Pub Date : 2024-07-16DOI: 10.1353/soh.2024.a932600
Brian Mitchell
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>North to Boston: Life Histories from the Black Great Migration in New England</em> by Blake Gumprecht <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Brian Mitchell </li> </ul> <em>North to Boston: Life Histories from the Black Great Migration in New England</em>. By Blake Gumprecht. (New York: Oxford University Press, 2023. Pp. x, 235. $27.95, ISBN 978-0-19-761444-0.) <p>The Great Migration was the transformative movement of more than six million African Americans out of southern states to the northern and western <strong>[End Page 652]</strong> cities of the United States. Escaping discrimination, racialized violence, and debt peonage, migrants hoped to build new lives for themselves and their families. Blake Gumprecht’s <em>North to Boston: Life Histories from the Black Great Migration in New England</em> fills an important void in the historical record by providing accounts of the migrants who left the South and settled in Boston, Massachusetts. Gumprecht argues, “Much has been written about the Great Migration and its impact on cities such as Chicago and Detroit, but almost nothing has been written about its history in Boston and New England” (p. 1).</p> <p>Gumprecht’s study focuses on the lives and experiences of ten migrants who arrived in Boston between 1943 and 1969. The author acknowledges his difficulty finding his subjects and his reliance on the assistance of the Reverend Gregory Groover, minister of the Charles Street African Methodist Episcopal Church in Roxbury, Massachusetts, in identifying the subjects whom he would later interview. In many ways, <em>North to Boston</em> is as much about the Charles Street African Methodist Episcopal Church and the community of Roxbury as it is about the individuals interviewed. Each interviewee was a member of the church, and although many had changed residences several times, they stayed committed to and maintained their membership in the Roxbury church.</p> <p>The author organizes the text into twelve chapters. The first chapter, “The Great Migration in New England,” serves as an introduction and explores Black migration to Boston. The life story of each individual is the subject of chapters 2–11. Organized by the year of the interviewee’s arrival to the city, these chapters explore the driving forces that brought these migrants north to Boston and their trials in establishing a new life for themselves and their families. Many of the narratives are stories of flight: tales of men and women escaping violence, oppression, and racism in hopes of creating new and better lives in the North. What each of the subjects shared was a hope that their individual migrations would transform their lives and those of their families. All of Gumprecht’s interviewees faced the struggles of creating new lives for themselves in their new home; all faced racial discrimination in t
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Pub Date : 2024-07-16DOI: 10.1353/soh.2024.a932590
Steve Striffler
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Country Capitalism: How Corporations from the American South Remade Our Economy and the Planet</em> by Bart Elmore <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Steve Striffler </li> </ul> <em>Country Capitalism: How Corporations from the American South Remade Our Economy and the Planet</em>. By Bart Elmore. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2023. Pp. xiv, 233. $28.00, ISBN 978-1-4696-7333-2.) <p><em>Country Capitalism: How Corporations from the American South Remade Our Economy and the Planet</em> is an exceptionally readable history centered on the emergence and extraordinary growth of five very large corporations: Coca-Cola, Delta Airlines, Walmart, FedEx, and Bank of America. These companies transformed the world in a multiplicity of ways, including what we eat; how we travel; the way we make, buy, sell, move, and consume pretty much everything; and even how we treat workers and think about work. Author Bart Elmore’s focus is ultimately on exploring how these companies, all born in the South, transformed the economy and forever altered the environment on a global scale. It makes for a fascinating read, one that has the virtue of being very well researched and exceptionally well told.</p> <p>The book also makes a larger argument about the role of the U.S. South. For Elmore, it is not a coincidence that these corporate behemoths are from the same region. Rather, these companies experienced colossal success precisely because the relatively rural nature of the South led them to adapt in innovative ways. The South, particularly the challenges it posed for companies seeking to extract profit from a region with a relatively dispersed population, was an incubator of corporate innovation. This argument provides a provocative hook that drives the story and will no doubt be debated by scholars, even if at times it feels a bit underdeveloped.</p> <p>The book is divided into five parts, each corresponding to one of the corporate case studies. The first part explores the rise of Coca-Cola, focusing particularly on its innovative move toward franchising bottling plants, which allowed the company to extend its reach into rural areas and eventually the entire globe. Elmore points our attention to how this expansion transformed global ecosystems as it required more and more of everything—sugar, water, trucks, roads, refrigerators, and so on. He also explores how Coca-Cola attempted to address its ecological impact as environmental concerns arrived on the public radar.</p> <p>The history of Delta Airlines, originally nicknamed “The Airline of the South,” is particularly interesting. Its success depended heavily on the migration of industry and people from the Midwest to the South during the decades after World War II. The company’s trajectory mirrored shifts in the American economy. Delta’s rise is also import
{"title":"Country Capitalism: How Corporations from the American South Remade Our Economy and the Planet by Bart Elmore (review)","authors":"Steve Striffler","doi":"10.1353/soh.2024.a932590","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/soh.2024.a932590","url":null,"abstract":"<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span>\u0000<p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Country Capitalism: How Corporations from the American South Remade Our Economy and the Planet</em> by Bart Elmore <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Steve Striffler </li> </ul> <em>Country Capitalism: How Corporations from the American South Remade Our Economy and the Planet</em>. By Bart Elmore. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2023. Pp. xiv, 233. $28.00, ISBN 978-1-4696-7333-2.) <p><em>Country Capitalism: How Corporations from the American South Remade Our Economy and the Planet</em> is an exceptionally readable history centered on the emergence and extraordinary growth of five very large corporations: Coca-Cola, Delta Airlines, Walmart, FedEx, and Bank of America. These companies transformed the world in a multiplicity of ways, including what we eat; how we travel; the way we make, buy, sell, move, and consume pretty much everything; and even how we treat workers and think about work. Author Bart Elmore’s focus is ultimately on exploring how these companies, all born in the South, transformed the economy and forever altered the environment on a global scale. It makes for a fascinating read, one that has the virtue of being very well researched and exceptionally well told.