Pub Date : 2024-07-16DOI: 10.1353/soh.2024.a932582
Emily Blanck
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Nothing More Than Freedom: The Failure of Abolition in American Law</em> by Giuliana Perrone <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Emily Blanck </li> </ul> <em>Nothing More Than Freedom: The Failure of Abolition in American Law</em>. By Giuliana Perrone. Studies in Legal History. (New York and other cities: Cambridge University Press, 2023. Pp. xvi, 316. $59.99, ISBN 978-1-009- 21919-8.) <p>Since the publication of Michelle Alexander’s <em>The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness</em> (New York, 2010), critical race theory—legal theory around the systematic racism within the legal system—has become a central focus of popular and academic discourse about racial justice. Activists have since targeted policing and criminal justice as key places of reform. In <em>Nothing More Than Freedom: The Failure of Abolition in American Law</em>, Giuliana Perrone uncovers the pernicious ways the legal system enshrined slavery within virtually all its nooks and crannies. Abolition, she argues, was incomplete. Judges throughout the slaveholding South refused to dismantle the legal structures of slavery in several areas of the law that frequently go unnoticed: contract law, family law, and inheritance and succession. Perrone distinguishes between emancipation, as the end of coerced labor, and abolition, as the end of all systems that sustained the coerced labor system. To do this research, Perrone has dug deeply into the case law throughout the South, carefully unpacking the decisions of cases that directly impacted freedpeople during Reconstruction as well as areas of the law where Black people were not explicitly targeted.</p> <p>One of the most refreshing aspects of Perrone’s book is the emphasis on an alternate outcome by focusing on abolitionist judges. Perrone finds that there was a large minority of judges who recognized that abolition was a <strong>[End Page 628]</strong> prescription to change the law and genuinely adjudicated to dismantle the vestiges of slavery. She begins her book with the unlikely abolitionist James Govan Taliaferro, a slaveholding Whig who opposed the Thirteenth Amendment. Decisions from dozens of judges (it is not clear in the book how many of these judges existed in the South), like Taliaferro, demonstrate that Jim Crow and the other ways that the law sustained slavery were not inevitable and that another path was available.</p> <p>The book is largely organized according to different realms of the law. Perrone covers contract law, property rights, private law, the recognition of the end of slavery (which has a convenient chart by state), the legality of succession, citizenship, and marriage and family law. In each chapter, she lays out the abolitionist position and shows how the majority of judges pushed back against unraveling slavery to maintain aspects of the i
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Pub Date : 2024-07-16DOI: 10.1353/soh.2024.a932560
Rachael L. Pasierowska
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Empire of Brutality: Enslaved People and Animals in the British Atlantic World</em> by Christopher Michael Blakley <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Rachael L. Pasierowska </li> </ul> <em>Empire of Brutality: Enslaved People and Animals in the British Atlantic World</em>. By Christopher Michael Blakley. (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2023. Pp. xiii, 236. $45.00, ISBN 978-0-8071-7886-7.) <p><em>Empire of Brutality: Enslaved People and Animals in the British Atlantic World</em> marks a refreshing watershed in the historiography of slavery. <strong>[End Page 600]</strong> Christopher Michael Blakley has penned the first full-length book that centers enslaved persons and slaveholders in the world of fauna and the transatlantic slave trade. Historians of both slavery and animals will find a rich study that covers differing geographical scales across West Africa and throughout the British Atlantic world in the 1700s. Blakley’s overarching argument focuses on the various ways white slaveholders intentionally attempted to strip enslaved Black persons of their humanity. The author further contends that such attempts were often futile because enslaved persons refused such treatment and that, instead, “they dared to imagine a world that recognized and reckoned with Black humanity in its fullness” (p. 150).