and the Catholic Church in the United States: Historical Studies ed. by David J. Endres (review)","authors":"Maura Jane Farrelly","doi":"10.1353/soh.2024.a932557","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/soh.2024.a932557","url":null,"abstract":"<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span>\u0000<p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Slavery and the Catholic Church in the United States: Historical Studies</em> ed. by David J. Endres <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Maura Jane Farrelly </li> </ul> <em>Slavery and the Catholic Church in the United States: Historical Studies</em>. Edited by David J. Endres. Foreword by Archbishop Shelton J. Fabre. (Washington, D.C.: Catholic University of America Press, 2023. Pp. xvi, 292. Paper, $29.95, ISBN 978-0-8132-3675-9.) <p>Editor David J. Endres’s concise <em>Slavery and the Catholic Church in the United States: Historical Studies</em> nicely exemplifies recent developments in the scholarly analysis of American Catholicism’s history with hereditary, race-based slavery. These trends have been a long time coming, as Endres notes. In the nineteenth century, scholars ignored the reality of Catholic slaveholding, along with the existence of African American Catholics. In the first half of the twentieth century, scholars did turn their attention to the church’s teachings on slavery and to the reality that American Catholics once held human beings in bondage. These scholars, however, tended to focus on the supposedly superior nature of Catholics’ slaveholding compared with Protestants’, and they depicted slavery as an “opportunity” to expose people of African descent to Catholicism. “While the Protestant slave-holders . . . were writing and rewriting arguments to prove that the Negroes were brutes and therefore should be enslaved,” one prominent scholar quoted by Endres asserted in 1946, “the Catholics were accepting the Negroes as brethren and treating them as men” (pp. 247–48).</p> <p>Not until the late 1980s—when a Black Benedictine monk, priest, and academic historian named Cyprian Davis started chronicling the history of African American Catholics—did scholars turn a truly critical eye to the topic of slavery and the Catholic Church in the United States. This attention resulted in deep dives into the sacramental records of several parishes in Louisiana, Maryland, and Kentucky. Some of these studies, such as C. Walker Gollar’s 1998 reconstruction of the Black and white Catholic community in Washington County, Kentucky, have been updated and reprinted in this volume.</p> <p>Sacramental records hold a wealth of information about the lives of enslaved Catholics. They also “document prejudices that researchers, scholars, and students . . . may find uncomfortable today,” as Emilie Gagnet Leumas asserts in an essay that considers how sacramental practices reflected Louisiana’s legal and social racism (p. 211). Records of baptisms, confirmations, marriages, and burials tell us whom the acknowledged fathers of children were; which slaves were literate and/or skilled; when and if slaves were manumitted; and what families were broken up and sold by the people who owned them. In so doing, such records ","PeriodicalId":45484,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN HISTORY","volume":"42 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2024-07-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141722331","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-07-16DOI: 10.1353/soh.2024.a932559
Andrew H. Fisher