</p> <p>The book also makes a larger argument about the role of the U.S. South. For Elmore, it is not a coincidence that these corporate behemoths are from the same region. Rather, these companies experienced colossal success precisely because the relatively rural nature of the South led them to adapt in innovative ways. The South, particularly the challenges it posed for companies seeking to extract profit from a region with a relatively dispersed population, was an incubator of corporate innovation. This argument provides a provocative hook that drives the story and will no doubt be debated by scholars, even if at times it feels a bit underdeveloped.</p> <p>The book is divided into five parts, each corresponding to one of the corporate case studies. The first part explores the rise of Coca-Cola, focusing particularly on its innovative move toward franchising bottling plants, which allowed the company to extend its reach into rural areas and eventually the entire globe. Elmore points our attention to how this expansion transformed global ecosystems as it required more and more of everything—sugar, water, trucks, roads, refrigerators, and so on. He also explores how Coca-Cola attempted to address its ecological impact as environmental concerns arrived on the public radar.</p> <p>The history of Delta Airlines, originally nicknamed “The Airline of the South,” is particularly interesting. Its success depended heavily on the migration of industry and people from the Midwest to the South during the decades after World War II. The company’s trajectory mirrored shifts in the American economy. Delta’s rise is also import","PeriodicalId":45484,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN HISTORY","volume":"22 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2024-07-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141720095","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-07-16DOI: 10.1353/soh.2024.a932563
Margaret Lynn Brown
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Charleston: Race, Water, and the Coming Storm</em> by Susan Crawford <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Margaret Lynn Brown </li> </ul> <em>Charleston: Race, Water, and the Coming Storm</em>. By Susan Crawford. Foreword by Annette Gordon-Reed. (New York: Pegasus Books, 2023. Pp. xii, 371. $28.95, ISBN 978-1-63936-357-5.) <p>“Experience the timeless charm and unrivaled hospitality only found in Charleston,” a December 26, 2022, <em>New Yorker</em> advertisement proclaims, with “a stirring sense of history.” Full-page spreads like these attract “seven million mostly white tourists” every year to the city’s “luxury hotels . . . for care-free indulgence and relaxation,” according to author Susan Crawford (pp. 6, 7). Tourism contributes $10 billion a year to the regional economy. Little wonder why leaders of the coastal city will not utter the words “sea level rise,” <strong>[End Page 604]</strong> especially if to do so implies that climate change and human activity have something to do with increased flooding. “[I]f you were planning for the Charleston region of 2050 and beyond, you would not build there and you would not want people to move there,” Crawford writes. “Tick off the dangers: storm surge, sea level rise, chronic flooding, groundwaters rising, risk to drinking water—it’s all about to get much more dangerous” (p. 258).</p> <p>Susan Crawford’s <em>Charleston: Race, Water, and the Coming Storm</em> juxtaposes the shortsighted view of civic leaders with the city’s long history of privileged development and racism. Like Annette Gordon-Reed, who has written a foreword to the book, Crawford is a professor at Harvard Law School, and the book often adopts the tone of a polemic with grim statistics and frightening forecasts. “Forty years ago, the city flooded ten times a year. The city flooded eighty-nine times in 2019, almost once every four days, sixty-eight times in 2020, and forty-six times in 2021” (pp. 10–11). Historians—always more comfortable with measured statements focused on the past—may not read this book. Perhaps they should. Crawford describes how modern development rests upon “creeks and marshes,” filled in with “trash, rubble, dirt, [and] offal” and covered with sand and dirt, work that had been done using slave labor (p. 34). “Today,” she writes, “much of Charleston is sitting on landfill. Floating on trash” (p. 35).</p> <p>The most engaging part of Crawford’s book, though, is a series of interviews with members of the African American community, including Rev. Joseph A. Darby, a Columbia, South Carolina–born pastor who led the Morris Brown African Methodist Episcopal Church in Charleston for fifteen years. Darby describes how, when the Arthur J. Ravenel Jr. Bridge was built between 2001 and 2005, African Americans were displaced: “‘The city,’ Darby says drily, ‘created a few college
{"title":"Charleston: Race, Water, and the Coming Storm by Susan Crawford (review)","authors":"Margaret Lynn Brown","doi":"10.1353/soh.2024.a932563","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/soh.2024.a932563","url":null,"abstract":"<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span>\u0000<p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Charleston: Race, Water, and the Coming Storm</em> by Susan Crawford <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Margaret Lynn Brown </li> </ul> <em>Charleston: Race, Water, and the Coming Storm</em>. By Susan Crawford. Foreword by Annette Gordon-Reed. (New York: Pegasus Books, 2023. Pp. xii, 371. $28.95, ISBN 978-1-63936-357-5.) <p>“Experience the timeless charm and unrivaled hospitality only found in Charleston,” a December 26, 2022, <em>New Yorker</em> advertisement proclaims, with “a stirring sense of history.” Full-page spreads like these attract “seven million mostly white tourists” every year to the city’s “luxury hotels . . . for care-free indulgence and relaxation,” according to author Susan Crawford (pp. 6, 7). Tourism contributes $10 billion a year to the regional economy. Little wonder why leaders of the coastal city will not utter the words “sea level rise,” <strong>[End Page 604]</strong> especially if to do so implies that climate change and human activity have something to do with increased flooding. “[I]f you were planning for the Charleston region of 2050 and beyond, you would not build there and you would not want people to move there,” Crawford writes. “Tick off the dangers: storm surge, sea level rise, chronic flooding, groundwaters rising, risk to drinking water—it’s all about to get much more dangerous” (p. 258).</p> <p>Susan Crawford’s <em>Charleston: Race, Water, and the Coming Storm</em> juxtaposes the shortsighted view of civic leaders with the city’s long history of privileged development and racism. Like Annette Gordon-Reed, who has written a foreword to the book, Crawford is a professor at Harvard Law School, and the book often adopts the tone of a polemic with grim statistics and frightening forecasts. “Forty years ago, the city flooded ten times a year. The city flooded eighty-nine times in 2019, almost once every four days, sixty-eight times in 2020, and forty-six times in 2021” (pp. 10–11). Historians—always more comfortable with measured statements focused on the past—may not read this book. Perhaps they should. Crawford describes how modern development rests upon “creeks and marshes,” filled in with “trash, rubble, dirt, [and] offal” and covered with sand and dirt, work that had been done using slave labor (p. 34). “Today,” she writes, “much of Charleston is sitting on landfill. Floating on trash” (p. 35).</p> <p>The most engaging part of Crawford’s book, though, is a series of interviews with members of the African American community, including Rev. Joseph A. Darby, a Columbia, South Carolina–born pastor who led the Morris Brown African Methodist Episcopal Church in Charleston for fifteen years. Darby describes how, when the Arthur J. Ravenel Jr. Bridge was built between 2001 and 2005, African Americans were displaced: “‘The city,’ Darby says drily, ‘created a few college ","PeriodicalId":45484,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN HISTORY","volume":"30 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2024-07-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141720135","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-07-16DOI: 10.1353/soh.2024.a932591