</p> <p>His chapters follow an approach similar to many Atlantic slavery studies, beginning in Africa and then moving to the British Caribbean and North America, with their primary focus on the eighteenth-century British slave societies. The extensive archival research draws from an extensive wealth of sources, including advertisements for runaway enslaved persons, diaries, essays, inventories, letters, newspapers, plantation manuals, portraits, and the Royal African Company’s records, to demonstrate how colonial slaveholders held similar “racial attitudes among Europeans who equated people of African descent and livestock” (p. 89).</p> <p>While the author states that the study’s primary focus is on white attitudes toward Black people, there already exists an extensive historiography on travel narratives from the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries regarding scientific racism. Where Blakley’s study enhances this literature is through an analysis of Africans’ knowledge of the animal world and how they utilized such information through the variables of trade. One interesting example is the employment of cowrie shells (from small mollusks) as currency between sub-Saharan Africans and European merchants. These shells, upon which the Royal African Company pinioned much of its transactions with African trading partners, illustrate African agency in crafting relationships between slavery and animals along the West African littoral. In this vein, chapters 4 and 5 are Blakley’s strongest, detailing ho
{"title":"Empire of Brutality: Enslaved People and Animals in the British Atlantic World by Christopher Michael Blakley (review)","authors":"Rachael L. Pasierowska","doi":"10.1353/soh.2024.a932560","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/soh.2024.a932560","url":null,"abstract":"<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span>\u0000<p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Empire of Brutality: Enslaved People and Animals in the British Atlantic World</em> by Christopher Michael Blakley <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Rachael L. Pasierowska </li> </ul> <em>Empire of Brutality: Enslaved People and Animals in the British Atlantic World</em>. By Christopher Michael Blakley. (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2023. Pp. xiii, 236. $45.00, ISBN 978-0-8071-7886-7.) <p><em>Empire of Brutality: Enslaved People and Animals in the British Atlantic World</em> marks a refreshing watershed in the historiography of slavery. <strong>[End Page 600]</strong> Christopher Michael Blakley has penned the first full-length book that centers enslaved persons and slaveholders in the world of fauna and the transatlantic slave trade. Historians of both slavery and animals will find a rich study that covers differing geographical scales across West Africa and throughout the British Atlantic world in the 1700s. Blakley’s overarching argument focuses on the various ways white slaveholders intentionally attempted to strip enslaved Black persons of their humanity. The author further contends that such attempts were often futile because enslaved persons refused such treatment and that, instead, “they dared to imagine a world that recognized and reckoned with Black humanity in its fullness” (p. 150).</p> <p>His chapters follow an approach similar to many Atlantic slavery studies, beginning in Africa and then moving to the British Caribbean and North America, with their primary focus on the eighteenth-century British slave societies. The extensive archival research draws from an extensive wealth of sources, including advertisements for runaway enslaved persons, diaries, essays, inventories, letters, newspapers, plantation manuals, portraits, and the Royal African Company’s records, to demonstrate how colonial slaveholders held similar “racial attitudes among Europeans who equated people of African descent and livestock” (p. 89).</p> <p>While the author states that the study’s primary focus is on white attitudes toward Black people, there already exists an extensive historiography on travel narratives from the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries regarding scientific racism. Where Blakley’s study enhances this literature is through an analysis of Africans’ knowledge of the animal world and how they utilized such information through the variables of trade. One interesting example is the employment of cowrie shells (from small mollusks) as currency between sub-Saharan Africans and European merchants. These shells, upon which the Royal African Company pinioned much of its transactions with African trading partners, illustrate African agency in crafting relationships between slavery and animals along the West African littoral. In this vein, chapters 4 and 5 are Blakley’s strongest, detailing ho","PeriodicalId":45484,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN HISTORY","volume":"35 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2024-07-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141722334","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-22DOI: 10.1353/soh.2024.a925456
