Pub Date : 2024-04-22DOI: 10.1353/soh.2024.a925457
Harry L. Watson
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Teaching White Supremacy: America’s Democratic Ordeal and the Forging of Our National Identity</em> by Donald Yacovone <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Harry L. Watson </li> </ul> <em>Teaching White Supremacy: America’s Democratic Ordeal and the Forging of Our National Identity</em>. By Donald Yacovone. (New York: Pantheon Books, 2022. Pp. xxiii, 431. Paper, $20.00, ISBN 978-0-593-46716-9; cloth, $32.50, ISBN 978-0-593-31663-4.) <p>In an era of resurgent white nationalism and intense political pressure on schools, the appearance of Donald Yacovone’s <em>Teaching White Supremacy: America’s Democratic Ordeal and the Forging of Our National Identity</em> is <strong>[End Page 420]</strong> especially welcome. Mixing educational, intellectual, and cultural history, Yacovone reviews the changing messages in America’s history textbooks to trace “the origins and development of the idea of white supremacy, how it has shaped our understanding of democratic society, and how generation after generation of Americans have learned to incorporate that vision into their very identity” (p. xiv). He demonstrates convincingly that racist and nationalist pressures on history textbooks are nothing new, for schools have long taught collective identities and group cohesion. In the United States, assumptions of white superiority over time have been central to both, ever since teaching American history began in the early republic.</p> <p>More profoundly, Yacovone also insists that racist texts have done more than inculcate prejudice and national identity. By encouraging white Americans to replace class hierarchy with racial solidarity, he argues, white supremacy has created an imaginary mudsill from people of color that supports democracy for whites alone. Yacovone thus joins authors as disparate as John C. Calhoun, James Henry Hammond, William Gilmore Simms, Edmund S. Morgan, and Nikole Hannah Jones, who suggest, in one way or another and with wildly differing intentions, that what should be best about America might only exist because of its worst, because, as he puts it, “American democracy depended on Black inequality to sustain white equality” (p. xv). Far more than his documentation of textbook racism, this contention makes Yacovone’s work both provocative and problematic.</p> <p><em>Teaching White Supremacy</em> begins with a brief overview of American racism, followed by an exposition of the life and thought of John H. Van Evrie, a now-obscure figure whom Yacovone dubs “the father of white supremacy” (p. 7). Yacovone then introduces the earliest American history textbooks and the proslavery campaign to soften their portraits of the South. For the most part, northern authors complied, revealing their deep longing for national unity (and national sales). They used the same tricks to create this unity as northern citize
以下是内容的简要摘录，以代替摘要：评论者： 教导白人至上主义：Donald Yacovone 著 Harry L. Watson 译 Teaching White Supremacy: America's Democratic Ordeal and the Forging of Our National Identity：美国的民主磨难与我们民族身份的形成》。唐纳德-亚科沃内著。(纽约：Pantheon Books, 2022.第 xxiii、431 页。纸质版，20.00 美元，ISBN 978-0-593-46716-9；布质版，32.50 美元，ISBN 978-0-593-31663-4）。在白人民族主义卷土重来、学校面临巨大政治压力的时代，唐纳德-亚科沃内（Donald Yacovone）的《白人至上主义的教学》（Teaching White Supremacy：在白人民族主义卷土重来、学校面临巨大政治压力的时代，唐纳德-亚科沃内（Donald Yacovone）的《教授白人至上主义：美国的民主磨难和我们民族身份的形成》（Teaching White Supremacy: America's Democratic Ordeal and the Forging of Our National Identity）一书的问世尤其值得欢迎。亚科文将教育史、思想史和文化史融为一体，回顾了美国历史教科书中不断变化的信息，追溯了 "白人至上思想的起源和发展，它如何塑造了我们对民主社会的理解，以及一代又一代的美国人如何学会将这一观点融入自己的身份认同之中"（第 xiv 页）。他令人信服地证明，历史教科书中的种族主义和民族主义压力并不新鲜，因为学校长期以来一直在教授集体身份和群体凝聚力。在美国，自共和国初期开始教授美国历史以来，白人长期处于优越地位的假设一直是两者的核心。更深刻的是，雅科沃内还坚持认为，种族主义教科书的作用不仅仅是灌输偏见和国家认同。他认为，通过鼓励美国白人以种族团结取代阶级等级，白人至上主义创造了一个来自有色人种的假想泥沼，支持白人的民主。因此，雅科沃内与约翰-卡尔霍恩（John C. Calhoun）、詹姆斯-亨利-哈蒙德（James Henry Hammond）、威廉-吉尔摩-西姆斯（William Gilmore Simms）、埃德蒙-摩根（Edmund S. Morgan）和尼科尔-汉娜-琼斯（Nikole Hannah Jones）等不同作家一样，以这样或那样的方式，怀着完全不同的意图，提出美国最好的东西可能只是因为其最坏的东西而存在，因为正如他所说，"美国民主依赖于黑人的不平等来维持白人的平等"（第xv页）。这一论点远比他对教科书上的种族主义的记录更有说服力，它使亚科文的作品既具有挑衅性又充满问题。教授白人至上主义》一书开篇简要概述了美国的种族主义，随后阐述了约翰-H-范-埃夫里的生平和思想，这位现在已不为人知的人物被亚科沃内称为 "白人至上主义之父"（第 7 页）。随后，雅科沃内介绍了最早的美国历史教科书和支持奴隶制的运动，以弱化其对南方的描绘。在大多数情况下，北方的作者顺从了他们的要求，这暴露了他们对国家统一（和国家销售）的深切渴望。他们使用了与北方公民和政客相同的伎俩来营造这种团结：回避、否认、自欺欺人，当然还有种族主义成见。废奴运动以解放主义的美国历史观作为回应，这种观点在重建时期和重建之后一直存在，只是到十九世纪末在和解主义面前摇摇欲坠。社会达尔文主义和优生学紧随其后，强化了那个时代的帝国主义精神。在南方之女联合会的领导下，南方失落事业的激进支持者们同样开展了运动，以确保北方和南方的书籍对南方白人的愿望同样友好。在本书的最后一章，也是最振奋人心的一章，亚科沃内详细介绍了对废奴主义的重新尊重和黑人历史的兴起如何最终（但只是最近）克服了数十年的歪曲，将美国过去更加真正民主的愿景带到了全国的课堂上。他的评论很全面，也很有说服力，尤其是他认为北方学者和教师比南方人更积极地鼓吹美国白人优越的历史使命。无论总体上多么令人信服，雅科沃内的论述在某些方面可能会让严谨的学者感到困扰。尾注难以使用，缺乏标准格式。该书的语气常常是论战式的，表达了现代历史学家中值得称赞的价值观，但在专业写作中通常是沉默的。因此，我们[第 421 页末]读到路易斯-阿加西的 "恶臭潺潺"（第 xix 页）、"白人至上主义的毒蛇 "及其 "毒液"（第 xx 页）、约翰-H.Van Evrie 和他的出版伙伴 Rushmore G. Horton 的 "卑鄙无耻的白人至上主张"（第 84 页）、"可恶的 1857 年 Dred Scott 判决"（第 132-33 页）、三K 党的 "令人反感的行为"（第 227 页）等等。许多...