Sheena Harris Hayes
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Emmett J. Scott: Power Broker of the Tuskegee Machine</em> by Maceo C. Dailey Jr <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Sheena Harris Hayes </li> </ul> <em>Emmett J. Scott: Power Broker of the Tuskegee Machine</em>. By Maceo C. Dailey Jr. Edited by Will Guzmán and David H. Jackson Jr. Afro-Texans. (Lubbock: Texas Tech University Press, 2023. Pp. xvi, 424. $45.00, ISBN 978-1- 68283-123-6.) <p>In recent years, scholars have begun addressing the gaps in nineteenth- and early-twentieth-century biographical studies, especially those of men and women at historically Black colleges and universities. Will Guzmán and David H. Jackson Jr. have edited and completed the first volume of the late Maceo C. Dailey Jr.’s much-anticipated biography <em>Emmett J. Scott: Power Broker of the Tuskegee Machine</em>. Dailey’s book uncovers the often overlooked work and leadership of Emmett Jay Scott, an early-twentieth-century leader who, until now, has been relegated to the shadows of the much more well known Booker T. Washington. Not only does this biography complicate the traditional narrative of Washington as the sole mastermind behind the Tuskegee Machine, but it also reconstructs everything we thought we knew about Black male leadership in the early twentieth century by providing a closer reading of Tuskegee’s past.</p> <p>Dailey’s well-researched biography of Scott offers an alternative to the traditional history of Booker T. Washington and Tuskegee Institute by expanding our understanding of the solidarity between the “private secretary,” Scott, and the public “Wizard of Tuskegee,” Washington (p. 3). Dailey argues that Washington came to “rely on and many times defer to the genius of Scott in dealing with Tuskegee opposition” (p. 70). Even further, Dailey adds that “Scott did not hesitate to bring his detractors to the mourner’s bench, and this biography only sees itself as a lead, reinterpretative one in the modern, future series of works on Scott and those of his era” (p. 7).</p> <p>The first eight chronological chapters cover Scott’s early life and his work at Tuskegee before the death of Washington. As with most biographies, the early pages reveal a closer glimpse into the more intimate and familial foundations of Scott. We learn that he hailed from Houston, Texas, enrolled at Wiley College at the age of fourteen, left two years later to secure employment, and eventually took a job at the Houston <em>Post</em>. Scott then co-founded and edited one of the first Black newspapers west of the Mississippi, the <em>Texas Freeman</em>. In 1897, after organizing Booker T. Washington’s visits to Houston and Prairie View State College (now Prairie View A&M University), Scott accepted a position as personal secretary to Washington, a relationship that <strong>[End Page 640]</strong> lasted nearly twenty years. Scott, by wa
以下是内容的简要摘录，以代替摘要：评论者 Emmett J. Scott: Power Broker of the Tuskegee Machine by Maceo C. Dailey Jr Sheena Harris Hayes Emmett J. Scott: Power Broker of the Tuskegee Machine.小马西奥-C-戴利著，威尔-古斯曼和小戴维-H-杰克逊编辑。非洲裔德克萨斯人。(拉伯克：德克萨斯理工大学出版社，2023 年。第 xvi、424 页。45.00 美元，书号 978-1-68283-123-6）。近年来，学者们开始关注 19 世纪和 20 世纪早期传记研究中的空白，尤其是对历史上的黑人学院和大学中的男性和女性的研究。Will Guzmán 和 David H. Jackson Jr. 编辑完成了已故的 Maceo C. Dailey Jr. 备受期待的传记《Emmett J. Scott: Power Broker of the Tuskegee Machine》的第一卷。戴利在书中揭示了艾米特-杰伊-斯科特经常被忽视的工作和领导才能，这位二十世纪早期的领袖人物直到现在一直被归入更为人熟知的布克-华盛顿的阴影之下。这本传记不仅将华盛顿作为 "塔斯基吉机器 "幕后唯一策划者的传统说法复杂化，而且通过对塔斯基吉的过去进行更仔细的解读，重建了我们原以为对二十世纪初黑人男性领导力的一切认识。戴利对斯科特的传记进行了详尽的研究，在布克-华盛顿和塔斯基吉学院的传统历史之外提供了另一种选择，拓展了我们对 "私人秘书 "斯科特和公开的 "塔斯基吉魔法师 "华盛顿之间团结关系的理解（第 3 页）。戴利认为，华盛顿 "在与塔斯基吉的反对派打交道时，依赖于斯科特的才华，并多次对他言听计从"（第 70 页）。戴利还补充说，"斯科特毫不犹豫地将他的诋毁者推上了哀悼者的长椅，这本传记只是将自己视为现代、未来一系列关于斯科特及其时代的作品中的主角，重新诠释了斯科特"（第 7 页）。前八章按时间顺序讲述了斯科特的早年生活以及华盛顿去世前他在塔斯基吉的工作。与大多数传记一样，前几章揭示了斯科特更为私密的家庭背景。我们了解到，他来自得克萨斯州的休斯敦，14 岁时进入威利学院学习，两年后因就业而离开，最终在《休斯敦邮报》就职。之后，斯科特与他人共同创办并编辑了密西西比河以西最早的黑人报纸之一《德克萨斯自由人报》。1897 年，在组织布克-T-华盛顿访问休斯顿和普拉瑞景州立大学（现普拉瑞景 A&M 大学）之后，斯科特接受了华盛顿私人秘书的职位，这段关系 [完 640 页] 持续了近 20 年。通过与华盛顿和塔斯基吉的交往，斯科特变得非常有权势，他代表华盛顿向西奥多-罗斯福、伍德罗-威尔逊、朱利叶斯-罗森沃尔德以及美国黑人坦率地谈论种族和政治问题，成为种族问题的主要发言人。这些章节的真正优势在于戴利能够将斯科特的个人文件纳入其中，而这些文件此前一直不为公众所知。这座资源金矿揭示了斯科特采用的内部方法和策略。读者可以了解到，是斯科特而不仅仅是华盛顿制定了许多策略，将华盛顿定位为非裔美国人社区的领袖，并构建了一个由黑人和白人领袖组成的网络，他们将成为华盛顿的盟友。两人之间的紧张关系也暴露无遗。其中一件事是华盛顿拒绝推荐斯科特接受威廉-霍华德-塔夫脱政府的任命，这反映了华盛顿对斯科特留在塔斯基吉的强烈影响，尽管正如戴利所说，斯科特渴望拥有 "权力、财富和声望"（第131页）。尽管这些可能只是小矛盾，但戴利揭示了两人是如何紧密合作的--他们的思想、理念和实践交织在一起--以至于在很多时候无法分辨谁的思想是谁的。最后三章详细描述了 1915 年布克-华盛顿去世后斯科特的生活。我们了解到，在华盛顿去世后，他未能获得塔斯基吉大学的校长职位......
{"title":"Emmett J. Scott: Power Broker of the Tuskegee Machine by Maceo C. Dailey Jr (review)","authors":"Sheena Harris Hayes","doi":"10.1353/soh.2024.a932591","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/soh.2024.a932591","url":null,"abstract":"<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span>\u0000<p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Emmett J. Scott: Power Broker of the Tuskegee Machine</em> by Maceo C. Dailey Jr <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Sheena Harris Hayes </li> </ul> <em>Emmett J. Scott: Power Broker of the Tuskegee Machine</em>. By Maceo C. Dailey Jr. Edited by Will Guzmán and David H. Jackson Jr. Afro-Texans. (Lubbock: Texas Tech University Press, 2023. Pp. xvi, 424. $45.00, ISBN 978-1- 68283-123-6.) <p>In recent years, scholars have begun addressing the gaps in nineteenth- and early-twentieth-century biographical studies, especially those of men and women at historically Black colleges and universities. Will Guzmán and David H. Jackson Jr. have edited and completed the first volume of the late Maceo C. Dailey Jr.’s much-anticipated biography <em>Emmett J. Scott: Power Broker of the Tuskegee Machine</em>. Dailey’s book uncovers the often overlooked work and leadership of Emmett Jay Scott, an early-twentieth-century leader who, until now, has been relegated to the shadows of the much more well known Booker T. Washington. Not only does this biography complicate the traditional narrative of Washington as the sole mastermind behind the Tuskegee Machine, but it also reconstructs everything we thought we knew about Black male leadership in the early twentieth century by providing a closer reading of Tuskegee’s past.</p> <p>Dailey’s well-researched biography of Scott offers an alternative to the traditional history of Booker T. Washington and Tuskegee Institute by expanding our understanding of the solidarity between the “private secretary,” Scott, and the public “Wizard of Tuskegee,” Washington (p. 3). Dailey argues that Washington came to “rely on and many times defer to the genius of Scott in dealing with Tuskegee opposition” (p. 70). Even further, Dailey adds that “Scott did not hesitate to bring his detractors to the mourner’s bench, and this biography only sees itself as a lead, reinterpretative one in the modern, future series of works on Scott and those of his era” (p. 7).</p> <p>The first eight chronological chapters cover Scott’s early life and his work at Tuskegee before the death of Washington. As with most biographies, the early pages reveal a closer glimpse into the more intimate and familial foundations of Scott. We learn that he hailed from Houston, Texas, enrolled at Wiley College at the age of fourteen, left two years later to secure employment, and eventually took a job at the Houston <em>Post</em>. Scott then co-founded and edited one of the first Black newspapers west of the Mississippi, the <em>Texas Freeman</em>. In 1897, after organizing Booker T. Washington’s visits to Houston and Prairie View State College (now Prairie View A&M University), Scott accepted a position as personal secretary to Washington, a relationship that <strong>[End Page 640]</strong> lasted nearly twenty years. Scott, by wa","PeriodicalId":45484,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN HISTORY","volume":"35 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2024-07-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141722325","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-07-16DOI: 10.1353/soh.2024.a932554