Douglas E. Thompson
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>The Southern Way of Life: Meanings of Culture and Civilization in the American South</em> by Charles Reagan Wilson <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Douglas E. Thompson </li> </ul> <em>The Southern Way of Life: Meanings of Culture and Civilization in the American South</em>. By Charles Reagan Wilson. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2022. Pp. [xvi], 598. $39.95, ISBN 978-1-4696-6498-9.) <p>It would be hard to imagine the field of southern studies without Charles Reagan Wilson. He has reshaped how we study religion in the American South. Scholars like Samuel S. Hill, Donald G. Mathews, and John Lee Eighmy define religion in denominational terms. They have been narrators of the Protestant Baptist, Methodist, and Presbyterian histories of the region. In contrast, Wilson’s civil religion thesis in <em>Baptized in Blood: The Religion of the Lost Cause, 1865–1920</em> (Athens, Ga., 1980) outlines a way to understand the cultural affinity for Lost Cause mythology within white southern identity beyond denominational loyalties. He has helped explain how white southern Protestants’ identity in white supremacy was a feature of public religion in the region. Though conceived to explain the Lost Cause as civil religion, Wilson’s body of work today can be understood as a way to think about the role of religion in the making of the state, or at least in the failure of the Confederacy. Additionally, for almost five decades, Wilson served at the University of Mississippi, first as an editor for the <em>Encyclopedia of Southern Culture</em> and then as director of the Center for the Study of Southern Culture. The “Author’s Note” at the end of his newest book, <em>The Southern Way of Life: Meanings of Culture and Civilization in the American South</em>, captures the scope of his engagement with the people and places that have shaped the field as we know it today.</p> <p>The book’s nine chapters divide into three parts, forming a structure that also serves as Wilson’s understanding of the “field of conceptual history” (p. 4). This “interdisciplinary” approach to the region “considers the evolution of ideas and value systems and how they seem to become commonsensical, natural, and normal over long time periods” (p. 4). The “ideas” examined are notions of “‘southern civilization,’ ‘the southern way of life,’ and ‘southern living’” (p. 4). While the terms may fit neatly into notions of moonlight-and-magnolias storytelling, Wilson shows how the words and the concepts behind those words shifted under changing circumstances, often in conversation with the region’s nonwhite residents. As he has done for much of his career, Wilson explores “the many Souths” as a form of content—from Thomas Jefferson to OutKast—and he uses all academic disciplines that can help us make sense of the region trying to make sense o
以下是内容的简要摘录，以代替摘要：评论者： 南方的生活方式：查尔斯-里根-威尔逊 Douglas E. Thompson 著 The Southern Way of Life：美国南方文化与文明的意义》。作者：查尔斯-里根-威尔逊。(教堂山：北卡罗来纳大学出版社，2022 年。Pp.[xvi], 598.39.95美元，ISBN 978-1-4696-6498-9）。如果没有查尔斯-里根-威尔逊（Charles Reagan Wilson），我们很难想象南方研究领域会是什么样子。他重塑了我们研究美国南方宗教的方式。塞缪尔-希尔（Samuel S. Hill）、唐纳德-马修斯（Donald G. Mathews）和约翰-李-艾格米（John Lee Eighmy）等学者从教派的角度定义宗教。他们是该地区新教浸礼会、卫理公会和长老会历史的叙述者。相比之下，威尔逊在《血的洗礼》（Baptized in Blood：The Religion of the Lost Cause, 1865-1920》（Athens, Ga., 1980 年）一书中，威尔逊提出了一种方法，来理解南方白人身份认同中超越教派忠诚的 "失落的事业 "神话的文化亲和力。他帮助解释了南方白人新教徒对白人至上主义的认同是该地区公共宗教的一个特征。虽然威尔逊的构想是将 "失落的事业 "解释为公民宗教，但他今天的作品可以被理解为一种思考宗教在国家建立过程中所扮演角色的方式，或者至少是在南方邦联失败过程中所扮演角色的方式。此外，威尔逊在密西西比大学工作了近五十年，先是担任《南方文化百科全书》的编辑，后又担任南方文化研究中心主任。威尔逊的最新著作《南方生活方式》（The Southern Way of Life）末尾的 "作者说明"：美国南方文化与文明的意义》一书末尾的 "作者说明 "概括了他与塑造了我们今天所知的这一领域的人和地方的交往范围。全书九章分为三个部分，形成了一个结构，这也是威尔逊对 "概念史领域 "的理解（第 4 页）。这种 "跨学科 "的研究方法 "考虑了思想和价值体系的演变，以及它们是如何在漫长的岁月中变得通俗、自然和正常的"（第 4 页）。所研究的 "观念 "包括"'南方文明'、'南方生活方式'和'南方生活'"等概念（第 4 页）。虽然这些术语可能与 "月光与巨石阵 "故事的概念完全吻合，但威尔逊展示了这些词语和词语背后的概念是如何在不断变化的环境中发生转变的，这些转变往往是在与该地区非白人居民的对话中发生的。正如威尔逊在其职业生涯的大部分时间里所做的那样，他将 "众多南方 "作为一种内容形式进行探索--从托马斯-杰斐逊到奥特-卡斯特--他运用了所有可以帮助我们理解该地区试图理解自身的学科（第 475 页）。[在每一节中，威尔逊都通过历史以外的学科来解读他的概念框架。他的原始资料与社会学家和人类学家的思维方式一样，甚至比历史学家的思维方式更加频繁。但线性编年史强调了历史学家的技艺。他讲述的是该地区的故事，从种植园主的根源出发，通过美国南方在过去七十年中发生的重大变化来解释其保守的本质。本书第一部分将该地区理解为南方文明愿景的社会建构。第一部分 "南方文明 "从殖民时期的起源故事开始，向前推进到重建时期，最后结束于二十世纪初，很好地利用了原始资料。该地区的白人逐渐相信，他们的文化版本将保护和弘扬他们认为古老的文明观念，他们相信自己的贡献是文明持续发展的必经之路。这些人如此执着于自己的国家愿景，以至于他们不惜摧毁自己所属的国家，也要按照自己的形象建立一个新的国家。即使是在南方联盟的废墟中，该地区的领导人也在 "失去的事业 "神话的照耀下重新构想文明的复兴。威尔逊在第一章对黑人和原住民的声音进行了阐述，并展示了这些人是如何重塑......