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Pub Date : 2024-04-22DOI: 10.1353/soh.2024.a925461
Christopher Lynch
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>New Orleans and the Creation of Transatlantic Opera, 1819–1859</em> by Charlotte Bentley <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Christopher Lynch </li> </ul> <em>New Orleans and the Creation of Transatlantic Opera, 1819–1859</em>. By Charlotte Bentley. Opera Lab: Explorations in History, Technology, and Performance. (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 2022. Pp. [viii], 256. $55.00, ISBN 978-0-226-82308-9.) <p>The exponential growth that accompanied the transformation of New Orleans from a French outpost to a major U.S. center of commerce and culture in the nineteenth century was punctuated by disease outbreaks, social upheavals, war, economic crises, and challenges to Francophone hegemony. Focusing on this period of opportunity and precarity, Charlotte Bentley’s <em>New Orleans and the Creation of Transatlantic Opera, 1819–1859</em> probes residents’ and visitors’ understandings of themselves and their constructions of the world by examining their encounters with European opera.</p> <p>Chapter 1 analyzes the management of the Théâtre d’Orléans, uncovering a fascinating bilateral relationship between New Orleans and Paris. In some respects, the Théâtre d’Orléans resembled France’s provincial theaters, which similarly drew repertoire and performers from the French capital. Bentley delves into the managers’ journeys to Paris to consult with theatrical agents and operatic <strong>[End Page 426]</strong> trendsetters on production techniques and performer recruitment. But without the government subsidies enjoyed by French theaters, the Théâtre d’Orléans often ran at a loss, staying open because of its role in generating business for the adjoining ballroom, gambling house, and café. In chapter 2, Bentley places the New Orleans Francophone community’s allegiance to French culture in relief against its Anglophone counterpart. The French theater replicated Parisian opera productions more closely than did its primary competitor, the American Theatre, which favored substantial changes. As Francophone and Anglophone critics increasingly abandoned judging the execution of a performance in favor of assessing operas as works of art, Anglophone writers decentered France, and Francophone writers articulated Francocentric views.</p> <p>In the third chapter, Bentley’s refreshing conception of the audience includes not only the racially diverse ticket-buyers but also the many enslaved and free people who “heard and caught glimpses of productions from spaces other than the auditorium, as they worked in the corridors, foyers, loges, and on the doors during performances and rehearsal periods” (p. 83). Bentley also contrasts the often small opera audience with the much larger opera “public,” which emerged from discussions of opera that exceeded the theater’s walls (p. 80). In 1843, for example, the local magazine
以下是内容的简要摘录，以代替摘要：评论者：Charlotte Bentley Christopher Lynch New Orleans and the Creation of Transatlantic Opera, 1819-1859 by Charlotte Bentley Christopher Lynch New Orleans and the Creation of Transatlantic Opera, 1819-1859.夏洛特-本特利著。歌剧实验室：历史、技术和表演探索。(芝加哥和伦敦：芝加哥大学出版社，2022 年。页码[viii], 256.55.00美元，ISBN 978-0-226-82308-9）。19 世纪，伴随着新奥尔良从法国前哨到美国主要商业和文化中心的飞速发展，疾病爆发、社会动荡、战争、经济危机以及对法语霸权的挑战也时有发生。夏洛特-本特利（Charlotte Bentley）的《新奥尔良和跨大西洋歌剧的创造，1819-1859 年》聚焦于这一充满机遇和不稳定的时期，通过研究居民和游客与欧洲歌剧的接触，探究了他们对自身的理解和对世界的建构。第一章分析了奥尔良剧院的管理，揭示了新奥尔良与巴黎之间引人入胜的双边关系。在某些方面，奥尔良剧院类似于法国的外省剧院，同样从法国首都吸引剧目和演员。本特利（Bentley）深入研究了经理们前往巴黎向戏剧经纪人和歌剧 [第426页完] 领潮人咨询制作技术和演员招募事宜的过程。但由于没有法国剧院所享有的政府补贴，奥尔良剧院经常处于亏损状态，它之所以能够继续营业，是因为它为毗邻的舞厅、赌场和咖啡馆带来了生意。在第 2 章中，本特利将新奥尔良法语社区对法国文化的忠诚与英语社区对法国文化的忠诚进行了对比。与主要竞争对手美国剧院相比，法国剧院更接近于复制巴黎歌剧制作，而美国剧院则倾向于进行实质性的改变。随着法语和英语评论家越来越多地放弃对表演的评判，转而将歌剧作为艺术作品来评估，英语作家不再以法国为中心，而法语作家则阐述了以法语为中心的观点。在第三章中，本特利对观众的概念令人耳目一新，不仅包括不同种族的购票者，还包括许多受奴役者和自由人，他们 "在演出和排练期间，在走廊、门厅、大厅和门上工作，从观众席以外的空间听到或瞥见演出"（第 83 页）。本特利还将通常人数较少的歌剧观众与人数更多的歌剧 "公众 "进行了对比，后者是在对歌剧的讨论中超越剧院围墙而产生的（第 80 页）。例如，1843 年，当地杂志《La Lorgnette》聘请一名外国记者撰写有关巴黎剧院场景的原创报道。"本特利认为，"这样做的目的是为了让人们感觉到，新奥尔良以歌剧为重点的媒体是独立于巴黎的，不需要依靠转载二手新闻"（第 101 页）。通过这种方式，关于歌剧的公开讨论 "帮助编织了这座城市错综复杂的社会文化结构"（第 102 页）。本特利在第 4 章和第 5 章中对物质文化的关注揭示了 "歌剧在歌剧院内外所扮演的新的社会和文化角色"（第 105 页）。歌剧旋律的乐谱编排使歌剧音乐得以在舞厅和家中演出，促进了剧院与这些空间之间关系的形成，并创造了一种 "全球亲密感"，在这种亲密感中，消费者的日常体验与欧洲习俗以及异域风情和人物联系在一起（第 4 章）。纪念乐谱和歌词有助于新奥尔良的经典形成，因为它们纪念了许多人开始认为值得永垂不朽的作品。在最后一章，本特利分析了非新奥尔良人著作中对新奥尔良歌剧的引用。在法国人查尔斯-乔贝（Charles Jobey）的小说中，歌剧使人们得以对克里奥尔人和法国社会进行批判。与此相反，新英格兰人爱德华-H-杜雷尔（Edward H. Durell）则描述了在新奥尔良歌剧院度过的一个夜晚，这个夜晚让他了解到欧洲的时尚观念，即音乐是所有艺术中的最高境界。在整本书中，本特利利用了大量的原始资料。与许多音乐学家的著作不同，她的著作并不依赖于乐谱摘录或音乐专业术语。她的重点并不在于音乐学的传统关注点--"伟大 "的作品、表演和音乐。
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Pub Date : 2024-04-22DOI: 10.1353/soh.2024.a925465
Andrew Kettler
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>The Wild Woman of Cincinnati: Gender and Politics on the Eve of the Civil War</em> by Michael D. Pierson <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Andrew Kettler </li> </ul> <em>The Wild Woman of Cincinnati: Gender and Politics on the Eve of the Civil War</em>. By Michael D. Pierson. (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2023. Pp. xii, 178. $40.00, ISBN 978-0-8071-7872-0.) <p><em>The Wild Woman of Cincinnati: Gender and Politics on the Eve of the Civil War</em> is a fascinating little book that will find its way into numerous classrooms due to its highly accessible use of microhistory to understand many significant cultural and political trends in the nineteenth-century United States. The work specifically focuses on a history of gender through the telling of a stage performance in Cincinnati in 1856. Thinking about con men and spectacles in the Queen City through the lens of reception, racism, and entertainment, Michael D. Pierson provides an engaging history with numerous tentacular connections to major narratives concerning the North and the South in the late antebellum era.</p> <p>Through focusing on a single event and connecting outward to other major historical narratives related to gender, partisanship, and ethnicity, <em>The Wild Woman of Cincinnati</em> explores history and historiography in enlightening manners. The central microhistory revolves around a public spectacle concerning the promoter J. W. C. Northcott and his production of a stage show concerning a supposedly “feral” woman from the Texas borderlands (p. 3). Linking narratives of race, gender, supposed Indigenous profligacy, and the American West that were prominent in the political cultures of the East, Pierson expresses how white male populations fantasized about their control over female bodies of many different races through a connective desire to hold capitalist markets in the North, land in the West, and enslaved people throughout the South.</p> <p>Chapter 1 looks explicitly at the press concerning the Wild Woman show and the principal components and promoters of the show, including Northcott, the attendant Ann Walters, and the Wild Woman herself. Debating the truthfulness of the story, which itself is internally contradictory and most likely false in most of its aspects, the chapter exposes how con men came to be able to tell such fantastical false stories to their audiences in the antebellum era. Through comparisons to P. T. Barnum’s Joice Heth, daredevil Sam Patch, and wild women stories from earlier decades, Pierson shows how audiences acknowledged possible false narratives as part of entertainment due to traditions of hoaxes that included many tropes, which became commonly understood by audiences in both uncanny and clearly accepted ways.</p> <p>The second chapter looks at the decline of the Wild Woman show due to a