Lisa Lindquist Dorr
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> Abortion on Campus: <span>Sexual Liberation and Reproductive Control at Southern Colleges and Universities before 1973</span> <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Lisa Lindquist Dorr (bio) </li> </ul> <p><strong>O</strong><small>n</small> O<small>ctober</small> 6, 1971, R<small>on</small> S<small>achs</small>, <small>editor of the</small> U<small>niversity of</small> Florida’s student newspaper, the <em>Florida Alligator</em>, was arrested for violating the state’s 1868 law prohibiting abortion. Sachs had not provided or been involved directly in any abortion himself. Instead, he was charged with violating the section of the law that prohibited the dissemination of any information that could lead to abortion.<sup>1</sup> Against the advice of the president and university attorneys, Sachs and his editorial team had published a list of abortion referral and counseling services in the October 6 edition of the <em>Alligator</em>. These services counseled women with unwanted pregnancies and provided information on competent abortion providers. Florida students, the editors believed, deserved information about abortion referral services regardless of the law, as debate on campus over the previous few years had made clear. The charges against Sachs ultimately were dismissed, with a ruling that Florida’s abortion law violated women’s privacy and that the prohibition on information was a violation of free speech rights. Two months later, in February 1972, the Florida Supreme Court concurred, throwing out <strong>[End Page 539]</strong> Florida’s 1868 law entirely.<sup>2</sup> As a result, college newspapers in Florida were free to publish information about where women could seek safe abortions. Student newspapers nationwide celebrated Sachs’s victory, as did several major newspapers in the state and around the country. The University of Florida even went a step further, providing its own on- campus referral service through the Student Government Association, recognizing Florida students’ interest in the procedure.</p> <p>The story of Sachs’s victory for abortion rights has been resurrected recently in the aftermath of the U.S. Supreme Court decision <em>Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization</em> in June 2022. But the efforts by students at southern colleges and universities to gain access to abortion before <em>Roe v. Wade</em> in 1973 made abortion legal went beyond the drama involving the <em>Florida Alligator</em>. College students across the South demanded access to reproductive services on college campuses. Their lively arguments, activities, and personal efforts illustrate the complicated debate over abortion in the South long before <em>Roe</em>. Although women’s liberation groups were part of this process, voicing their desire for the repeal of abortion laws, they were not alone. Indeed, the debate about abortion was less abo
{"title":"Abortion on Campus: Sexual Liberation and Reproductive Control at Southern Colleges and Universities before 1973","authors":"Lisa Lindquist Dorr","doi":"10.1353/soh.2024.a932554","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/soh.2024.a932554","url":null,"abstract":"<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span>\u0000<p> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> Abortion on Campus: <span>Sexual Liberation and Reproductive Control at Southern Colleges and Universities before 1973</span> <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Lisa Lindquist Dorr (bio) </li> </ul> <p><strong>O</strong><small>n</small> O<small>ctober</small> 6, 1971, R<small>on</small> S<small>achs</small>, <small>editor of the</small> U<small>niversity of</small> Florida’s student newspaper, the <em>Florida Alligator</em>, was arrested for violating the state’s 1868 law prohibiting abortion. Sachs had not provided or been involved directly in any abortion himself. Instead, he was charged with violating the section of the law that prohibited the dissemination of any information that could lead to abortion.<sup>1</sup> Against the advice of the president and university attorneys, Sachs and his editorial team had published a list of abortion referral and counseling services in the October 6 edition of the <em>Alligator</em>. These services counseled women with unwanted pregnancies and provided information on competent abortion providers. Florida students, the editors believed, deserved information about abortion referral services regardless of the law, as debate on campus over the previous few years had made clear. The charges against Sachs ultimately were dismissed, with a ruling that Florida’s abortion law violated women’s privacy and that the prohibition on information was a violation of free speech rights. Two months later, in February 1972, the Florida Supreme Court concurred, throwing out <strong>[End Page 539]</strong> Florida’s 1868 law entirely.<sup>2</sup> As a result, college newspapers in Florida were free to publish information about where women could seek safe abortions. Student newspapers nationwide celebrated Sachs’s victory, as did several major newspapers in the state and around the country. The University of Florida even went a step further, providing its own on- campus referral service through the Student Government Association, recognizing Florida students’ interest in the procedure.</p> <p>The story of Sachs’s victory for abortion rights has been resurrected recently in the aftermath of the U.S. Supreme Court decision <em>Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization</em> in June 2022. But the efforts by students at southern colleges and universities to gain access to abortion before <em>Roe v. Wade</em> in 1973 made abortion legal went beyond the drama involving the <em>Florida Alligator</em>. College students across the South demanded access to reproductive services on college campuses. Their lively arguments, activities, and personal efforts illustrate the complicated debate over abortion in the South long before <em>Roe</em>. Although women’s liberation groups were part of this process, voicing their desire for the repeal of abortion laws, they were not alone. Indeed, the debate about abortion was less abo","PeriodicalId":45484,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN HISTORY","volume":"14 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2024-07-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141720100","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-07-16DOI: 10.1353/soh.2024.a932556