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Pub Date : 2024-04-22DOI: 10.1353/soh.2024.a925454
Patrick Luck
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Old Southwest to Old South: Mississippi, 1789–1840</em> by Mike Bunn and Clay Williams <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Patrick Luck </li> </ul> <em>Old Southwest to Old South: Mississippi, 1789–1840</em>. By Mike Bunn and Clay Williams. Heritage of Mississippi Series. (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 2023. Pp. xvi, 303. $40.00, ISBN 978-1-4968-4380-7.) <p>Mike Bunn and Clay Williams’s <em>Old Southwest to Old South: Mississippi, 1789–1840</em> is the ninth volume in the Heritage of Mississippi Series, which is projected to include fifteen volumes covering the most important aspects of Mississippi’s history. In their preface, Bunn and Williams rightly bemoan that the period covered by their volume has often been ignored and, when discussed, has usually been briefly sketched “as the first several years of a decades-long antebellum story revolving around little more than slavery, secession, and Civil War” (p. xiii). Bunn and Williams’s book is a welcome (if flawed) contribution that goes some way to overcoming this historiographical neglect.</p> <p><em>Old Southwest to Old South</em> is divided into two parts, with the first “chronicl[ing] the story of Mississippi’s American settlement and governmental administration” and the second “detailing the ways most of Mississippi’s territorial and early statehood period residents actually lived their lives and how their efforts at community building laid the foundation for the development of [the] state” (p. xv). Bunn and Williams argue that “key themes that still resonate today can trace their beginnings from this time period,” including “troubled race relations,” “heavy reliance on certain agricultural pursuits,” and “persistent economic inequalities” (p. xiii). Overall, Bunn and Williams succeed in their goals, and <em>Old Southwest to Old South</em> is a detailed exploration of these decades of Mississippi’s history that will be essential reading for any scholar of the state. The book is particularly strong at showing how a settler-colonial society (a term not used in the book) was created and consolidated in Mississippi.</p> <p>However, Bunn and Williams make a regrettable choice in how they frame this book that undermines its overall effectiveness. This book is predominantly a history of white male settlers. This perspective is apparent in an introduction that focuses on the “wildness” of a Mississippi that was both a “paradise” and full of “potential environmental troubles,” but does not mention Native Americans and mentions the enslaved only once (pp. 4, 6). In fact, the authors barely discuss women and Native Americans, and the enslaved are discussed <strong>[End Page 416]</strong> relatively briefly. They justify this decision by referring to a lack of sources for women and a desire not “to repeat too much information” found in other volu
{"title":"Old Southwest to Old South: Mississippi, 1789–1840 by Mike Bunn and Clay Williams (review)","authors":"Patrick Luck","doi":"10.1353/soh.2024.a925454","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/soh.2024.a925454","url":null,"abstract":"<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span>\u0000<p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Old Southwest to Old South: Mississippi, 1789–1840</em> by Mike Bunn and Clay Williams <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Patrick Luck </li> </ul> <em>Old Southwest to Old South: Mississippi, 1789–1840</em>. By Mike Bunn and Clay Williams. Heritage of Mississippi Series. (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 2023. Pp. xvi, 303. $40.00, ISBN 978-1-4968-4380-7.) <p>Mike Bunn and Clay Williams’s <em>Old Southwest to Old South: Mississippi, 1789–1840</em> is the ninth volume in the Heritage of Mississippi Series, which is projected to include fifteen volumes covering the most important aspects of Mississippi’s history. In their preface, Bunn and Williams rightly bemoan that the period covered by their volume has often been ignored and, when discussed, has usually been briefly sketched “as the first several years of a decades-long antebellum story revolving around little more than slavery, secession, and Civil War” (p. xiii). Bunn and Williams’s book is a welcome (if flawed) contribution that goes some way to overcoming this historiographical neglect.</p> <p><em>Old Southwest to Old South</em> is divided into two parts, with the first “chronicl[ing] the story of Mississippi’s American settlement and governmental administration” and the second “detailing the ways most of Mississippi’s territorial and early statehood period residents actually lived their lives and how their efforts at community building laid the foundation for the development of [the] state” (p. xv). Bunn and Williams argue that “key themes that still resonate today can trace their beginnings from this time period,” including “troubled race relations,” “heavy reliance on certain agricultural pursuits,” and “persistent economic inequalities” (p. xiii). Overall, Bunn and Williams succeed in their goals, and <em>Old Southwest to Old South</em> is a detailed exploration of these decades of Mississippi’s history that will be essential reading for any scholar of the state. The book is particularly strong at showing how a settler-colonial society (a term not used in the book) was created and consolidated in Mississippi.