以下是内容的简要摘录，以代替摘要：评论者： 辛辛那提的野女人》：Michael D. Pierson 著 Andrew Kettler 译 《辛辛那提的野女人：南北战争前夕的性别与政治》：内战前夕的性别与政治》。作者：迈克尔-D-皮尔森。(巴吞鲁日：路易斯安那州立大学出版社，2023 年。第 xii 页，第 178 页。40.00美元，书号978-0-8071-7872-0）。辛辛那提的野女人》：内战前夕的性别与政治》是一本引人入胜的小书，由于它运用微观史学来理解 19 世纪美国许多重要的文化和政治趋势，因此会被许多课堂所采用。这部作品通过讲述 1856 年辛辛那提的一场舞台表演，特别关注性别史。迈克尔-D.皮尔森通过接受、种族主义和娱乐的视角来思考皇后之城的骗子和奇观，提供了一部引人入胜的历史，与前贝拉姆时代晚期有关北方和南方的主要叙事有着众多腾博会登录_腾博会官网手机版_腾博会官网_腾博会手机版登录入口联系。辛辛那提的野女人》聚焦于一个事件，并向外连接到与性别、党派和种族有关的其他主要历史叙事，以启发性的方式探讨了历史和历史学。核心的微观历史围绕着一个公众奇观展开，这个奇观是关于推广人 J. W. C. Northcott 和他制作的舞台剧，这个舞台剧是关于一个来自德克萨斯州边境地区的所谓 "野性 "女人（第 3 页）。皮尔森将种族、性别、所谓的土著人挥霍无度以及在东部政治文化中占据重要地位的美国西部联系在一起，表达了白人男性是如何通过对北方资本主义市场、西部土地以及整个南方被奴役人口的控制欲望，幻想控制不同种族的女性身体的。第 1 章明确探讨了有关 "野女人 "表演的新闻报道以及表演的主要参与者和宣传者，包括诺斯考特、随从安-沃尔特斯和 "野女人 "本人。本章对故事的真实性进行了辩论，故事本身自相矛盾，很可能大部分内容都是虚假的，本章揭露了骗子是如何在前贝拉姆时代向观众讲述这种天马行空的虚假故事的。通过与 P. T. 巴纳姆（P. T. Barnum）的乔斯-赫斯（Joice Heth）、敢死队员山姆-帕奇（Sam Patch）以及早几十年的野女人故事进行比较，皮尔森展示了观众是如何将可能的虚假故事视为娱乐的一部分，因为传统的骗局包括许多套路，而这些套路已被观众普遍理解为既不可思议又被明确接受的方式。第二章探讨了 "野女人 "表演因辛辛那提改革运动的兴起而衰落的过程，改革运动的重点是在不断变化的公共领域中使女性的声音现代化，同时也因《汤姆叔叔的小屋》（1852 年）的出版而备受关注。野女人和她的随从一起被送上法庭，在三位主要人物被历史记录所遗忘之前，野女人被送进了精神病院。第 3 章探讨了党派效忠与 [第 432 页完] 观众如何回应有关野女人的阅读。通过研究具有党派忠诚的报纸，Pierson 显示了共和党、民主党和知识分子读者在接受方面的具体差异。即使在大多数政党政治的共同白人理想的驱动下，对性别的不同解释也描绘了美国在性道德和女权方面的共识在相当大的区域范围内的分裂。第四章探讨了前贝卢姆社会中的女性，重点关注需要上层女性帮助的人与阶级之间的关系、与坚定的父权制抗争的特定女性赋权者，以及需要帮助的人对女性赋权者的看法。通过想象 "野女人 "对其社会地位的理解，皮尔森在第 4 章的结尾着重探讨了 "野女人 "是参与了骗局，还是一个真正的 "野人"，或是诺斯科特和沃尔特斯操纵的一部分。辛辛那提的野女人》重申了美国妇女在内战边缘的前贝尔蒙社会中如何经历不同版本的无能为力的历史。
{"title":"The Wild Woman of Cincinnati: Gender and Politics on the Eve of the Civil War by Michael D. Pierson (review)","authors":"Andrew Kettler","doi":"10.1353/soh.2024.a925465","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/soh.2024.a925465","url":null,"abstract":"<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span>\u0000<p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>The Wild Woman of Cincinnati: Gender and Politics on the Eve of the Civil War</em> by Michael D. Pierson <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Andrew Kettler </li> </ul> <em>The Wild Woman of Cincinnati: Gender and Politics on the Eve of the Civil War</em>. By Michael D. Pierson. (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2023. Pp. xii, 178. $40.00, ISBN 978-0-8071-7872-0.) <p><em>The Wild Woman of Cincinnati: Gender and Politics on the Eve of the Civil War</em> is a fascinating little book that will find its way into numerous classrooms due to its highly accessible use of microhistory to understand many significant cultural and political trends in the nineteenth-century United States. The work specifically focuses on a history of gender through the telling of a stage performance in Cincinnati in 1856. Thinking about con men and spectacles in the Queen City through the lens of reception, racism, and entertainment, Michael D. Pierson provides an engaging history with numerous tentacular connections to major narratives concerning the North and the South in the late antebellum era.</p> <p>Through focusing on a single event and connecting outward to other major historical narratives related to gender, partisanship, and ethnicity, <em>The Wild Woman of Cincinnati</em> explores history and historiography in enlightening manners. The central microhistory revolves around a public spectacle concerning the promoter J. W. C. Northcott and his production of a stage show concerning a supposedly “feral” woman from the Texas borderlands (p. 3). Linking narratives of race, gender, supposed Indigenous profligacy, and the American West that were prominent in the political cultures of the East, Pierson expresses how white male populations fantasized about their control over female bodies of many different races through a connective desire to hold capitalist markets in the North, land in the West, and enslaved people throughout the South.</p> <p>Chapter 1 looks explicitly at the press concerning the Wild Woman show and the principal components and promoters of the show, including Northcott, the attendant Ann Walters, and the Wild Woman herself. Debating the truthfulness of the story, which itself is internally contradictory and most likely false in most of its aspects, the chapter exposes how con men came to be able to tell such fantastical false stories to their audiences in the antebellum era. Through comparisons to P. T. Barnum’s Joice Heth, daredevil Sam Patch, and wild women stories from earlier decades, Pierson shows how audiences acknowledged possible false narratives as part of entertainment due to traditions of hoaxes that included many tropes, which became commonly understood by audiences in both uncanny and clearly accepted ways.</p> <p>The second chapter looks at the decline of the Wild Woman show due to a","PeriodicalId":45484,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN HISTORY","volume":"23 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2024-04-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140637343","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-22DOI: 10.1353/soh.2024.a925478
Dennis Patrick Halpin
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Capital’s Terrorists: Klansmen, Lawmen, and Employers in the Long Nineteenth Century</em> by Chad E. Pearson <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Dennis Patrick Halpin </li> </ul> <em>Capital’s Terrorists: Klansmen, Lawmen, and Employers in the Long Nineteenth Century</em>. By Chad E. Pearson. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2022. Pp. x, 314. Paper, $34.95, ISBN 978-1-4696-7173-4; cloth, $99.00, ISBN 978-1-4696-7172-7.) <p>In <em>Capital’s Terrorists: Klansmen, Lawmen, and Employers in the Long Nineteenth Century</em>, historian Chad E. Pearson makes an important contribution to labor history, the history of capitalism, and ultimately the history of the long Reconstruction and Progressive eras. Over six chapters, Pearson brings <strong>[End Page 448]</strong> readers into the clandestine gatherings held by business owners, Law and Order Leagues, cattlemen’s associations, Citizens’ Alliances, and the Ku Klux Klan. These meetings happened throughout the United States, and Pearson hops around locations. In doing so, he spotlights events in smaller, lesser-explored cities, like Sedalia, Missouri, and profiles the actions and thoughts of lesser-known anti-union activists. Pearson’s cast is ostensibly a motley crew. They worked in different industries, at times held differing political views, and lived in different regions of the United States. Yet they were bound by the privileges stemming from their whiteness, class, and commitment to labor repression. The picture that emerges from this patchwork of smaller places and lesser-known figures is nothing short of a concerted campaign to repress efforts at working-class organization by any and all means.</p> <p>For Pearson, the story of capital’s terrorists was not easy to uncover. Historians have long been aware of the limitations of the archives when examining the histories of the marginalized. Pearson discovered that the archives posed similar problems in recovering the thoughts of the elite men at the center of his story. It is not that these men were reticent—quite the contrary. As Pearson points out, these men created public narratives, but they were much more circumspect in these settings, usually folding their anti-union philosophies into a discourse of “upholding ‘law and order’” (p. 20). They left their most incendiary thoughts and ideas for the private planning sessions where they could let down their guard. Their secrecy was mostly effective. However, it was not airtight. A host of actors, including journalists, spies, and defectors, forced these gatherings into the archives when they publicized these secret proceedings.</p> <p>Pearson’s examination of these men and their efforts has led him to a pointed conclusion: these men were terrorists. This categorization is central to Pearson’s argument. Readers’ individual reaction to the a