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> Historical News and Notices <!-- /html_title --></li> </ul> <h2>THE ASSOCIATION</h2> <p>The Southern Historical Association will hold its ninetieth annual meeting in Kansas City, Missouri, October 24–27, 2024, at the Westin Kansas City at Crown Center. Registration is now open. For the most up-to-date information and to register, please visit https://thesha.org/meeting.</p> <p>The 2024 annual meeting will not be one to miss. For the first time in our collective histories, the Southern will meet concurrently with the Western History Association (WHA). This first-ever meeting of the leading regional history associations in the United States is not just a marriage of convenience. The SHA Program Committee, chaired by Angela Murphy, has created a host of panels and plenaries emphasizing the SXSW turn in our historiography. The SHA Local Arrangements Committee, chaired by Diane Mutti-Burke, has also outdone itself, planning tours and events at off-site venues that will allow us to explore the city, including an opening plenary jazz performance at the National WWI Museum, a teaching panel at the Negro Leagues Baseball Museum, and much more.</p> <p>The deadline for submissions for the William F. Holmes Award, recognizing the best paper presented at the Kansas City meeting by a graduate student or recent Ph.D., is October 12, 2024. For more information, please visit https://www.thesha.org/holmes.</p> <p>The 2025 Program Committee has issued its call for papers for the ninety- first annual meeting in St. Pete Beach, Florida, November 5–8, 2025. All proposals should be submitted electronically through the SHA website. The deadline for submissions is September 15, 2024. In accordance with the SHA’s “one year off” rule, no one who was accepted to give a paper or participate in a roundtable during the Kansas City program will be eligible for participation in St. Pete Beach. (Panel chairs and commentators do not have to take a year off.) The SHA strongly encourages session proposals that reflect racial, gender, and institutional diversity.</p> <h2>LIBRARIES AND ARCHIVES</h2> <p>The Georgia Historical Society is pleased to announce that the following collections are now available for research. Please consult the Research Center catalogs for further information about these and other Georgia Historical Society collections: www.georgiahistory.com.</p> <p>Judge Timothy R. Walmsley Collection of Ahmaud Arbery Murder Trial Materials (GHS 2844)—This collection consists of correspondence sent to Judge Timothy R. Walmsley of the Superior Court of the Eastern Judicial Circuit of Georgia. The correspondence consists of letters, greeting cards, postcards, and other messages related to the murder of Ahmaud Arbery and the trial of Travis McMichael, Gregory McMichael, and William “Roddie” Bryan, a trial presided over by Judge Walmsley. The majority of the
{"title":"Historical News and Notices","authors":"","doi":"10.1353/soh.2024.a932556","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/soh.2024.a932556","url":null,"abstract":"<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span>\u0000<p> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> Historical News and Notices <!-- /html_title --></li> </ul> <h2>THE ASSOCIATION</h2> <p>The Southern Historical Association will hold its ninetieth annual meeting in Kansas City, Missouri, October 24–27, 2024, at the Westin Kansas City at Crown Center. Registration is now open. For the most up-to-date information and to register, please visit https://thesha.org/meeting.</p> <p>The 2024 annual meeting will not be one to miss. For the first time in our collective histories, the Southern will meet concurrently with the Western History Association (WHA). This first-ever meeting of the leading regional history associations in the United States is not just a marriage of convenience. The SHA Program Committee, chaired by Angela Murphy, has created a host of panels and plenaries emphasizing the SXSW turn in our historiography. The SHA Local Arrangements Committee, chaired by Diane Mutti-Burke, has also outdone itself, planning tours and events at off-site venues that will allow us to explore the city, including an opening plenary jazz performance at the National WWI Museum, a teaching panel at the Negro Leagues Baseball Museum, and much more.</p> <p>The deadline for submissions for the William F. Holmes Award, recognizing the best paper presented at the Kansas City meeting by a graduate student or recent Ph.D., is October 12, 2024. For more information, please visit https://www.thesha.org/holmes.</p> <p>The 2025 Program Committee has issued its call for papers for the ninety- first annual meeting in St. Pete Beach, Florida, November 5–8, 2025. All proposals should be submitted electronically through the SHA website. The deadline for submissions is September 15, 2024. In accordance with the SHA’s “one year off” rule, no one who was accepted to give a paper or participate in a roundtable during the Kansas City program will be eligible for participation in St. Pete Beach. (Panel chairs and commentators do not have to take a year off.) The SHA strongly encourages session proposals that reflect racial, gender, and institutional diversity.</p> <h2>LIBRARIES AND ARCHIVES</h2> <p>The Georgia Historical Society is pleased to announce that the following collections are now available for research. Please consult the Research Center catalogs for further information about these and other Georgia Historical Society collections: www.georgiahistory.com.</p> <p>Judge Timothy R. Walmsley Collection of Ahmaud Arbery Murder Trial Materials (GHS 2844)—This collection consists of correspondence sent to Judge Timothy R. Walmsley of the Superior Court of the Eastern Judicial Circuit of Georgia. The correspondence consists of letters, greeting cards, postcards, and other messages related to the murder of Ahmaud Arbery and the trial of Travis McMichael, Gregory McMichael, and William “Roddie” Bryan, a trial presided over by Judge Walmsley. The majority of the","PeriodicalId":45484,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN HISTORY","volume":"32 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2024-07-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141720101","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-07-16DOI: 10.1353/soh.2024.a932553
Sarah Beth Kaufman
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> Higher Education on the Texas Blackland Prairie: <span>Trinity University’s Civil War Era</span> <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Sarah Beth Kaufman (bio) </li> </ul> <p><strong>A</strong><small>cross the</small> U<small>nited</small> S<small>tates, institutions of higher learning are</small> grappling with legacies rooted in slavery. Catalyzed by the historic mandate of Brown University president Ruth J. Simmons, the first Black woman to lead an Ivy League school, colleges and universities have documented the role of enslaved labor, celebrated the accomplishments of formerly enslaved members of their communities, and taken steps toward reconciliation.<sup>1</sup> This essay extends such work, centering the slave economy’s influence on universities founded during southern Reconstruction. Scholars argue that Civil War–era racial capital deserves more attention.<sup>2</sup> The story of Trinity University’s founding illuminates one aspect of this era: how higher education funneled wealth gained from enslavement before the Civil War to Protestant Anglo children after slavery’s abolition. Drawing on materials such as letters from the Bureau of Refugees, Freedmen, and Abandoned Lands (the Freedmen’s Bureau) and university archival records, this essay provides a model for other southern colleges and universities founded during the Civil War era to clarify how they, too, benefited from the slave economy. <strong>[End Page 503]</strong></p> <p>Today, Trinity University is a small private school in San Antonio, Texas. With an enrollment of over 2,500 undergraduate students, it ranks among the top fifty liberal arts schools in the United States, and it has an endowment to match.<sup>3</sup> Like other predominantly white institutions, Trinity has historically served students racialized as white (herein referred to as “white” or “Anglo”), to the detriment of minoritized racial groups, particularly those racialized as Black.<sup>4</sup> Trinity was opened in 1869 by Cumberland Presbyterians as one of the many evangelical colleges propagated throughout the South during the later nineteenth century. The school is now secular, with a covenantal relationship with the Presbyterian Church (U.S.A.). It resided for the first half of the twentieth century in Waxahachie, Texas, near Dallas, before moving to its current home in San Antonio. But Trinity University was begun in a remote settlement in east central Texas called the Tehuacana Hills, in Limestone County. It was not founded by a single person or family but by a group of Anglo church and community leaders who were wealthy enough to donate land and money, sit on the board of trustees, and travel to solicit contributions for the school. Most of these were farmer- businessmen-ministers who migrated from prominent families in the lower southern states, who enslaved people, and who fought for the