</p> <p>However, Bunn and Williams make a regrettable choice in how they frame this book that undermines its overall effectiveness. This book is predominantly a history of white male settlers. This perspective is apparent in an introduction that focuses on the “wildness” of a Mississippi that was both a “paradise” and full of “potential environmental troubles,” but does not mention Native Americans and mentions the enslaved only once (pp. 4, 6). In fact, the authors barely discuss women and Native Americans, and the enslaved are discussed <strong>[End Page 416]</strong> relatively briefly. They justify this decision by referring to a lack of sources for women and a desire not “to repeat too much information” found in other volu","PeriodicalId":45484,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN HISTORY","volume":"88 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2024-04-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140634292","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-22DOI: 10.1353/soh.2024.a925469
John P. Bowes
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Cherokee Civil Warrior: Chief John Ross and the Struggle for Tribal Sovereignty</em> by W. Dale Weeks <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> John P. Bowes </li> </ul> <em>Cherokee Civil Warrior: Chief John Ross and the Struggle for Tribal Sovereignty</em>. By W. Dale Weeks. (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2023. Pp. xiv, 231. $32.95, ISBN 978-0-8061-9157-7.) <p>In <em>Cherokee Civil Warrior: Chief John Ross and the Struggle for Tribal Sovereignty</em>, W. Dale Weeks examines Cherokee Principal Chief John Ross’s leadership over the course of the mid-nineteenth century, beginning with Ross’s defense of Cherokee sovereignty against Georgia and Andrew Jackson but focusing primarily on the challenges that Ross and the Cherokee Nation faced during the American Civil War. The emphasis placed on the Cherokee perspective and the central theme of tribal sovereignty are both critical to this book and its effort to analyze the Cherokee experience. While the context of the Civil War matters, this is not a book about the war.</p> <p>Over the course of seven chapters, including the introduction and conclusion, Weeks asserts two points consistently. The first is that John Ross always made decisions that he believed provided the best opportunity to maintain Cherokee unity and protect tribal sovereignty. The second is that the federal government’s actions toward the Cherokee and its dealings with Ross “led directly to dismantling the country’s prewar Indian policy of treaty making and its replacement with a less defined policy of impatience and violence” (p. 19). The book supports the first assertion well but is less effective in proving the second.</p> <p>From the first chapter examining removal to the fifth chapter discussing postwar negotiations, Weeks delineates the challenges Ross and the Cherokee encountered from the 1830s to the 1860s. Not all events are treated in equal depth, however; and at times the analysis moves the narrative forward while not providing details that a reader might want or need. The discussion of removal, for example, serves more as a background to illustrate the forging of Ross’s principal beliefs about unity, sovereignty, and treaty rights. As a result, discussions of Cherokee political changes, the framework of the so-called Marshall Trilogy cases at the U.S. Supreme Court, and implementation of removal are less developed. Similarly, the postremoval period from 1839 to 1860 gets a relatively brief nod on the way to the onset of the Civil War.</p> <p>The crucible of 1860–1866 receives the bulk of the author’s attention, but the book stays true in maintaining a Cherokee perspective so that the reader views the political and military conflicts in Indian Territory from that vantage point. Ross remains the axis on which this narrative rotates, however, which means that Weeks reckons with S
{"title":"Cherokee Civil Warrior: Chief John Ross and the Struggle for Tribal Sovereignty by W. Dale Weeks (review)","authors":"John P. Bowes","doi":"10.1353/soh.2024.a925469","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/soh.2024.a925469","url":null,"abstract":"<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span>\u0000<p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Cherokee Civil Warrior: Chief John Ross and the Struggle for Tribal Sovereignty</em> by W. Dale Weeks <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> John P. Bowes </li> </ul> <em>Cherokee Civil Warrior: Chief John Ross and the Struggle for Tribal Sovereignty</em>. By W. Dale Weeks. (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2023. Pp. xiv, 231. $32.95, ISBN 978-0-8061-9157-7.) <p>In <em>Cherokee Civil Warrior: Chief John Ross and the Struggle for Tribal Sovereignty</em>, W. Dale Weeks examines Cherokee Principal Chief John Ross’s leadership over the course of the mid-nineteenth century, beginning with Ross’s defense of Cherokee sovereignty against Georgia and Andrew Jackson but focusing primarily on the challenges that Ross and the Cherokee Nation faced during the American Civil War. The emphasis placed on the Cherokee perspective and the central theme of tribal sovereignty are both critical to this book and its effort to analyze the Cherokee experience. While the context of the Civil War matters, this is not a book about the war.