以下是内容的简要摘录，以代替摘要：评论者： 资本的恐怖分子：Chad E. Pearson Dennis Patrick Halpin 著 Capital's Terrorists：十九世纪漫长岁月中的三K党人、律师和雇主。作者：Chad E. Pearson。(教堂山：北卡罗来纳大学出版社，2022 年。x, 314页。纸质版，34.95 美元，ISBN 978-1-4696-7173-4；布质版，99.00 美元，ISBN 978-1-4696-7172-7）。In Capital's Terrorists：历史学家 Chad E. Pearson 在《资本的恐怖分子：漫长十九世纪的三K党人、执法者和雇主》一书中，对劳工史、资本主义史以及最终对漫长的重建和进步时代的历史做出了重要贡献。皮尔逊用六章的篇幅，将读者带 [完 第 448 页] 入由企业主、法律与秩序联盟、养牛人协会、公民联盟和三K党举行的秘密集会。这些会议在全美各地举行，皮尔逊在各个地点跳来跳去。在此过程中，他着重描写了密苏里州塞达利亚等较小、鲜为人知的城市中发生的事件，并介绍了鲜为人知的反工会活动家的行动和思想。从表面上看，皮尔森的演员阵容杂乱无章。他们从事不同的行业，有时持有不同的政治观点，生活在美国不同的地区。然而，他们却被白人、阶级和对劳工压迫的承诺所带来的特权所束缚。从这些小地方和鲜为人知的人物的拼凑中，我们看到的是一场不择手段镇压工人阶级组织的一致运动。对皮尔逊来说，揭开资本恐怖分子的故事并非易事。历史学家早就意识到档案在研究边缘化群体历史时的局限性。皮尔逊发现，在恢复他故事中心的精英人物的思想时，档案也带来了类似的问题。这并不是说这些人沉默寡言--恰恰相反。正如皮尔逊所指出的，这些人创造了公共叙事，但他们在这些场合要谨慎得多，通常将他们的反工会理念融入 "维护'法律和秩序'"的话语中（第 20 页）。他们把最具煽动性的想法和主张留给了私下的计划会议，在那里他们可以放松警惕。他们的保密措施大多是有效的。然而，这并非密不透风。包括记者、间谍和叛逃者在内的众多参与者在公开这些秘密会议时，迫使这些会议被存档。皮尔逊通过对这些人及其努力的研究得出了一个尖锐的结论：这些人是恐怖分子。这一分类是皮尔逊论证的核心。读者对作者使用这个带有强烈政治色彩的词的个人反应--皮尔逊称其为 "带有政治色彩和挑衅性"--可能会成为阅读的障碍（第 8 页）。皮尔逊认识到了这个问题，并直面它。皮尔逊写道："我猜想，大多数读者会发现，我选择的这个词（恐怖主义）在某些情况下没有争议，但在其他情况下却有问题、过分，甚至令人反感"（第 9 页）。皮尔逊相信，用恐怖主义来形容三K党的行为不会遇到什么阻力，但如果用同样的标签来形容 "以西部为基地的畜牧业者协会成员，[以及]法律与秩序联盟的义务警员"（第 9 页）这样的群体，则可能会引起反感。"然而，"他争辩道，"这些组织经常采用与三K党人相同的原始和凶残的行动，包括绑架、驱赶运动和谋杀"（第 9 页）。皮尔逊的观点令人信服。他在一个又一个案例中表明，他所研究的这些人在使用暴力、绑架和骚扰时几乎不计后果，在道德上也毫不犹豫。恐怖主义一词对皮尔逊的重要性还体现在另一个方面：它将经常被分开讨论的团体和个人的行为联系在一起。相反，皮尔逊鼓励读者将这些行动视为往往是分散的、但仍是协调一致的计划的一部分。在这方面，皮尔逊提供了与基达达-E-威廉姆斯（Kidada E. Williams）近期著作类似的纠正方法。就像威廉姆斯的《我预见死亡即将来临》（I Saw Death Coming：A History of Survival and Terror in the War against Reconstruction》（纽约，2023 年）中的白人至上主义恐怖分子一样，[第 449 页末] 皮尔逊的研究对象并不总是集中计划他们的行动......
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Pub Date : 2024-04-22DOI: 10.1353/soh.2024.a925436
Joseph P. Reidy
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> Conservative Radicals and Radical Conservatives in the Civil War Era and Today <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Joseph P. Reidy (bio) </li> </ul> <p>C<small>urrent events reveal the pervasiveness of conservative</small> influence in virtually every facet of life, from religion and popular culture through public policy debates on topics ranging from global warming to school library books. If today’s conservatives may appear more comfortable with the ideas and tactics of Oath Keepers than of William F. Buckley Jr., it should come as no surprise because conservatism has never been monolithic or static. Yet, for the past six decades, intellectual and political conservatives have presented themselves as the custodians of the received wisdom, as well as the political, economic, and social order, bequeathed from prior generations. Most profess Christianity and champion traditional, biblically derived values—particularly those pertaining to the nuclear family—personal freedom coupled with individual responsibility, and private property. Although conservatives of the past generally boasted privileged, if not downright wealthy, backgrounds, in recent years various pursuers of the American Dream—including aspirants to the professional and entrepreneurial middle class, the economically, socially, or culturally marginalized members of the working class, and recent immigrants—have assumed the label of conservative. The resulting mixture features class, ethnic, racial, and religious diversity.</p> <p>Today’s conservatives also share the belief that the modern world’s most serious ills are the result of progressive initiatives that, apart from their programmatic flaws, display a moral and cultural relativism that flouts the achievements of Western civilization and the unique place that the United States occupies in the history of nations. By advocating for personal rights in the realm of identity politics—same-sex marriage and transgender rights, for instance—liberals and their progressive allies, conservatives charge, threaten fundamental Christian values if not the <strong>[End Page 215]</strong> future of humanity itself. Similarly, conservatives argue, liberals’ recent campaigns against the military, the police, and Second Amendment rights, coupled with their leniency toward crime, undermine social order. And, in conservatives’ view, the restrictions that the regulatory, administrative state has imposed on private property imperil the freedoms of individual citizens. Most of all, conservatives fault social welfare programs—the legacy of the New Deal and the Great Society—for speeding the nation toward bankruptcy while rewarding the undeserving. If left unchecked, they fear, such initiatives will culminate in redistributionist practices designed to atone for social injustice perpetrated in the past, the prime exhibit of which is reparations
{"title":"Conservative Radicals and Radical Conservatives in the Civil War Era and Today","authors":"Joseph P. Reidy","doi":"10.1353/soh.2024.a925436","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/soh.2024.a925436","url":null,"abstract":"<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span>\u0000<p> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> Conservative Radicals and Radical Conservatives in the Civil War Era and Today <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Joseph P. Reidy (bio) </li> </ul> <p>C<small>urrent events reveal the pervasiveness of conservative</small> influence in virtually every facet of life, from religion and popular culture through public policy debates on topics ranging from global warming to school library books. If today’s conservatives may appear more comfortable with the ideas and tactics of Oath Keepers than of William F. Buckley Jr., it should come as no surprise because conservatism has never been monolithic or static. Yet, for the past six decades, intellectual and political conservatives have presented themselves as the custodians of the received wisdom, as well as the political, economic, and social order, bequeathed from prior generations. Most profess Christianity and champion traditional, biblically derived values—particularly those pertaining to the nuclear family—personal freedom coupled with individual responsibility, and private property. Although conservatives of the past generally boasted privileged, if not downright wealthy, backgrounds, in recent years various pursuers of the American Dream—including aspirants to the professional and entrepreneurial middle class, the economically, socially, or culturally marginalized members of the working class, and recent immigrants—have assumed the label of conservative. The resulting mixture features class, ethnic, racial, and religious diversity.</p> <p>Today’s conservatives also share the belief that the modern world’s most serious ills are the result of progressive initiatives that, apart from their programmatic flaws, display a moral and cultural relativism that flouts the achievements of Western civilization and the unique place that the United States occupies in the history of nations. By advocating for personal rights in the realm of identity politics—same-sex marriage and transgender rights, for instance—liberals and their progressive allies, conservatives charge, threaten fundamental Christian values if not the <strong>[End Page 215]</strong> future of humanity itself. Similarly, conservatives argue, liberals’ recent campaigns against the military, the police, and Second Amendment rights, coupled with their leniency toward crime, undermine social order. And, in conservatives’ view, the restrictions that the regulatory, administrative state has imposed on private property imperil the freedoms of individual citizens. Most of all, conservatives fault social welfare programs—the legacy of the New Deal and the Great Society—for speeding the nation toward bankruptcy while rewarding the undeserving. If left unchecked, they fear, such initiatives will culminate in redistributionist practices designed to atone for social injustice perpetrated in the past, the prime exhibit of which is reparations","PeriodicalId":45484,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN HISTORY","volume":"12 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2024-04-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140637334","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-22DOI: 10.1353/soh.2024.a925439