{"title":"Higher Education on the Texas Blackland Prairie: Trinity University's Civil War Era","authors":"Sarah Beth Kaufman","doi":"10.1353/soh.2024.a932553","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/soh.2024.a932553","url":null,"abstract":"<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span>\u0000<p> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> Higher Education on the Texas Blackland Prairie: <span>Trinity University’s Civil War Era</span> <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Sarah Beth Kaufman (bio) </li> </ul> <p><strong>A</strong><small>cross the</small> U<small>nited</small> S<small>tates, institutions of higher learning are</small> grappling with legacies rooted in slavery. Catalyzed by the historic mandate of Brown University president Ruth J. Simmons, the first Black woman to lead an Ivy League school, colleges and universities have documented the role of enslaved labor, celebrated the accomplishments of formerly enslaved members of their communities, and taken steps toward reconciliation.<sup>1</sup> This essay extends such work, centering the slave economy’s influence on universities founded during southern Reconstruction. Scholars argue that Civil War–era racial capital deserves more attention.<sup>2</sup> The story of Trinity University’s founding illuminates one aspect of this era: how higher education funneled wealth gained from enslavement before the Civil War to Protestant Anglo children after slavery’s abolition. Drawing on materials such as letters from the Bureau of Refugees, Freedmen, and Abandoned Lands (the Freedmen’s Bureau) and university archival records, this essay provides a model for other southern colleges and universities founded during the Civil War era to clarify how they, too, benefited from the slave economy. <strong>[End Page 503]</strong></p> <p>Today, Trinity University is a small private school in San Antonio, Texas. With an enrollment of over 2,500 undergraduate students, it ranks among the top fifty liberal arts schools in the United States, and it has an endowment to match.<sup>3</sup> Like other predominantly white institutions, Trinity has historically served students racialized as white (herein referred to as “white” or “Anglo”), to the detriment of minoritized racial groups, particularly those racialized as Black.<sup>4</sup> Trinity was opened in 1869 by Cumberland Presbyterians as one of the many evangelical colleges propagated throughout the South during the later nineteenth century. The school is now secular, with a covenantal relationship with the Presbyterian Church (U.S.A.). It resided for the first half of the twentieth century in Waxahachie, Texas, near Dallas, before moving to its current home in San Antonio. But Trinity University was begun in a remote settlement in east central Texas called the Tehuacana Hills, in Limestone County. It was not founded by a single person or family but by a group of Anglo church and community leaders who were wealthy enough to donate land and money, sit on the board of trustees, and travel to solicit contributions for the school. Most of these were farmer- businessmen-ministers who migrated from prominent families in the lower southern states, who enslaved people, and who fought for the","PeriodicalId":45484,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN HISTORY","volume":"11 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2024-07-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141720102","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-07-16DOI: 10.1353/soh.2024.a932564
Jeffrey J. Malanson
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Seven Virginians: The Men Who Shaped Our Republic</em> by John B. Boles <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Jeffrey J. Malanson </li> </ul> <em>Seven Virginians: The Men Who Shaped Our Republic</em>. By John B. Boles. (Charlottesville and London: University of Virginia Press, 2023. Pp. xii, 392. $34.95, ISBN 978-0-8139-4909-3.) <p>John B. Boles’s <em>Seven Virginians: The Men Who Shaped Our Republic</em> provides a highly readable account of the “long revolutionary era” between the 1740s and 1830s as lived by George Mason, George Washington, Patrick Henry, Thomas Jefferson, James Madison, John Marshall, and James Monroe (p. 2). According to Boles, these “seven men were born in the northeast quadrant of the colony of Virginia” and played “a vastly disproportionate role in the founding of this nation” (p. 1). The book’s first thirteen chapters tell the story of the country’s founding in a largely chronological narrative from the French and Indian War through the late 1820s. A fourteenth chapter on “Institution Builders” examines Marshall’s tenure as Chief Justice of the Supreme Court and Jefferson’s role in founding the University of Virginia. A final chapter considers the legacies of Jefferson, Madison, Marshall, and Monroe regarding slavery and their influence on the effort to write a new constitution for the state of Virginia in 1829.</p> <p>Boles moves briskly through more than eighty years of history while trying to tell coherent stories about each Virginian, but he tries to do too much, and the book’s primary contribution is ultimately unclear. The narrative thrust of <em>Seven Virginians</em> is the chronology of America’s founding, often with Washington, Jefferson, or Madison at the center. Little space is left for the contributions of Mason, Henry, Monroe, and Marshall, who are not central to Boles’s conception of the founding. Devoting more space to their achievements and service would have helped readers to better understand who these four were as politicians and Virginians—especially so for Monroe, who is briefly described as an Antifederalist Francophile in the 1780s and 1790s and as a mildly pro-British nationalist in the 1810s, with little context provided to explain the transition. Monroe and Marshall are at least highlighted in chapters near the end of the book, but Henry and especially Mason receive short shrift. The same can be said of the putative unifying theme of the book—that these seven were all Virginians. Virginia, and the ways the state and its politics shaped who these leaders were, is not a prominent enough character in the book to make it feel as if we learned anything new about the founding or these leaders from this approach.</p> <p>Boles admits that “a book about seven white slaveholders will appear inappropriate or even repugnant to some readers in 2023,” but he justifi