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Native Foods: Agriculture, Indigeneity, and Settler Colonialism in American History</em> by Michael D. Wise <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Andrew H. Fisher </li> </ul> <em>Native Foods: Agriculture, Indigeneity, and Settler Colonialism in American History</em>. By Michael D. Wise. Food and Foodways. (Fayetteville: University of Arkansas Press, 2023. Pp. x, 200. Paper, $27.95, ISBN 978-1-68226- 238-2.) <p>Any trip to the National Museum of the American Indian in Washington, D.C., should include a meal at Mitsitam Native Foods Cafe, which offers a living testament to the history explored in Michael D. Wise’s new book <em>Native Foods: Agriculture, Indigeneity, and Settler Colonialism in American History</em>. Voted the best cafe in D.C., among other accolades, it features Indigenous dishes from the Great Plains, Mesoamerica, the Northern Woodlands, the Northwest Coast, and South America that are designed to educate visitors about the traditional cuisines and culinary practices of the Western Hemisphere’s diverse Native cultures. Many of these foods and foodways have survived centuries of settler colonialism, yet until recently Mitsitam was one of the few restaurants in the country where the public could readily sample them. As Wise suggests, our general ignorance of Indigenous cuisine reflects “a logic of erasure and replacement that seeks to confine Native lives in the past in order to legitimize the dispossession of Native land and labor in the present” (p. 7). <strong>[End Page 599]</strong> <em>Native Foods</em> challenges this eliminatory logic by refuting four intertwined colonialist myths: namely, that American Indians “did not practice agriculture,” that they lived mainly by hunting, that they “were usually hungry as a result,” and that persistent privation made them indifferent to flavor or cuisine (p. 9).</p> <p>To make his case, Wise employs five case studies that trace the progress of American settler colonialism across the continent and through four centuries of history. Predictably, chapter 1 locates the roots of settler discourse concerning Native agriculture in the contest for control of New England during the seventeenth century. Chapters 2 and 3 mainly detail the consequences of this logic for the Haudenosaunee (Iroquois Confederacy) and the Cherokee Nation, respectively, but also delve into the ways food production shaped intercultural diplomacy, gender roles, and the landscapes of the Eastern Woodlands. Chapter 4 carries the story out onto the Great Plains, using the Blackfeet Reservation to explore how western Native nations adapted to wrenching changes wrought by federal Indian policy and ecological imperialism. In each section, Wise strives to emphasize Indigenous agency and to turn the tables on settler colonial narratives of Indian food insecurity and culinary incompetence,
以下是内容的简要摘录，以代替摘要：评论者： 土著食品：Michael D. Wise Andrew H. Fisher 著，《美国历史上的农业、土著性和定居殖民主义》（Native Foods：美国历史上的农业、土著性和定居殖民主义》。作者：迈克尔-D-怀斯。食物与饮食方式》。(费耶特维尔：阿肯色大学出版社，2023 年。x, 200页。纸质版，27.95 美元，ISBN 978-1-68226- 238-2）。前往华盛顿特区的美国印第安人国家博物馆，都应该在 Mitsitam 原住民食品咖啡馆用餐，这里是迈克尔-D-怀斯（Michael D. Wise）的新书《原住民食品》（Native Foods）中探讨的历史的活生生的见证：美国历史上的农业、原住民和殖民者殖民主义》一书中所探讨的历史。这家咖啡馆被评为华盛顿特区最佳咖啡馆，还获得了其他荣誉，其特色是来自大平原、中美洲、北部林地、西北海岸和南美洲的土著菜肴，旨在让游客了解西半球不同土著文化的传统菜肴和烹饪方法。其中许多食物和饮食方式经历了几个世纪的殖民统治，但直到最近，Mitsitam 仍是美国为数不多的能让公众随时品尝到这些食物和饮食方式的餐厅之一。正如怀斯所说，我们对原住民美食的普遍无知反映了 "一种抹杀和替代的逻辑，这种逻辑试图将原住民的生活限制在过去，以便使现在对原住民土地和劳动力的剥夺合法化"（第 7 页）。[土著食品》通过驳斥四个相互交织的殖民主义神话来挑战这种抹杀逻辑：即美国印第安人 "不从事农业"，他们主要以狩猎为生，他们 "通常因此而挨饿"，以及长期的贫困使他们对风味或美食漠不关心（第 9 页）。为了论证自己的观点，怀斯采用了五个案例研究，追溯了美国殖民者殖民主义在整个大陆和四个世纪的历史进程。可以预料的是，第一章将定居者关于土著农业的论述根植于 17 世纪对新英格兰控制权的争夺。第 2 章和第 3 章主要详述了这种逻辑分别对豪德诺索尼人（易洛魁联盟）和切诺基民族造成的后果，同时也深入探讨了粮食生产如何塑造跨文化外交、性别角色以及东部林地的景观。第 4 章将故事延伸到大平原，通过黑脚保留地探讨西部原住民如何适应联邦印第安政策和生态帝国主义带来的巨大变化。在每个章节中，怀斯都努力强调原住民的能动性，扭转殖民者对印第安人食物不安全和烹饪无能的叙述，但只有在第五章中，原住民的能动性才成为分析的核心。怀斯对 20 世纪 70 年代联邦商品粮和食品券之争的简短报道很好地吊起了我们的胃口，让我们对部落为实现粮食主权所做的努力展开更多讨论。然而，就像那些破坏土著居民自给自足的政府政策一样，这本薄薄的书承诺的东西太多，154 页的篇幅无法有效实现。尽管如此，怀斯还是为新兴的土著食物史领域提供了一种诱人的体验。他的分析中最令人满意的部分不是关于土著土地和劳动力的殖民主义论述--弗朗西斯-詹宁斯、小丹尼尔-H-乌斯纳和亚历山德拉-哈蒙等学者已经对这一论述进行了深入探讨，而是土著农业和农林业的环境史。虽然阿尔弗雷德-克罗斯比（Alfred W. Crosby）和威廉-克罗农（William Cronon）等人也对其中的一些内容进行过研究，但怀斯的跨学科研究方法从当前的农学科学研究以及对土著厨师、农民和种子保存者的采访中汲取了新的见解。他总结道："随着殖民资本主义在过去两个世纪的扩张，我们的地球正走向环境枯竭，""所有人都应该从土著食物的历史中吸取教训--不是为了浪漫化失去的过去，而是为了欣赏人类成功适应未来的可能性，未来的资源、气候和权力结构都将发生不可阻挡的变化"（第 152 页）。原住民生态知识的深度和原住民食物方式的复原力是需要进一步研究的主题，像本书这样具有启发性的作品应鼓励历史学家深入研究。安德鲁-H-费舍尔 William...