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> Southern History in Periodicals, 2023: <span>A Selected Bibliography</span> <!-- /html_title --></li> </ul> <p>T<small>his classified bibliography includes most scholarly articles</small> in the field of southern history published in periodicals in 2023, except for descriptive or genealogical writings of primary interest to a restricted group of readers. If an article was published in a year other than 2023, the appropriate year is marked with a bracketed notation. Entries under each heading are arranged alphabetically by author.</p> <h2>AFRICAN AMERICAN</h2> A<small>dair</small>, G<small>eorge</small>. The Bryce Hospital Coal Mine Lawsuits: African Americans’ Pursuit of Justice in a Time of Triumphant White Supremacy. <em>Ala. Rev.</em>, v. 76, July, 217–50. A<small>dams</small>, J<small>ohn</small> A., J<small>r</small>., and B<small>ill</small> P<small>age</small>. John Nathaniel Johnson: The Great Political Agitator, Educator, Journalist, Attorney, and Doctor. <em>East Tex. Hist. Jour.</em>, v. 61, Spring, 7–47. A<small>lridge</small>, D<small>errick</small> P., A<small>dah</small> W<small>ard</small> R<small>andolph</small>, and A<small>lexis</small> M. J<small>ohnson</small>. African American Historians of Education and the Griot’s Craft: A Historiography. <em>Hist. Educ. Quar.</em>, v. 63, Feb., 3–31. A<small>nderson</small>-D<small>avis</small>, S<small>tuart</small>. Frederick Douglass in the British Isles (1845–1847): A Reassessment of Approach, Achievement, and Legacy. <em>New North Star</em>, v. 5, pp. 1–24. B<small>aker</small>, B<small>enjamin</small>. “There’s a Day Coming”: The Origin, Reception, and Conception of the Catastrophic Apocalypse among Black Captives. <em>Jour. Af. Religions</em>, v. 11, no. 2, pp. 153–97. B<small>ardes</small>, J<small>ohn</small> K., and K. S<small>tephen</small> P<small>rince</small>. “There Is No God in Heaven”: Black Religion, Resistance, and the Police Power in Jim Crow New Orleans. <em>Jour. Af. Am. Hist.</em>, v. 108, Spring, 220–43. B<small>arnes</small>, B<small>ryant</small> K. “Are Not Our Interests the Same?”: Black Protest, the Lost Cause, and Coalition Building in Readjuster Virginia. <em>Genealogy</em>, v. 7, no. 1, online only. B<small>arton</small>, C<small>hristopher</small> P., E<small>rica</small> J<small>ohnson</small>-E<small>dwards</small>, and K<small>iley</small> M<small>olinari</small>. Broadening Our Horizons: Interdisciplinary Approaches to Student Collaboration at Francis Marion University. <em>Hist. Archaeology</em>, v. 57, Sept., 873–84. B<small>aumgartner</small>, A<small>lice</small> L. Burrill Daniel’s Claim: A Freedom Seeker in the U.S.-Mexico Borderlands, 1865–1870. <em>Southwestern Hist. Quar.</em>, v. 127, July, 80–106. B<small>ay</small>, M<small>ia</small>. The Revolution in Black and White. <em>Jour. Early Rep.</em>, v. 43, Winter, 619–29.
以下是内容的简要摘录，以代替摘要： 2023 年期刊中的南方史：本分类书目收录了 2023 年在期刊上发表的南方史领域的大多数学术文章，只有少数读者主要感兴趣的描述性或家谱类文章除外。如果某篇文章发表于 2023 年以外的年份，则相应年份用括号标出。每个标题下的条目按作者字母顺序排列。AFRICAN AMERICAN Adair, George.The Bryce Hospital Coal Mine Lawsuits：非裔美国人在白人至上的时代追求正义》。Ala.Rev., v. 76, July, 217-50.Adams, John A., Jr., and Bill Page.John Nathaniel Johnson: The Great Political Agitator, Educator, Journalist, Attorney, and Doctor.East Tex.Journal.Jour., v. 61, Spring, 7-47.Alridge, Derrick P., Adah Ward Randolph, and Alexis M. Johnson.African American Historians of Education and the Griot's Craft：A Historiography.Hist.Educ. Quar., v. 63, Feb., 3-31.Anderson-Davis, Stuart.Frederick Douglass in the British Isles (1845-1847)：A Reassessment of Approach, Achievement, and Legacy.New North Star, v. 5, pp.Baker, Benjamin."There's a Day Coming"：The Origin, Reception, and Conception of the Catastrophic Apocalypse among Black Captives.Jour.Religions, v. 11, no.Religions, v. 11, no. 2, pp.Bardes, John K., and K. Stephen Prince."There Is No God in Heaven"：Bardes, John K., and K. Stephen Prince.Jour.Af.Am. Hist.历史》，第 108 卷，春季号，第 220-43 页。Barnes, Bryant K. "Are Not Our Interests the Same?"：Barnes, Bryant K. "Are Not Our Interests Same?": Black Protest, the Lost Cause, and Coalition Building in Readjuster Virginia.Genealogy, v. 7, no.Barton, Christopher P., Erica Johnson-Edwards, and Kiley Molinari.Barton, Christopher P., Erica Johnson-Edwards, and Kiley Molinari.Hist.Archaeology, v. 57, Sept., 873-84.Baumgartner, Alice L. Burrill Daniel's Claim: A Freedom Seeker in the U.S.-Mexico Borderlands, 1865-1870.Southwestern Hist.Quar., v. 127, July, 80-106.Bay, Mia.The Revolution in Black and White.Jour.43, Winter, 619-29.Belton, Lloyd."她拒绝被抛弃"：Slavery and Abolition, v. 43, Winter, 619-29.Slavery and Abolition, v. 44, no.3, pp.Billups, William Robert.The Cost of Civil Rights：The Cost of Civil Rights: White Supremacist Violence and Economic Resistance against Koinonia Farm during the Civil Rights Era.Jour.Jour.Hist., v. 89, Feb., 89-130.Bishir, Catherine W. Hiring Out：Hiring Out: Enslaved Black Building Artisans in North Carolina.Buildings and Landscapes, v. 30, Spring-Fall, 99-122.Block, Sharon.Finding Enslaved and Free(d) People in Narratives of Early American Sexual Violence.Jour.4, no. 1, pp.Bollinger, Heather, et al. Colonial Probate Records in the Fairfax [Va.] Court Slavery Index, 1742-1767.Jour。4, no. 1, pp.Bollinger, Heather, Justin Crouch, and Walter Hawthorne.费尔法克斯 [弗吉尼亚州] 法院奴隶制索引中的革命遗嘱记录，1767-1791 年。Jour。4, no. 1, pp.Breeden, Edwin C. Rediscovering Aleck: The Forgotten Origins and Memorial History of a Fictional Slave Sale Advertisement.Hist.Mem., v. 35, Fall-Winter, 3-40.Broussard, Albert S. Still Searching: A Black Family's Quest for Equality and Recognition during the Gilded Age and Progressive Era.Jour.Gilded Age Prog.Era, v. 22, Jan., 3-19.Brown, Elizabeth C. Middle Passages：在汉普顿学院和卡莱尔印第安人工业学校的种族臣服课程》。Am. Quar.Quar., v. 75, Dec., 707-30.Brückmann, Rebecca.Pointing Fingers?Massive Resistance
{"title":"Southern History in Periodicals, 2023: A Selected Bibliography","authors":"","doi":"10.1353/soh.2024.a925439","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/soh.2024.a925439","url":null,"abstract":"<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span>\u0000<p> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> Southern History in Periodicals, 2023: <span>A Selected Bibliography</span> <!-- /html_title --></li> </ul> <p>T<small>his classified bibliography includes most scholarly articles</small> in the field of southern history published in periodicals in 2023, except for descriptive or genealogical writings of primary interest to a restricted group of readers. If an article was published in a year other than 2023, the appropriate year is marked with a bracketed notation. Entries under each heading are arranged alphabetically by author.</p> <h2>AFRICAN AMERICAN</h2> A<small>dair</small>, G<small>eorge</small>. The Bryce Hospital Coal Mine Lawsuits: African Americans’ Pursuit of Justice in a Time of Triumphant White Supremacy. <em>Ala. Rev.</em>, v. 76, July, 217–50. A<small>dams</small>, J<small>ohn</small> A., J<small>r</small>., and B<small>ill</small> P<small>age</small>. John Nathaniel Johnson: The Great Political Agitator, Educator, Journalist, Attorney, and Doctor. <em>East Tex. Hist. Jour.</em>, v. 61, Spring, 7–47. A<small>lridge</small>, D<small>errick</small> P., A<small>dah</small> W<small>ard</small> R<small>andolph</small>, and A<small>lexis</small> M. J<small>ohnson</small>. African American Historians of Education and the Griot’s Craft: A Historiography. <em>Hist. Educ. Quar.</em>, v. 63, Feb., 3–31. A<small>nderson</small>-D<small>avis</small>, S<small>tuart</small>. Frederick Douglass in the British Isles (1845–1847): A Reassessment of Approach, Achievement, and Legacy. <em>New North Star</em>, v. 5, pp. 1–24. B<small>aker</small>, B<small>enjamin</small>. “There’s a Day Coming”: The Origin, Reception, and Conception of the Catastrophic Apocalypse among Black Captives. <em>Jour. Af. Religions</em>, v. 11, no. 2, pp. 153–97. B<small>ardes</small>, J<small>ohn</small> K., and K. S<small>tephen</small> P<small>rince</small>. “There Is No God in Heaven”: Black Religion, Resistance, and the Police Power in Jim Crow New Orleans. <em>Jour. Af. Am. Hist.