{"title":"Seven Virginians: The Men Who Shaped Our Republic by John B. Boles (review)","authors":"Jeffrey J. Malanson","doi":"10.1353/soh.2024.a932564","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/soh.2024.a932564","url":null,"abstract":"<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span>\u0000<p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Seven Virginians: The Men Who Shaped Our Republic</em> by John B. Boles <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Jeffrey J. Malanson </li> </ul> <em>Seven Virginians: The Men Who Shaped Our Republic</em>. By John B. Boles. (Charlottesville and London: University of Virginia Press, 2023. Pp. xii, 392. $34.95, ISBN 978-0-8139-4909-3.) <p>John B. Boles’s <em>Seven Virginians: The Men Who Shaped Our Republic</em> provides a highly readable account of the “long revolutionary era” between the 1740s and 1830s as lived by George Mason, George Washington, Patrick Henry, Thomas Jefferson, James Madison, John Marshall, and James Monroe (p. 2). According to Boles, these “seven men were born in the northeast quadrant of the colony of Virginia” and played “a vastly disproportionate role in the founding of this nation” (p. 1). The book’s first thirteen chapters tell the story of the country’s founding in a largely chronological narrative from the French and Indian War through the late 1820s. A fourteenth chapter on “Institution Builders” examines Marshall’s tenure as Chief Justice of the Supreme Court and Jefferson’s role in founding the University of Virginia. A final chapter considers the legacies of Jefferson, Madison, Marshall, and Monroe regarding slavery and their influence on the effort to write a new constitution for the state of Virginia in 1829.</p> <p>Boles moves briskly through more than eighty years of history while trying to tell coherent stories about each Virginian, but he tries to do too much, and the book’s primary contribution is ultimately unclear. The narrative thrust of <em>Seven Virginians</em> is the chronology of America’s founding, often with Washington, Jefferson, or Madison at the center. Little space is left for the contributions of Mason, Henry, Monroe, and Marshall, who are not central to Boles’s conception of the founding. Devoting more space to their achievements and service would have helped readers to better understand who these four were as politicians and Virginians—especially so for Monroe, who is briefly described as an Antifederalist Francophile in the 1780s and 1790s and as a mildly pro-British nationalist in the 1810s, with little context provided to explain the transition. Monroe and Marshall are at least highlighted in chapters near the end of the book, but Henry and especially Mason receive short shrift. The same can be said of the putative unifying theme of the book—that these seven were all Virginians. Virginia, and the ways the state and its politics shaped who these leaders were, is not a prominent enough character in the book to make it feel as if we learned anything new about the founding or these leaders from this approach.</p> <p>Boles admits that “a book about seven white slaveholders will appear inappropriate or even repugnant to some readers in 2023,” but he justifi","PeriodicalId":45484,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN HISTORY","volume":"49 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2024-07-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141720113","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-07-16DOI: 10.1353/soh.2024.a932555
Leisa D. Meyer
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> Yes, There Is a “Quare”/Queer South!: <span>A Review Essay</span> <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Leisa D. Meyer (bio) </li> </ul> <em>The Real Rainbow Row: Explorations in Charleston’s LGBTQ History</em>. By Harlan Greene. (Charleston, S.C.: Evening Post Books, 2022. Pp. xiv, 337. Paper, $34.95, ISBN 978-1-929647-76-7.) <em>Drastic Dykes and Accidental Activists: Queer Women in the Urban South</em>. By La Shonda Mims. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2022. Pp. xviii, 237. Paper, $24.95, ISBN 978-1-4696-7055-3; cloth, $99.00, ISBN 978-1-4696-7054-6.) <em>Before <span>Lawrence v. Texas</span>: The Making of a Queer Social Movement</em>. By Wesley G. Phelps. Jack and Doris Smothers Series in Texas History, Life, and Culture. (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2023. Pp. x, 292. $34.95, ISBN 978-1-4773-2232-1.) <p>R<small>ecently</small> I <small>was</small> <small>one</small> <small>of</small> <small>the</small> <small>faculty</small> <small>representing</small> W<small>illiam</small> & Mary at an “affinity group” breakfast for parents and friends of newly admitted students. This particular affinity group was for families whose children identified as LGBTQ+. The most frequent question (and, in many ways, the biggest fear) expressed by those attending was whether their child would be safe at William & Mary. When I asked them to expand on the question, their focus was not if their child would be “safe” at college, but rather if their queer child would be “safe” in “the South.” I cannot blame them for the assumption they were making, that the southeastern United States—the “American South”—was likely to be less welcoming of their queer children. In our current cultural moment, when there is an ever-expanding number of laws being passed in state legislatures focused on regulating the bodies of women and youths (and particularly trans youths), the states occupying the southeastern portion of the United States are certainly leading the way on some of these measures.<sup>1</sup> That said, as we spoke more, it became clear <strong>[End Page 581]</strong> that their presumption that the South might be dangerous for their children was also based in their sincere belief that there was nothing queer in the South—that it is a region queer people flee from not to, and that it is a region where LGBTQ+ culture never had the opportunity to develop and was stifled if it was tried.</p> <p>This presumption seems even more problematic given the explosion of books, articles, and digital projects (among other online and print publications) that we have witnessed in the last two-plus decades engaging and narrativizing the “queer South.”<sup>2</sup> Among this work is Mary L. Gray’s study on Appalachian Kentucky, West Virginia, and Tennessee, <em>Out in the Country</em>, which finds some truth to the assumptions made by the Wil
以下是内容的简要摘录，以代替摘要： 是的，有一个 "Quare"/Queer South!Leisa D. Meyer (bio) 的评论文章《真正的彩虹行：查尔斯顿 LGBTQ 历史探索》（The Real Rainbow Row: Explorations in Charleston's LGBTQ History）。作者：哈伦-格林。(南卡罗来纳州查尔斯顿：晚邮报书店，2022 年。第 xiv 页，第 337 页。纸质版，34.95 美元，ISBN 978-1-929647-76-7）。Drastic Dykes and Accidental Activists：南方城市中的同性恋女性》（Drastic Dykes and Accidental Activists: Queer Women in the Urban South）。作者：La Shonda Mims。(Chapel Hill：Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2022.xviii, 237页。纸质版，24.95 美元，ISBN 978-1-4696-7055-3；布质版，99.00 美元，ISBN 978-1-4696-7054-6）。Before Lawrence v. Texas：同性恋社会运动的形成》（Before Lawrence v. Texas: The Making of a Queer Social Movement）。作者：Wesley G. Phelps。Jack and Doris Smothers Series in Texas History, Life, and Culture.(奥斯汀：德克萨斯大学出版社，2023 年。第 x 页，第 292 页。34.95美元，ISBN 978-1-4773-2232-1）。最近，我作为威廉玛丽学院的教师代表之一，参加了为新录取学生的家长和朋友举办的 "亲和小组 "早餐会。这个 "亲和小组 "的对象是孩子被认定为 LGBTQ+ 的家庭。与会人员表达最多的问题（在很多方面也是最大的恐惧）是他们的孩子在威廉玛丽学院是否安全。当我要求他们进一步说明这个问题时，他们的重点不是他们的孩子在大学里是否 "安全"，而是他们的同性恋孩子在 "南方 "是否 "安全"。我不能责怪他们的假设，即美国东南部--"美国南方"--可能不太欢迎他们的同性恋孩子。在我们当前的文化氛围中，各州立法机构正在通过越来越多的法律来规范妇女和青年（尤其是变性青年）的身体，而美国东南部各州无疑在其中一些措施上走在了前列。1 尽管如此，随着我们交谈的深入，很明显 [第 581 页完] ，他们认为南方可能会对他们的孩子造成危险的推断也是基于他们真诚的信念，即南方没有什么同性恋--那是同性恋者逃离而不是前往的地区，那是 LGBTQ+ 文化从未有机会发展的地区，即使尝试发展也会被扼杀。在过去二十多年里，我们目睹了大量书籍、文章和数字项目（以及其他在线和印刷出版物）对 "南方同性恋者 "进行研究和叙事，因此这种假设似乎更有问题。2 在这些作品中，玛丽-L-格雷（Mary L. Gray）对阿巴拉契亚肯塔基州、西弗吉尼亚州和田纳西州的研究《走出乡村》（Out in the Country）发现，威廉与玛丽家族的假设有一定道理。然而，格雷也发现了一些反驳的证据，例如，在沃尔玛工作的一位朋友的协助下，半打同性恋高中生即兴举办了沃尔玛变装舞会。这些舞会持续了将近一年，后来被当地政府和沃尔玛管理层叫停。格雷在她的人种学研究中还发现，"亲属关系 "往往转化为对某些人的保护，即使他们的非正常性别和/或性身份违背了现有的基于宗教的行为标准。在这里，格雷认为，广义上的个人家庭关系意味着 "亲属 "有时会介入惩罚者和作为惩罚对象的亲族之间。3 此外，这些家庭认为 "圣经地带"（一位家长使用的术语）是同性恋者无法生长的地方，这种推测可能也 [第 582 页完] 有一定道理。然而，格雷戈里-萨曼莎-罗森塔尔（Gregory Samantha Rosenthal）最近出版的专著《生活的同性恋历史》（Living Queer History）记录了弗吉尼亚州罗阿诺克市（Roanoke）长期存在的、相当明显的同性恋社区和文化。罗森塔尔详细介绍了她和罗诺克学院的学生八年来与来自罗诺克当地同性恋社区的个人开展的合作工作--这项工作是由一些同性恋者发起的。