</p> <p>Over the course of seven chapters, including the introduction and conclusion, Weeks asserts two points consistently. The first is that John Ross always made decisions that he believed provided the best opportunity to maintain Cherokee unity and protect tribal sovereignty. The second is that the federal government’s actions toward the Cherokee and its dealings with Ross “led directly to dismantling the country’s prewar Indian policy of treaty making and its replacement with a less defined policy of impatience and violence” (p. 19). The book supports the first assertion well but is less effective in proving the second.</p> <p>From the first chapter examining removal to the fifth chapter discussing postwar negotiations, Weeks delineates the challenges Ross and the Cherokee encountered from the 1830s to the 1860s. Not all events are treated in equal depth, however; and at times the analysis moves the narrative forward while not providing details that a reader might want or need. The discussion of removal, for example, serves more as a background to illustrate the forging of Ross’s principal beliefs about unity, sovereignty, and treaty rights. As a result, discussions of Cherokee political changes, the framework of the so-called Marshall Trilogy cases at the U.S. Supreme Court, and implementation of removal are less developed. Similarly, the postremoval period from 1839 to 1860 gets a relatively brief nod on the way to the onset of the Civil War.</p> <p>The crucible of 1860–1866 receives the bulk of the author’s attention, but the book stays true in maintaining a Cherokee perspective so that the reader views the political and military conflicts in Indian Territory from that vantage point. Ross remains the axis on which this narrative rotates, however, which means that Weeks reckons with S","PeriodicalId":45484,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN HISTORY","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2024-04-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140637033","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-22DOI: 10.1353/soh.2024.a925450
Madison W. Cates
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Forces of Nature: A History of Florida Land Conservation</em> by Clay Henderson <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Madison W. Cates </li> </ul> <em>Forces of Nature: A History of Florida Land Conservation</em>. By Clay Henderson. (Gainesville and other cities: University Press of Florida, 2022. Pp. xvi, 439. $38.00, ISBN 978-0-8130-6952-4.) <p>Visitors to Florida’s state parks are often greeted by a sign that announces one’s arrival in “the Real Florida.” In many ways, the sentiment behind this slogan—that the Sunshine State’s essence is not found in a theme park or amid its gleaming skylines—is at the heart of Clay Henderson’s book <em>Forces of Nature: A History of Florida Land Conservation</em>. If much has been lost as Florida was “ditched, drained, cleared, and developed,” this work argues that much has also been protected (pp. 119–20). In an in-depth and wide-ranging narrative, it traces efforts—from William Bartram through the long career of Marjory Stoneman Douglas up to the recent past—to protect the Sunshine State’s lands, waters, and wildlife.</p> <p>As a prominent environmental lawyer and advocate in the state, Henderson is a well-qualified chronicler of these events. The first two-thirds of the book draws heavily on secondary source material, much of which will be familiar to environmental historians of Florida and the South. Yet there is clear value to such an expansive yet fast-moving narrative describing how the state’s environmental concerns and debates have evolved from the time of European colonization through the early twenty-first century.</p> <p>Henderson’s chapters are mostly topical or episodic, with each one following a consistent chronological progression to advance this lengthy history at a decent pace. Moreover, the narrative does well to rely on biographical profiles of figures like May Mann Jennings and on institutional histories of key groups such as the Florida Audubon Society to help make such a vast subject <strong>[End Page 411]</strong> more readable. Although some may quibble with an over-reliance on influential public figures, this approach reinforces Henderson’s claim that “the story of conservation in Florida is the story of dedicated people” and their “connection to a special place” (p. 17).</p> <p>The final third of the book addresses the last fifty years of environmental politics in the state, concluding with the successful efforts to create the Florida Wildlife Corridor. These chapters rely on secondary sources combined with the author’s own recollections and dozens of interviews he conducted with relevant activists and policy makers. The book benefits from Henderson’s expert assessment of the impact of Floridians such as Nathaniel Reed and Carol Browner on environmental policy as well as his insider perspective on campaigns to establish unique conservation