</em>, v. 108, Spring, 220–43. B<small>arnes</small>, B<small>ryant</small> K. “Are Not Our Interests the Same?”: Black Protest, the Lost Cause, and Coalition Building in Readjuster Virginia. <em>Genealogy</em>, v. 7, no. 1, online only. B<small>arton</small>, C<small>hristopher</small> P., E<small>rica</small> J<small>ohnson</small>-E<small>dwards</small>, and K<small>iley</small> M<small>olinari</small>. Broadening Our Horizons: Interdisciplinary Approaches to Student Collaboration at Francis Marion University. <em>Hist. Archaeology</em>, v. 57, Sept., 873–84. B<small>aumgartner</small>, A<small>lice</small> L. Burrill Daniel’s Claim: A Freedom Seeker in the U.S.-Mexico Borderlands, 1865–1870. <em>Southwestern Hist. Quar.</em>, v. 127, July, 80–106. B<small>ay</small>, M<small>ia</small>. The Revolution in Black and White. <em>Jour. Early Rep.</em>, v. 43, Winter, 619–29. ","PeriodicalId":45484,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN HISTORY","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2024-04-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140637441","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-22DOI: 10.1353/soh.2024.a925449
Matthew R. Hale
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>American Inheritance: Liberty and Slavery in the Birth of a Nation, 1765–1795</em> by Edward J. Larson <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Matthew R. Hale </li> </ul> <em>American Inheritance: Liberty and Slavery in the Birth of a Nation, 1765–1795</em>. By Edward J. Larson. (New York: W. W. Norton and Company, 2023. Pp. x, 358. Paper, $17.99, ISBN 978-1-324-07521-9; cloth, $32.50, ISBN 978-0-393-88220-9.) <p>As Edward J. Larson notes in the preface to his new book, <em>American Inheritance: Liberty and Slavery in the Birth of a Nation, 1765–1795</em>, “The role of liberty and slavery in the American Revolution is a partisan minefield” (p. vii). While “some on the right,” he states, “dismiss the role of slavery in the founding of the republic,” “some on the left see the defense of state-sanctioned slavery as a cause of the Revolution and an effect of the Constitution” (p. vii). Despite this opening reference to politics, Larson does not mention, although he is clearly aware of, the more intellectually rigorous, intrapartisan debate on the left concerning related issues. That omission is suggestive, as Larson fully enters neither the Left-Right “minefield” nor the Left’s intrapartisan dispute. Rather, he attempts to traverse lightly both conflicts for the sake of providing a popular audience with a readable overview of the career of liberty and slavery in late-eighteenth-century American society.</p> <p>In many ways, that attempt is successful. In less than 270 pages of main text, Larson ingeniously surveys virtually every well-known phenomenon dealing with slavery and liberty between 1765 and 1795. Even a partial list of the topics discussed in the first 120 pages—John Locke; the relationship between chattel slavery and the rhetoric of political slavery; Crispus Attucks, John Adams, and the Boston Massacre; the <em>Somerset</em> case; Black and white antislavery activism; the Declaration of Independence; George Washington’s stance on African Americans in the military; Lord Dunmore’s Proclamation; Phillis Wheatley; Rhode Island’s recruitment of Black soldiers; and various state constitutions—reveals the scope of authorial ambition. The book’s big idea—that “the American Revolution and the new American nation became less about liberty or slavery than about liberty and slavery”—is less a well-developed original thesis than an organizing theme (p. 15). Even so, Larson, a Pulitzer Prize winner and gifted storyteller, offers insightful commentary at every turn and deftly glides from one topic to another.</p> <p>The adroit narration of so many developments could allow this text to work well in undergraduate surveys or American Revolution classes. Students sometimes benefit from wrestling with a book that is less than fully invested in carving out a clear historiographical position because it affords them the
以下是内容的简要摘录，以代替摘要：评论者： 美国的遗产：Edward J. Larson Matthew R. Hale 著，《美国的继承：一个国家诞生时的自由与奴隶制，1765-1795 年》（American Inheritance：一个国家诞生时的自由与奴隶制，1765-1795 年》。Edward J. Larson 著。(纽约：W. W. 诺顿公司，2023 年。x, 358页。纸质版，17.99 美元，ISBN 978-1-324-07521-9；布质版，32.50 美元，ISBN 978-0-393-88220-9）。正如爱德华-J-拉尔森（Edward J. Larson）在其新书《美国的继承》的序言中指出的那样：正如爱德华-J-拉尔森（Edward J. Larson）在其新书《美国的继承：一个国家诞生时的自由与奴隶制，1765-1795 年》的序言中指出的，"自由与奴隶制在美国革命中的作用是一个党派雷区"（第 vii 页）。他说，"右派中的一些人""否认奴隶制在共和国建立过程中的作用"，而 "左派中的一些人则将捍卫国家认可的奴隶制视为革命的原因和宪法的影响"（第 vii 页）。尽管开篇提到了政治，但拉尔森并没有提及（尽管他显然意识到）左派就相关问题展开的更为严谨的党内辩论。这一疏忽是有暗示性的，因为拉森既没有完全进入左翼与右翼的 "雷区"，也没有进入左翼的党内争论。相反，他试图轻描淡写地穿越这两种冲突，以便为大众读者提供一个关于十八世纪晚期美国社会中自由与奴隶制事业的可读性概述。在许多方面，这一尝试是成功的。在不到 270 页的正文中，拉尔森巧妙地考察了 1765 年至 1795 年间几乎所有涉及奴隶制和自由的著名现象。即使是前 120 页讨论的部分主题清单--约翰-洛克；动产奴隶制与政治奴隶制言论之间的关系；克里斯珀斯-阿塔克斯、约翰-亚当斯和波士顿大屠杀；萨默塞特案；黑人和白人反奴隶制活动；独立宣言》、乔治-华盛顿对非裔美国人参军的立场、邓莫尔勋爵的《公告》、菲利斯-惠特利、罗德岛州招募黑人士兵以及各州宪法，这些都揭示了作者的雄心壮志。该书的最大观点--"美国革命和新的美国国家与其说是关于自由或奴隶制，不如说是关于自由和奴隶制"--与其说是一个完善的原创论文，不如说是一个组织主题（第 15 页）。即便如此，身为普利策奖得主和天才说书人的拉尔森还是不失时机地提供了富有洞察力的评论，并巧妙地从一个主题过渡到另一个主题。对众多事件发展的巧妙叙述可以让这本书在本科生的美国革命调查或美国革命课程中发挥很好的作用。学生们有时会从与一本并不完全致力于明确历史学立场的书的搏斗中获益，因为这样他们就有机会自己总结出历史意义。书中大量的人物和事件也意味着，教师可以根据具体课程和学生的技能水平有选择地布置阅读作业。[该领域的研究生和学者可能会发现，拉森倾向于淡化或掩盖某些党内学术争论的存在，这很成问题。例如，关于邓莫尔勋爵的《公告》的一个段落的连续尾注分别全文引用了伍迪-霍尔顿（Woody Holton）和肖恩-威伦茨（Sean Wilentz）的一句话（第 295-96nn81-82 页）。然而，无论是在注释中还是在正文中，拉森都没有说明这两位历史学家在该宣言的意义问题上存在分歧，尽管拉森引用的威伦茨的具体句子是对霍尔顿学术研究措辞激烈的批评性评论的一部分。当然，拉森之所以没有公开承认霍尔顿-威伦茨的论点，有可能是因为他认为他们的观点是可以综合的。如果是这样，书中也没有解释如何实现综合。因此，本书的每一位读者都将失去深入思考邓莫尔宣言与美国革命到来之间关系的机会。此外，非学术界的读者也将失去思考此类学术辩论在知识生产中所扮演的角色的机会。最后，《美国的继承》是对美国自由与奴隶制的一次宝贵概述。
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Pub Date : 2024-04-22DOI: 10.1353/soh.2024.a925480
Ryan D. Chaney
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Hillsville Remembered: Public Memory, Historical Silence, and Appalachia’s Most Notorious Shoot-Out</em> by Travis A. Rountree <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Ryan D. Chaney </li> </ul> <em>Hillsville Remembered: Public Memory, Historical Silence, and Appalachia’s Most Notorious Shoot-Out</em>. By Travis A. Rountree. (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 2023. Pp. [viii], 174. $35.00, ISBN 978-0-8131-9722-7.) <p>Though not introduced in this way, <em>Hillsville Remembered: Public Memory, Historical Silence, and Appalachia’s Most Notorious Shoot-Out</em> is, unfortunately, well suited to grappling with our present, repetitious American reality of mass gun violence. Examining representations of a 1912 courthouse shooting that left five people dead in a small Virginia mountain town, Travis A. Rountree thoroughly and thoughtfully clocks the violent event’s local, regional, and national reverberations, the multiple scales on which all collective traumas, then and today, resonate. One of the text’s strengths lies in asking us to consider connections and dissonances between how a violently traumatic event might be experienced proximally, shockingly, or even intimately, and how representations of the event are abstracted in various degrees of spatial and temporal remove. In that effort, <em>rhetorical remembering</em>, defined as “how individuals create public or private artifacts or memories that construct meaning about a public event,” is Rountree’s lens onto newspaper accounts and balladry of the time, museum displays and narratives, and a set of recently conceived and performed dramatic interpretations of the tragedy (p. 9). <strong>[End Page 451]</strong></p> <p>Reaching a wide American audience, the contemporary news media renderings, in particular, reflect a national-cultural construction, and thus a remembering, of the shoot-out and its succeeding events. The problem with national-cultural imaginings of Appalachia and things that happen there, as Rountree notes throughout, is that they depend, too often, “on speculation and specter instead of reality” (p. 145). Another salient value of <em>Hillsville Remembered</em> is thus its contribution to the critiques of literary, pop-cultural, and even scholarly representations of Appalachia animated by stereotypes of “hillbilly” lawlessness or nostalgia for the noble but naive backwoodsman, two generically familiar projections of an uncivilized Other onto Appalachian peoples and places. The way newspapers swarmed to document but mostly sensationalize the Hillsville tragedy emblematizes such projections, inflected with anxieties and desires of America’s waning Progressive era. These tropes were signified, for instance, by cartoonish representations of Floyd Allen, the man whose trial and conviction sparked the violence, and his familial accomplices as b