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Pub Date : 2024-07-16DOI: 10.1353/soh.2024.a932589
Augustus Wood
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>The Freedom Movement’s Lost Legacy: Black Abolitionism Since Emancipation</em> by Keith P. Griffler <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Augustus Wood </li> </ul> <em>The Freedom Movement’s Lost Legacy: Black Abolitionism Since Emancipation</em>. By Keith P. Griffler. (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 2023. Pp. x, 292. $40.00, ISBN 978-0-8131-9728-9.) <p>For much of his career, historian Keith P. Griffler has challenged scholarship on the antislavery movement by showcasing often underrepresented Black voices in the struggle for emancipation. After decades of writing on the antebellum period, Griffler shifts his focus to the postemancipation era, when European powers sought new markets, new laws, and new forms of coerced labor to exploit after the fall of chattel slavery. In <em>The Freedom Movement’s Lost Legacy: Black Abolitionism Since Emancipation</em>, Griffler crafts an intellectual history that “traces the contested and evolving definition of slavery in the twentieth century” through the voices of Black intellectuals and prominent Black activists (p. 13). After European colonists carved up the African continent in the 1880s, colonial officials, in partnership with nineteenth-century abolitionists—who had abandoned their positions on the immorality of coerced labor in favor of new labor policies in Africa—devised a new articulation of <em>antislavery</em> that entrenched race into international labor law. <strong>[End Page 637]</strong></p> <p>Griffler recounts how Black leaders like Alice Victoria Kinloch, Ida B. Wells, and W. E. B. Du Bois campaigned against this betrayal of Black workers, as so-called antislavery leaders like Frederick Lugard developed ambiguously named strategies like “the policy of ‘permissive freedom’” to trap African slaves into debt peonage for the remainder of their lives and concretize racial exploitation into the global political economy for the foreseeable future (p. 84). Because Griffler recognizes Douglas A. Blackmon’s <em>Slavery by Another Name: The Re-Enslavement of Black Americans from the Civil War to World War II</em> (New York, 2008) as the defining narrative on the American episode of “new slavery,” Griffler chooses to focus much of his analysis on the international struggle of abolitionism against African colonialism (p. viii). This focus is a unique challenge for Griffler, who follows the work of mostly U.S.-based Black intellectuals despite dedicating a significant portion of the book to new slavery in Africa. Notable African revolutionaries and scholars like Steve Biko and Amílcar Cabral are absent from the narrative, while Kwame Nkrumah is mentioned in passing. All three, who wrote extensively or played vital roles in the fight against racial exploitation in African nations, would add a much more dynamic dimension to the so-called guerrilla intel