{"title":"Forces of Nature: A History of Florida Land Conservation by Clay Henderson (review)","authors":"Madison W. Cates","doi":"10.1353/soh.2024.a925450","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/soh.2024.a925450","url":null,"abstract":"<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span>\u0000<p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Forces of Nature: A History of Florida Land Conservation</em> by Clay Henderson <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Madison W. Cates </li> </ul> <em>Forces of Nature: A History of Florida Land Conservation</em>. By Clay Henderson. (Gainesville and other cities: University Press of Florida, 2022. Pp. xvi, 439. $38.00, ISBN 978-0-8130-6952-4.) <p>Visitors to Florida’s state parks are often greeted by a sign that announces one’s arrival in “the Real Florida.” In many ways, the sentiment behind this slogan—that the Sunshine State’s essence is not found in a theme park or amid its gleaming skylines—is at the heart of Clay Henderson’s book <em>Forces of Nature: A History of Florida Land Conservation</em>. If much has been lost as Florida was “ditched, drained, cleared, and developed,” this work argues that much has also been protected (pp. 119–20). In an in-depth and wide-ranging narrative, it traces efforts—from William Bartram through the long career of Marjory Stoneman Douglas up to the recent past—to protect the Sunshine State’s lands, waters, and wildlife.</p> <p>As a prominent environmental lawyer and advocate in the state, Henderson is a well-qualified chronicler of these events. The first two-thirds of the book draws heavily on secondary source material, much of which will be familiar to environmental historians of Florida and the South. Yet there is clear value to such an expansive yet fast-moving narrative describing how the state’s environmental concerns and debates have evolved from the time of European colonization through the early twenty-first century.</p> <p>Henderson’s chapters are mostly topical or episodic, with each one following a consistent chronological progression to advance this lengthy history at a decent pace. Moreover, the narrative does well to rely on biographical profiles of figures like May Mann Jennings and on institutional histories of key groups such as the Florida Audubon Society to help make such a vast subject <strong>[End Page 411]</strong> more readable. Although some may quibble with an over-reliance on influential public figures, this approach reinforces Henderson’s claim that “the story of conservation in Florida is the story of dedicated people” and their “connection to a special place” (p. 17).</p> <p>The final third of the book addresses the last fifty years of environmental politics in the state, concluding with the successful efforts to create the Florida Wildlife Corridor. These chapters rely on secondary sources combined with the author’s own recollections and dozens of interviews he conducted with relevant activists and policy makers. The book benefits from Henderson’s expert assessment of the impact of Floridians such as Nathaniel Reed and Carol Browner on environmental policy as well as his insider perspective on campaigns to establish unique conservation","PeriodicalId":45484,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN HISTORY","volume":"304 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2024-04-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140637038","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-22DOI: 10.1353/soh.2024.a925490
Andrew E. Busch
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Newt Gingrich: The Rise and Fall of a Party Entrepreneur</em> by Matthew N. Green and Jeffrey Crouch <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Andrew E. Busch </li> </ul> <em>Newt Gingrich: The Rise and Fall of a Party Entrepreneur</em>. By Matthew N. Green and Jeffrey Crouch. Congressional Leaders. (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2022. Pp. xiv, 287. $29.95, ISBN 978-0-7006-3326-5.) <p>For many years, students of American politics have elaborated on how various members of Congress act either as procedural entrepreneurs who devote themselves to reforming the way Congress does business, or as legislative entrepreneurs who prioritize enshrining their preferred policies in legislation. In <em>Newt Gingrich: The Rise and Fall of a Party Entrepreneur</em>, political scientists Matthew N. Green and Jeffrey Crouch identify a third type of congressional entrepreneur, who devotes unusual resources to building the strength of his party. They have produced a richly researched, insightful, and evenhanded account of Newt Gingrich’s long drive to win and then maintain a majority for House Republicans.</p> <p>Their account follows Gingrich from his first election to the House of Representatives from Georgia in 1978 and finds that party entrepreneurship consistently explains his career both before and during his stint as Speaker of the House. The story is told in five stages. During the first period, 1979–1984, Gingrich was the “Entrepreneurial Outsider”—a backbencher whose ambition far exceeded his resources, and who had little to show for his efforts (chap. 1). He nevertheless planted the seeds of future success by forming the Conservative Opportunity Society (COS) of like-minded House Republicans. He gained his footing in the second stage, 1985–1989, when, as an “Ascendant Party Warrior,” he built up the COS and inherited control of Pete DuPont’s GOPAC, an external structure to build support around the country (chap. 2). Gingrich also won respect within the Republican conference by bringing down Democratic House Speaker Jim Wright of Texas. In the third stage, the Georgian became an “Entrepreneurial Insider,” entering the House Republicans’ leadership when he was narrowly elected party whip after Dick Cheney left to become President George H. W. Bush’s secretary of defense (chap. 3). In the election of 1994, Gingrich reached his goal of a party majority and his own speakership, leading to a two-year period of “Promise and Pitfalls” (chap. 4). He won impressive policy victories but also was outmaneuvered by President Bill Clinton. Finally, 1997–1998 represented “A Failing Speakership,” marked by a loss of Republican House seats in the 1998 election and Gingrich’s own resignation (chap. 5).