{"title":"Yes, There Is a \"Quare\"/Queer South!: A Review Essay","authors":"Leisa D. Meyer","doi":"10.1353/soh.2024.a932555","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/soh.2024.a932555","url":null,"abstract":"<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span>\u0000<p> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> Yes, There Is a “Quare”/Queer South!: <span>A Review Essay</span> <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Leisa D. Meyer (bio) </li> </ul> <em>The Real Rainbow Row: Explorations in Charleston’s LGBTQ History</em>. By Harlan Greene. (Charleston, S.C.: Evening Post Books, 2022. Pp. xiv, 337. Paper, $34.95, ISBN 978-1-929647-76-7.) <em>Drastic Dykes and Accidental Activists: Queer Women in the Urban South</em>. By La Shonda Mims. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2022. Pp. xviii, 237. Paper, $24.95, ISBN 978-1-4696-7055-3; cloth, $99.00, ISBN 978-1-4696-7054-6.) <em>Before <span>Lawrence v. Texas</span>: The Making of a Queer Social Movement</em>. By Wesley G. Phelps. Jack and Doris Smothers Series in Texas History, Life, and Culture. (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2023. Pp. x, 292. $34.95, ISBN 978-1-4773-2232-1.) <p>R<small>ecently</small> I <small>was</small> <small>one</small> <small>of</small> <small>the</small> <small>faculty</small> <small>representing</small> W<small>illiam</small> & Mary at an “affinity group” breakfast for parents and friends of newly admitted students. This particular affinity group was for families whose children identified as LGBTQ+. The most frequent question (and, in many ways, the biggest fear) expressed by those attending was whether their child would be safe at William & Mary. When I asked them to expand on the question, their focus was not if their child would be “safe” at college, but rather if their queer child would be “safe” in “the South.” I cannot blame them for the assumption they were making, that the southeastern United States—the “American South”—was likely to be less welcoming of their queer children. In our current cultural moment, when there is an ever-expanding number of laws being passed in state legislatures focused on regulating the bodies of women and youths (and particularly trans youths), the states occupying the southeastern portion of the United States are certainly leading the way on some of these measures.<sup>1</sup> That said, as we spoke more, it became clear <strong>[End Page 581]</strong> that their presumption that the South might be dangerous for their children was also based in their sincere belief that there was nothing queer in the South—that it is a region queer people flee from not to, and that it is a region where LGBTQ+ culture never had the opportunity to develop and was stifled if it was tried.</p> <p>This presumption seems even more problematic given the explosion of books, articles, and digital projects (among other online and print publications) that we have witnessed in the last two-plus decades engaging and narrativizing the “queer South.”<sup>2</sup> Among this work is Mary L. Gray’s study on Appalachian Kentucky, West Virginia, and Tennessee, <em>Out in the Country</em>, which finds some truth to the assumptions made by the Wil","PeriodicalId":45484,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN HISTORY","volume":"37 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2024-07-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141720115","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-07-16DOI: 10.1353/soh.2024.a932606
Kristin L. Ahlberg
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Jimmy and Rosalynn Carter: Power and Human Rights, 1975–2000</em> by E. Stanly Godbold Jr <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Kristin L. Ahlberg </li> </ul> <em>Jimmy and Rosalynn Carter: Power and Human Rights, 1975–2000</em>. By E. Stanly Godbold Jr. (New York: Oxford University Press, 2022. Pp. xii, 889. $39.99, ISBN 978-0-19-758156-8.) <p>The second part of a two-part biography of Jimmy and Rosalynn Carter, this volume begins with Jimmy’s departure from the Georgia governor’s office in January 1975 and continues up through 2020. In narrating the intervening forty-five years, E. Stanly Godbold Jr. balances the domestic and foreign policy accomplishments and crises of the Carter administration against Jimmy <strong>[End Page 660]</strong> and Rosalynn Carter’s professional and personal lives. The work’s exhaustive scope covers well-known successes and failures. But of more interest is Godbold’s characterization of the Carters’ shared southern background and their advocacy. Their experiences, beliefs, and trust in one another all influenced their political partnership and the issues that they chose to prioritize, both in the White House and after. Godbold notes that the Carters “raised their caring and nurturing of family and neighbors to the national and international levels” (p. 661). It is this interplay that reveals a more complete assessment of both Carters, consistent with recent scholarship and the increased availability of archival documentation from the Carter administration.</p> <p>As befits the title, the Carters’ partnership and the identification of human rights within the Carter administration and beyond constitute two major themes knitted together throughout the narrative. Rosalynn Carter adapted to situations and environments necessitated by her husband’s naval service, his return to Georgia to run the Carter peanut warehouse, and his nascent political career. In all instances, she assumed greater responsibilities and felt empowered to share her views. Godbold suggests that these proved helpful in 1975 as Rosalynn campaigned for her husband. Jimmy Carter’s recognition and appreciation of his wife’s political acumen, tact, and interpersonal skills meant that he not only encouraged Rosalynn to pursue initiatives in the area of mental health but also selected her, in early 1977, as a presidential envoy to several South American countries, where she engaged in substantive discussions on human rights. While these activities sometimes subjected her to criticism concerning the “proper” role for a First Lady, Godbold concludes that Jimmy Carter’s willingness to ask his wife to assume these responsibilities “should not have surprised those who had come to know him” (p. 112).</p> <p>Throughout the 1976 campaign, Jimmy Carter emphasized human rights and asserted that his administration would pur
以下是内容的简要摘录，以代替摘要：评论者 Jimmy and Rosalynn Carter: Power and Human Rights, 1975-2000 by E. Stanly Godbold Jr Kristin L. Ahlberg Jimmy and Rosalynn Carter: Power and Human Rights, 1975-2000.作者：小 E. Stanly Godbold（纽约：牛津大学出版社，2022 年）：牛津大学出版社，2022 年。第 xii 页，第 889 页。39.99美元，ISBN 978-0-19-758156-8）。这本书是吉米-卡特和罗莎琳-卡特两部传记的第二部分，从吉米 1975 年 1 月离开佐治亚州州长办公室开始，一直写到 2020 年。E. Stanly Godbold Jr.在叙述这四十五年间的历史时，平衡了卡特政府在内政外交政策方面的成就和危机，以及吉米 [第660页完] 和罗莎琳-卡特的职业生涯和个人生活。这部著作详尽无遗地涵盖了众所周知的成功和失败。但更令人感兴趣的是戈德博尔德对卡特夫妇共同的南方背景及其主张的描述。他们的经历、信仰和对彼此的信任都影响了他们的政治伙伴关系，以及他们在白宫和白宫之后选择优先考虑的问题。戈德博尔德指出，卡特尔夫妇 "将他们对家庭和邻居的关怀和培养提升到了国家和国际层面"（第 661 页）。正是这种相互作用揭示了对卡特夫妇的更全面的评价，这与最近的学术研究以及卡特政府档案文献的增加是一致的。正如书名所示，卡特夫妇的合作关系以及卡特政府内外对人权的认同构成了贯穿全文的两大主题。罗莎琳-卡特适应了她丈夫在海军服役、回到佐治亚州经营卡特花生仓库以及他刚刚开始的政治生涯所需要的各种情况和环境。在所有情况下，她都承担了更大的责任，并感到有能力分享自己的观点。戈德博尔德认为，在1975年罗莎琳为丈夫竞选时，这些证明对她很有帮助。吉米-卡特对妻子的政治敏锐度、机智和人际交往能力给予了肯定和赞赏，这意味着他不仅鼓励罗莎琳在心理健康领域开展活动，还在 1977 年初选派她作为总统特使前往南美几个国家，在那里就人权问题进行了实质性的讨论。虽然这些活动有时会让她受到有关第一夫人 "适当 "角色的批评，但戈德博尔德总结说，吉米-卡特愿意让妻子承担这些责任，"了解他的人应该不会感到惊讶"（第112页）。在 1976 年的竞选活动中，吉米-卡特一直强调人权，并宣称他的政府将奉行以人权为基础的外交政策。作为总统，他与流亡国外的苏联人安德烈-萨哈罗夫（Andrei Sakharov）通信，"特别是向苏联乃至全世界表明，他在促进人权方面是认真的"（第130页）。他还提名密西西比州民权活动家帕特里夏-"帕特"-墨菲-德里安（Patricia "Patt" Murphy Derian）担任第一任主管人权和人道主义事务的助理国务卿。德里安、国务卿赛勒斯-万斯（Cyrus Vance）和副国务卿沃伦-克里斯托弗（Warren Christopher）努力将卡特的承诺转化为可行的政策，并承认要始终如一地执行这样的政策存在固有的困难。卡特限制向侵犯人权者提供外国援助的行动，以及他公开反对侵犯人权行为的意愿，"使人权作为美国外交政策的工具合法化，这种合法性将在他执政后持续很久"（第118页）。戈德博尔德的研究非常全面，参考了大量回忆录、已出版的原始资料、二手资料、访谈和档案收藏。例如，在戈德博尔德对威利-纳尔逊 1977 年访问白宫的描述中，就充满了幽默感："卡特从农业转向政治，找到了'帮助普通人'的方法，而威利则学会了如何娱乐普通人"（第 146 页）。遗憾的是，错误还是存在的。一些政府 [第 661 页末] 官员的头衔不正确，也不一致。在其他一些地方，日期被调换或错误，名字也拼写错误。不过，这些并不影响戈德博尔德在记录卡特尔一家生活方面所取得的总体成就，卡特尔一家 "树立了榜样，超越了政治的喧嚣和许多国家和...
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