{"title":"Hillsville Remembered: Public Memory, Historical Silence, and Appalachia's Most Notorious Shoot-Out by Travis A. Rountree (review)","authors":"Ryan D. Chaney","doi":"10.1353/soh.2024.a925480","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/soh.2024.a925480","url":null,"abstract":"<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span>\u0000<p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Hillsville Remembered: Public Memory, Historical Silence, and Appalachia’s Most Notorious Shoot-Out</em> by Travis A. Rountree <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Ryan D. Chaney </li> </ul> <em>Hillsville Remembered: Public Memory, Historical Silence, and Appalachia’s Most Notorious Shoot-Out</em>. By Travis A. Rountree. (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 2023. Pp. [viii], 174. $35.00, ISBN 978-0-8131-9722-7.) <p>Though not introduced in this way, <em>Hillsville Remembered: Public Memory, Historical Silence, and Appalachia’s Most Notorious Shoot-Out</em> is, unfortunately, well suited to grappling with our present, repetitious American reality of mass gun violence. Examining representations of a 1912 courthouse shooting that left five people dead in a small Virginia mountain town, Travis A. Rountree thoroughly and thoughtfully clocks the violent event’s local, regional, and national reverberations, the multiple scales on which all collective traumas, then and today, resonate. One of the text’s strengths lies in asking us to consider connections and dissonances between how a violently traumatic event might be experienced proximally, shockingly, or even intimately, and how representations of the event are abstracted in various degrees of spatial and temporal remove. In that effort, <em>rhetorical remembering</em>, defined as “how individuals create public or private artifacts or memories that construct meaning about a public event,” is Rountree’s lens onto newspaper accounts and balladry of the time, museum displays and narratives, and a set of recently conceived and performed dramatic interpretations of the tragedy (p. 9). <strong>[End Page 451]</strong></p> <p>Reaching a wide American audience, the contemporary news media renderings, in particular, reflect a national-cultural construction, and thus a remembering, of the shoot-out and its succeeding events. The problem with national-cultural imaginings of Appalachia and things that happen there, as Rountree notes throughout, is that they depend, too often, “on speculation and specter instead of reality” (p. 145). Another salient value of <em>Hillsville Remembered</em> is thus its contribution to the critiques of literary, pop-cultural, and even scholarly representations of Appalachia animated by stereotypes of “hillbilly” lawlessness or nostalgia for the noble but naive backwoodsman, two generically familiar projections of an uncivilized Other onto Appalachian peoples and places. The way newspapers swarmed to document but mostly sensationalize the Hillsville tragedy emblematizes such projections, inflected with anxieties and desires of America’s waning Progressive era. These tropes were signified, for instance, by cartoonish representations of Floyd Allen, the man whose trial and conviction sparked the violence, and his familial accomplices as b","PeriodicalId":45484,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN HISTORY","volume":"19 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2024-04-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140637344","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-22DOI: 10.1353/soh.2024.a925451
Robin L. Roe
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Rethinking American Disasters</em> ed. by Cynthia A. Kierner, Matthew Mulcahy and Liz Skilton <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Robin L. Roe </li> </ul> <em>Rethinking American Disasters</em>. Edited by Cynthia A. Kierner, Matthew Mulcahy, and Liz Skilton. (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2023. Pp. [viii], 247. Paper, $34.95, ISBN 978-0-8071-7993-2.) <p>Since the early 2000s, major disasters have had serious consequences for a growing number of Americans, leading to both a growing public awareness and contentious debates over response and interpretation. Scholarly work on historical disasters, almost nonexistent in 2000, has also expanded rapidly, starting with the interdisciplinary collection of essays <em>American Disasters</em> (New York, 2001), edited by Steven Biel. Now a new collection of interdisciplinary essays, <em>Rethinking American Disasters</em>, edited by Cynthia A. Kierner, Matthew Mulcahy, and Liz Skilton, reexamines the key questions that drive American disaster studies.</p> <p>The editors clearly introduce the essential scholarly debates about historical disasters, including the most fundamental question: What is a disaster? The answer is quite complex, given the breadth of events that can be identified as <strong>[End Page 412]</strong> disasters, but at its most simplified, “A ‘disaster’ can be any incident that negatively impacts a group of individuals” (p. 3). Human loss of some sort, in other words, creates disaster out of incident. These essays draw a small sample from that wide scope, ranging from the geological, to floods and hurricanes, to biological epidemics and cancer rates. Contributors use cultural, political, and environmental lenses for their analysis, though these often overlap. Temporally, contributions range from the early British North American colonies to an analysis of the recent collision of diabetes and SARS-CoV-2 (COVID-19).</p> <p>Matthew Mulcahy, Benjamin L. Carp, and Jonathan Todd Hancock each examine early public perceptions of disasters, including how authorities tried to control narratives about such events, covering days of prayer and fasting in colonial New England, conspiracy theories during the American Revolution, and even a volcano hoax during the already disastrous 1810s. But by the 1810s, Americans were slowly turning from providentialism to science, even if flawed, to understand geological disasters. Scott Gabriel Knowles and Ashley Rogers, Richard M. Mizelle Jr., and Sarah E. Naramore focus on longer histories of medical disasters: public response to yellow fever between 1793 and 1820; the tragic interplay of diabetes, COVID-19, race, and class; and the continuity of racial violence, from enslaved African Americans on the German Coast of Louisiana to their descendants, who experience extraordinarily high cancer rates tied to p