以下是内容的简要摘录，以代替摘要：评论者 自由运动失落的遗产：解放后的黑人废奴主义》，作者 Keith P. Griffler Augustus Wood 《自由运动失落的遗产：解放后的黑人废奴主义》，作者 Keith P. Griffler。作者：Keith P. Griffler。(莱克星顿：肯塔基大学出版社，2023 年。第 x 页，第 292 页。40.00美元，书号978-0-8131-9728-9）。历史学家基思-格里夫勒（Keith P. Griffler）在其职业生涯的大部分时间里都在挑战反奴隶制运动的学术研究，他展示了在争取解放的斗争中往往没有得到充分代表的黑人的声音。在撰写了数十年有关前贝鲁姆时期的文章后，格里夫勒将重点转向解放后的时代，当时欧洲列强在动产奴隶制衰落后寻求新的市场、新的法律和新形式的强迫劳动来进行剥削。在《自由运动失落的遗产：解放后的黑人废奴主义》一书中，格里夫勒通过黑人知识分子和著名黑人活动家的声音，精心撰写了一部思想史，"追溯了二十世纪奴隶制定义的争议和演变"（第 13 页）。19 世纪 80 年代，欧洲殖民者瓜分了非洲大陆，殖民地官员与 19 世纪的废奴主义者--他们放弃了关于强迫劳动不道德的立场，转而支持非洲的新劳工政策--合作，制定了新的反奴隶制表述，将种族问题纳入国际劳工法。[格里夫勒讲述了爱丽丝-维多利亚-金洛克、艾达-B-威尔斯和 W-E-B-杜波依斯等黑人领袖如何反对这种对黑人工人的背叛，而弗雷德里克-卢加德等所谓的反奴隶制领袖则制定了"'放任自由'政策 "等名称模糊的战略，将非洲奴隶的余生困在债务奴役中，并在可预见的未来将种族剥削具体化为全球政治经济（第 84 页）。由于格里夫勒承认道格拉斯-A-布莱克蒙的《另名奴隶制》（Slavery by Another Name：The Re-Enslavement of Black Americans from the Civil War to World War II》（纽约，2008 年）是关于美国 "新奴隶制 "事件的决定性叙述，因此格里夫勒选择将其大部分分析集中在废奴主义反对非洲殖民主义的国际斗争上（第 viii 页）。这一重点对格里夫勒来说是一个独特的挑战，尽管他在书中花了很大篇幅讨论非洲的新奴隶制，但他关注的主要是美国黑人知识分子的工作。史蒂夫-比科（Steve Biko）和阿米尔卡-卡布拉尔（Amílcar Cabral）等著名的非洲革命家和学者没有出现在书中，而夸梅-恩克鲁玛（Kwame Nkrumah）也只是被顺带提及。这三位在非洲国家反对种族剥削的斗争中著述颇丰或发挥了重要作用，他们将为沃尔特-罗德尼等学者所强调的所谓知识分子游击队增添更多活力。的确，像《自由运动失落的遗产》这样的知识分子史很有价值，但如果能更多地关注辩论、政策和文学作品如何影响或引发最受影响者的反抗，它们就能发挥更大的力量。不过，格里夫勒最令人耳目一新的贡献在于，他对知识界和公共领域将反奴隶制与反对种族压迫而非教唆种族压迫广泛联系起来的做法提出了挑战。格里夫勒成功地证明，在全球霸权范围内，利益蹂躏着道德。昔日的反奴隶制领袖们很快就成为了将强制劳动种族化的最大拥护者，希望以此来维持非洲和美国胴体国家的自由劳动力人口。殖民主义及其后继者--新殖民主义--是名副其实的奴隶制，由于所谓的反奴隶制倡导者的努力，它们成为自由和合法的范例。格里夫勒将这一分析置于他所认识到的二十一世纪废奴运动中存在的明显疏漏的背景之下。这里出现了两个问题。首先，尽管他在当前废奴斗争中缺乏思想和历史联系的观点是正确的，但他没有考虑到资本主义的作用，因此也没有考虑到新自由主义在当今内部新殖民主义种族化劳工扩张中的作用。正如米歇尔-亚历山大（Michelle Alexander）的《新吉姆乌鸦》（The New Jim Crow：肤色失明时代的大规模监禁》（纽约，2010 年）的问题一样，格里夫勒没有将大规模监禁视为解决新的社会积累结构问题的政治方案--而这正是殖民主义和新殖民主义之间转变的根本原因。尽管如此，《自由运动失落的遗产》通过揭露所谓的反奴隶制，有效地将普遍单一的反奴隶制观点复杂化。
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Pub Date : 2024-07-16DOI: 10.1353/soh.2024.a932597
Darren E. Grem
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Illusions of Progress: Business, Poverty, and Liberalism in the American Century</em> by Brent Cebul <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Darren E. Grem </li> </ul> <em>Illusions of Progress: Business, Poverty, and Liberalism in the American Century</em>. By Brent Cebul. Politics and Culture in Modern America. (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2023. Pp. x, 466. $39.95, ISBN 978-1-5128-2381-3.) <p>Brent Cebul’s <em>Illusions of Progress: Business, Poverty, and Liberalism in the American Century</em> argues that neoliberalism is neither “neo” nor “liberal.” <strong>[End Page 648]</strong> New Dealers invented it nearly a century ago, and it is better understood as a political economy that Cebul terms “supply-side liberalism” (p. 4). This approach privileged local business interests, public-private partnerships, and market solutions to poverty. Historians have long acknowledged the business- friendly approaches of liberal social policy. But none have delved as deeply into the archives and told as subtle a story as Cebul, who masterfully traces the American welfare state’s early and long-lasting capture by the market’s means and ends.</p> <p>Half of Cebul’s book focuses on northwest Georgia, especially the small city of Rome, which he casts as a counterpart and contrast to Cleveland, Ohio, the setting of the book’s other half. Both Rome’s and Cleveland’s civic and business leaders privileged job growth and urban renewal–based development schemes, partnering with state planners, advisory boards, governmental commissions, and nonprofit entities to manage rural and urban poverty as primarily a local matter. “Liberals’ faith in economic growth also ensured that poverty continued to be immensely profitable for local elites,” Cebul argues, “cementing decentralized, administrative partnerships between liberals and often conservative businesspeople” (p. 91). Though hardly a radical policy shift, the War on Poverty presented “an unprecedented threat to their [business elites’] relationship with the supply-side state,” all while sparking revolt by the very communities under its administration (p. 148). Supply-side liberalism, however, would prove durable under protest. Urban renewal’s failures in Cleveland and the limits of liberalism’s growth-oriented platform in Rome set up space for a new round of Democrats in the 1960s and 1970s to “more muscularly articulate their producerist bona fides, expanded to include not simply their essential role in producing jobs, taxes, or affordable housing, but also their role in fighting poverty and reforming government itself” (p. 148).</p> <p>For Cebul, the quintessential supply-side liberal was Jimmy Carter. Carter advanced a “generational suspicion about traditional public programs,” especially as he and other “younger liberals reckoned with the reality that eve
以下是内容的简要摘录，以代替摘要：评论者： 进步的幻想：美国世纪的商业、贫困和自由主义》，布伦特-塞布尔著，达伦-E. 格雷姆译：美国世纪的商业、贫困与自由主义》。作者：布伦特-塞布尔。现代美国的政治与文化》。(费城：费城：宾夕法尼亚大学出版社，2023 年。第 x 页，第 466 页。39.95美元，ISBN 978-1-5128-2381-3）。布伦特-塞布尔（Brent Cebul）的《进步的幻想》（Illusions of Progress：Brent Cebul's Illusions of Progress: Business, Poverty, and Liberalism in the American Century）认为，新自由主义既不是 "新"，也不是 "自由"。[新政派在近一个世纪前发明了新自由主义，它最好被理解为一种政治经济学，宿雾称之为 "供给方自由主义"（第 4 页）。这种方法将地方商业利益、公私合作伙伴关系和解决贫困问题的市场方案置于优先地位。长期以来，历史学家们一直承认自由主义社会政策的商业友好型方法。但没有人像宿雾那样深入研究档案，讲述如此微妙的故事，他巧妙地追溯了美国福利国家早期和长期被市场手段和目的俘获的过程。宿雾的书有一半集中在佐治亚州西北部，尤其是小城市罗马，他将罗马与俄亥俄州克利夫兰（本书另一半的背景）作为对应和对比。罗马和克利夫兰的公民和商界领袖都将就业增长和城市重建作为发展计划的重点，与州规划师、咨询委员会、政府委员会和非营利机构合作，将农村和城市贫困问题作为主要的地方事务来管理。Cebul认为，"自由派对经济增长的信心也确保了贫困问题继续为地方精英带来巨大利润"，"巩固了自由派与通常保守的商界人士之间分散的行政合作关系"（第91页）。尽管扶贫战争算不上激进的政策转变，但它 "对他们（商业精英）与供应方国家的关系构成了前所未有的威胁"，同时也引发了受其管理的社区的反抗（第 148 页）。然而，供应方自由主义在抗议声中被证明是经久不衰的。城市重建在克利夫兰的失败，以及自由主义以增长为导向的纲领在罗马的局限性，为二十世纪六七十年代新一轮民主党人 "更有力地阐明其生产者的身份，不仅包括其在创造就业、税收或经济适用房方面的重要作用，还包括其在消除贫困和改革政府本身方面的作用"（第148页）提供了空间。在塞布尔看来，供应方自由主义者的典型代表是吉米-卡特。卡特推动了 "一代人对传统公共项目的怀疑"，尤其是当他和其他 "年轻的自由主义者面对这样的现实：即使是他们支持的计划，也往往资金不足、相互脱节，而且由于政府间管理和资金的交叉而难以改革"（第 267 页）。整笔拨款、教育改革、智囊团、平衡预算和补贴创业成为所谓新民主党人的政策，取代了左右两派批评者所谓的特殊利益开支。在卡特之后，罗纳德-里根（Ronald Reagan）对 "市场是一个摆脱了公共责任或社会义务的空间 "这一理念的教条式承诺，让依赖于供给方计划的商业利益集团大为不满，他们寄希望于另一位南方民主党人比尔-克林顿（Bill Clinton），希望他将工作视为公民身份的象征，将紧缩视为务实的政治家风范（第291页）。克林顿正是这样做的，他将 "社会进步、民主本身的语言 "加倍市场化（第291页）。换句话说，克林顿完成了新政启动的新自由主义项目。宿雾的这本书平衡了史学界对右翼商业影响的过度强调，揭示了自由派的努力如何在美国政党政治和公共政策中将市场化正常化。然而，《进步的幻觉》一书在论证其观点时，将公共政策对减贫的虚幻效果放在了前面。这个框架奇怪地 [第 649 页完] 淡化了反贫困倡导者在罗马和克利夫兰以外地方的持久影响力，从而将民权人物和组织的反贫困倡导贬低到历史意义的边缘。毫无疑问，这并不是塞布尔的本意，但战后反贫困--尤其是极端贫困--的真正胜利似乎没有得到充分解释，无论是在特定的州、整个南方，还是在全国范围内。尽管如此，毋庸置疑的是，在供应方自由主义的影响下，贫困对于太多人来说仍然是一个顽固的现实，尽管民选和自由主义者几代人都在努力消除贫困。