{"title":"Rethinking American Disasters ed. by Cynthia A. Kierner, Matthew Mulcahy and Liz Skilton (review)","authors":"Robin L. Roe","doi":"10.1353/soh.2024.a925451","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/soh.2024.a925451","url":null,"abstract":"<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span>\u0000<p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Rethinking American Disasters</em> ed. by Cynthia A. Kierner, Matthew Mulcahy and Liz Skilton <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Robin L. Roe </li> </ul> <em>Rethinking American Disasters</em>. Edited by Cynthia A. Kierner, Matthew Mulcahy, and Liz Skilton. (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2023. Pp. [viii], 247. Paper, $34.95, ISBN 978-0-8071-7993-2.) <p>Since the early 2000s, major disasters have had serious consequences for a growing number of Americans, leading to both a growing public awareness and contentious debates over response and interpretation. Scholarly work on historical disasters, almost nonexistent in 2000, has also expanded rapidly, starting with the interdisciplinary collection of essays <em>American Disasters</em> (New York, 2001), edited by Steven Biel. Now a new collection of interdisciplinary essays, <em>Rethinking American Disasters</em>, edited by Cynthia A. Kierner, Matthew Mulcahy, and Liz Skilton, reexamines the key questions that drive American disaster studies.</p> <p>The editors clearly introduce the essential scholarly debates about historical disasters, including the most fundamental question: What is a disaster? The answer is quite complex, given the breadth of events that can be identified as <strong>[End Page 412]</strong> disasters, but at its most simplified, “A ‘disaster’ can be any incident that negatively impacts a group of individuals” (p. 3). Human loss of some sort, in other words, creates disaster out of incident. These essays draw a small sample from that wide scope, ranging from the geological, to floods and hurricanes, to biological epidemics and cancer rates. Contributors use cultural, political, and environmental lenses for their analysis, though these often overlap. Temporally, contributions range from the early British North American colonies to an analysis of the recent collision of diabetes and SARS-CoV-2 (COVID-19).</p> <p>Matthew Mulcahy, Benjamin L. Carp, and Jonathan Todd Hancock each examine early public perceptions of disasters, including how authorities tried to control narratives about such events, covering days of prayer and fasting in colonial New England, conspiracy theories during the American Revolution, and even a volcano hoax during the already disastrous 1810s. But by the 1810s, Americans were slowly turning from providentialism to science, even if flawed, to understand geological disasters. Scott Gabriel Knowles and Ashley Rogers, Richard M. Mizelle Jr., and Sarah E. Naramore focus on longer histories of medical disasters: public response to yellow fever between 1793 and 1820; the tragic interplay of diabetes, COVID-19, race, and class; and the continuity of racial violence, from enslaved African Americans on the German Coast of Louisiana to their descendants, who experience extraordinarily high cancer rates tied to p","PeriodicalId":45484,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN HISTORY","volume":"40 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2024-04-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140637345","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-22DOI: 10.1353/soh.2024.a925477
Amanda K. Frisken
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Reimagining the Republic: Race, Citizenship, and Nation in the Literary Work of Albion W. Tourgée</em> ed. by Sandra M. Gustafson and Robert S. Levine <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Amanda K. Frisken </li> </ul> <em>Reimagining the Republic: Race, Citizenship, and Nation in the Literary Work of Albion W. Tourgée</em>. Edited by Sandra M. Gustafson and Robert S. Levine. Foreword by Carolyn L. Karcher. Reconstructing America. (New York: Fordham University Press, 2023. Pp. xviii, 280. Paper, $35.00, ISBN 978-1-5315-0137-2; cloth, $125.00, ISBN 978-1-5315-0136-5.) <p>Albion W. Tourgée, best remembered as lead counsel for the plaintiff in the <em>Plessy v. Ferguson</em> (1896) case, was also a celebrated novelist in the decades after the Civil War. <em>Reimagining the Republic: Race, Citizenship, and Nation in the Literary Work of Albion W. Tourgée</em> restores its subject’s advocacy for Reconstruction-era advances in race relations and human rights as a novelist, editor, and literary critic. Grouped thematically in three sections, this collection’s essays illuminate Tourgée’s literary quest for racial justice.</p> <p>The first section considers Tourgée’s approach to racial representation. Robert S. Levine argues that Tourgée channeled gothic tropes in his first novel, <em>Toinette</em> (1874), to suggest slavery’s lingering impact on postemancipation American life. While, as John Ernest contends, unacknowledged white privilege in <em>A Fool’s Errand</em> (1879) may limit the novel’s relevance today, Nancy Bentley’s essay argues that Tourgée also “uncovered a dissonance between white” legal conceptions of family and the complexities of Black kinship in his second Reconstruction-era novel, <em>Bricks Without Straw</em> (1880) (p. 50). Further, Tourgée’s insistence that “true Christians” repent for slavery distinguishes <em>Pactolus Prime</em> (1890), as DeLisa D. Hawkes points out, “as one of the earliest American novels to make a case for reparations” (pp. 60, 58). He also influenced African American literature. As Tess Chakkalakal’s essay demonstrates, his glowing endorsement of Charles W. Chesnutt’s early fiction helped Tourgée “alter the American literary landscape” (p. 76). Jennifer Rae <strong>[End Page 447]</strong> Greeson argues Tourgée’s “inescapable” literary presence left persisting traces in the fiction of both Chesnutt and Anna Julia Cooper (p. 85).</p> <p>Part 2 explores Tourgée’s political ideals, beginning with his oft-repeated faith that the edifice of “republican citizenship” was sufficient to stem the tide of violence unleashed by former elites to reverse Reconstruction policies (p. 102). Though Tourgée’s ideals of citizenship often centered the experiences of elites rather than working-class Black communities, his Reconstruction-era fiction nevertheless established his expansive c
以下是内容的简要摘录，以代替摘要：评论者： Reimagining the Republic：由 Sandra M. Gustafson 和 Robert S. Levine 编辑 Amanda K. Frisken Reimagining the Republic：阿尔比恩-W-图尔盖文学作品中的种族、公民身份和民族。Sandra M. Gustafson 和 Robert S. Levine 编辑。前言：Carolyn L. Karcher。重建美国》。(New York：福特汉姆大学出版社，2023 年。Pp.纸质版，35.00 美元，ISBN 978-1-5315-0137-2；布质版，125.00 美元，ISBN 978-1-5315-0136-5）。阿尔比恩-W-图尔基（Albion W. Tourgée），因在普莱西诉弗格森案（1896 年）中担任原告的首席律师而为人们所熟知，他也是南北战争后几十年间著名的小说家。重新想象共和国》（Reimagining the Republic：重新想象共和国：阿尔比恩-W-图尔基文学作品中的种族、公民身份和国家》还原了作者作为小说家、编辑和文学评论家对重建时期种族关系和人权进步的倡导。这本文集的文章按主题分为三个部分，阐明了图尔基在文学上对种族正义的追求。第一部分探讨了图尔盖的种族表现方法。Robert S. Levine 认为，图尔盖在他的第一部小说《Toinette》（1874 年）中采用了哥特式的表现手法，暗示了奴隶制对解放后美国生活的持续影响。南希-本特利（Nancy Bentley）的文章认为，图尔盖在重建时期的第二部小说《没有稻草的砖块》（1880 年）中 "揭示了白人 "对家庭的法律概念与黑人亲属关系的复杂性之间的 "不协调"（第 50 页）。此外，正如 DeLisa D. Hawkes 所说，图尔盖坚持 "真正的基督徒 "要为奴隶制忏悔，这使得《Pactolus Prime》（1890 年）"成为最早提出赔偿要求的美国小说之一"（第 60 和 58 页）。他还影响了美国黑人文学。正如 Tess Chakkalakal 的文章所述，他对查尔斯-W-切斯纳特早期小说的赞誉帮助图尔盖 "改变了美国文学的格局"（第 76 页）。Jennifer Rae [第447页完] Greeson 认为，图尔盖 "不可避免的 "文学存在在切斯纳特和安娜-朱莉娅-库珀的小说中留下了持久的痕迹（第85页）。第 2 部分探讨了图尔盖的政治理想，首先是他经常重申的信念，即 "共和公民 "的大厦足以阻挡前精英为扭转重建政策而发动的暴力浪潮（第 102 页）。虽然图尔盖的公民权理想往往以精英阶层而非黑人工人阶级的经历为中心，但他在重建时期的小说却确立了他对奴隶制结束后南方生活的广阔批判，将其视为 "自由人面临的不自由的纠结"，正如克里斯汀-霍尔博所指出的，这为他后来在《普莱西案》中的法律论据提供了依据（第 126 页）。在《Button's Inn》（1887 年）中，图尔盖进一步扩展了他的社会正义观，将更公平的家庭经济纳入其中。阿尔玛斯-汗（Almas Khan）认为，他在《傻瓜的任务》（Fool's Errand）中将法律和文学主张结合起来，构成了 "为建立新国家而做出的全面的思想努力"，而在《律师高格和燕子》（With Gauge and Swallow, Attorneys，1889 年）中对寻求法律补救的自由人的同情和现实描写，反映了图尔盖在普莱西案判决前几年的乐观主义（第 151 页）。图尔盖对国家的道德愿景为最后一部分注入了活力。例如，正如萨拉-E-钱恩（Sarah E. Chinn）所写的那样，他反复塑造的截肢老兵作为自由人局官员的形象，让人们看到了国家 "为永久改变政治、经济和社会关系而做出的牺牲和承诺"（第 182 页）。安妮玛丽-莫特-尤因（Annemarie Mott Ewing）认为，图尔盖对铁路的描绘将公民权的斗争置于 "公司权力促成的帝国主义西进扩张实践的大背景下"（第 204 页）。然而，尽管图尔盖竭力宣传，但他的小说和他的短命插图周刊《我们的大陆》（1882-1884 年）都未能摆脱民族遗忘的嗜好或弱者权利理想的退却。战后，他立即采用复仇叙事来抵制美化南方联盟的冲动，并捍卫战争在道义上的胜利。具有讽刺意味的是，到了...
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