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Pub Date : 2024-07-16DOI: 10.1353/soh.2024.a932593
Jack Carey
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Kingfish U: Huey Long and LSU</em> by Robert Mann <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Jack Carey </li> </ul> <em>Kingfish U: Huey Long and LSU</em>. By Robert Mann. (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2023. Pp. xx, 330. $34.95, ISBN 978-0-8071-7952-9.) <p>Robert Mann’s <em>Kingfish U: Huey Long and LSU</em> tells the story of Louisiana’s most famous political figure and the state’s flagship university. Mann, a professor at Louisiana State University (LSU) with an extensive background in journalism and politics in that state, fills the book’s twenty-seven brisk chapters with tales of scandals, portraits of an ambitious political and educational vision, and sketches of a sprawling cast of scheming characters. Throughout the story, Huey P. Long stands at the center.</p> <p>Long’s “fraught relationship with LSU” dated to his childhood (p. xv). As a teenager, Long’s first extended trips away from his family’s home were to Baton Rouge for competitions in Louisiana’s High School Rally program. Long later claimed that “he fell in love with LSU” on these trips (p. 9). He never attended LSU, though. For students from places like Winnfield, Long’s hometown in “hilly, north-central Louisiana,” Mann writes, attending LSU may have seemed like “an unattainable dream” (pp. 7, 10). In 1923, during his first gubernatorial campaign, Long denounced plans for an expanded LSU as a “temple of vanity erected to Governor [John M.] Parker” (p. 28). Long lost that election—the only one he ever lost. By 1927, during his successful gubernatorial campaign, Long was telling crowds in Baton Rouge, “There is no man in this state that holds dearer sentiments than I toward Louisiana State University” (p. 36).</p> <p>Mann disputes the idea that Long ignored LSU during the first two years of his governorship (1928 and 1929), but he acknowledges that it was not until “late 1930” that Long’s “active, near daily involvement” with the university began (p. 51). From November 1930, after bringing the LSU Board of Supervisors under his control, Long consistently meddled in the university, often involving himself in the hiring and firing of faculty members and administrators. While Long often denied his role in day-to-day decisions at LSU, he promoted his involvement with the school’s football team and marching band. Long’s belief in his prowess as a play-caller aside, Mann writes that the Kingfish acted as the football “team’s chief booster, motivational speaker, and sidelines cheerleader” (pp. 109–10). <strong>[End Page 643]</strong></p> <p>Mann credits Long, through his own governorship and the terms of his successors Oscar Allen and Richard Leche, with “lasting accomplishments at LSU, including increased enrollment, expansion of the campus, more and better faculty, and new academic departments” (p. 265). The money Long poured int
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