</p> <p>From 1978 to 1998, Gingrich did not really change. He was driven to win a majority for Republicans and was convinced tha
{"title":"Newt Gingrich: The Rise and Fall of a Party Entrepreneur by Matthew N. Green and Jeffrey Crouch (review)","authors":"Andrew E. Busch","doi":"10.1353/soh.2024.a925490","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/soh.2024.a925490","url":null,"abstract":"<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span>\u0000<p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Newt Gingrich: The Rise and Fall of a Party Entrepreneur</em> by Matthew N. Green and Jeffrey Crouch <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Andrew E. Busch </li> </ul> <em>Newt Gingrich: The Rise and Fall of a Party Entrepreneur</em>. By Matthew N. Green and Jeffrey Crouch. Congressional Leaders. (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2022. Pp. xiv, 287. $29.95, ISBN 978-0-7006-3326-5.) <p>For many years, students of American politics have elaborated on how various members of Congress act either as procedural entrepreneurs who devote themselves to reforming the way Congress does business, or as legislative entrepreneurs who prioritize enshrining their preferred policies in legislation. In <em>Newt Gingrich: The Rise and Fall of a Party Entrepreneur</em>, political scientists Matthew N. Green and Jeffrey Crouch identify a third type of congressional entrepreneur, who devotes unusual resources to building the strength of his party. They have produced a richly researched, insightful, and evenhanded account of Newt Gingrich’s long drive to win and then maintain a majority for House Republicans.</p> <p>Their account follows Gingrich from his first election to the House of Representatives from Georgia in 1978 and finds that party entrepreneurship consistently explains his career both before and during his stint as Speaker of the House. The story is told in five stages. During the first period, 1979–1984, Gingrich was the “Entrepreneurial Outsider”—a backbencher whose ambition far exceeded his resources, and who had little to show for his efforts (chap. 1). He nevertheless planted the seeds of future success by forming the Conservative Opportunity Society (COS) of like-minded House Republicans. He gained his footing in the second stage, 1985–1989, when, as an “Ascendant Party Warrior,” he built up the COS and inherited control of Pete DuPont’s GOPAC, an external structure to build support around the country (chap. 2). Gingrich also won respect within the Republican conference by bringing down Democratic House Speaker Jim Wright of Texas. In the third stage, the Georgian became an “Entrepreneurial Insider,” entering the House Republicans’ leadership when he was narrowly elected party whip after Dick Cheney left to become President George H. W. Bush’s secretary of defense (chap. 3). In the election of 1994, Gingrich reached his goal of a party majority and his own speakership, leading to a two-year period of “Promise and Pitfalls” (chap. 4). He won impressive policy victories but also was outmaneuvered by President Bill Clinton. Finally, 1997–1998 represented “A Failing Speakership,” marked by a loss of Republican House seats in the 1998 election and Gingrich’s own resignation (chap. 5).</p> <p>From 1978 to 1998, Gingrich did not really change. He was driven to win a majority for Republicans and was convinced tha","PeriodicalId":45484,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN HISTORY","volume":"46 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2024-04-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140637414","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-22DOI: 10.1353/soh.2024.a925475
Hannah Katherine Hicks
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>African Americans, Death, and the New Birth of Freedom: Dying Free during the Civil War and Reconstruction</em> by Ashley Towle <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Hannah Katherine Hicks </li> </ul> <em>African Americans, Death, and the New Birth of Freedom: Dying Free during the Civil War and Reconstruction</em>. By Ashley Towle. New Studies in Southern History. (Lanham, Md., and other cities: Lexington Books, 2023. Pp. x, 190. $95.00, ISBN 978-1-66690-571-7.) <p>This well-researched book bridges the scholarship on the cultural history of death and historians’ work on African Americans’ experiences during emancipation and Reconstruction. Between epidemics in refugee camps and the <strong>[End Page 444]</strong> one-fifth of Black soldiers who perished during the Civil War, as well as the racial violence that erupted across the South during Reconstruction, many Black southerners lost their lives. Ashley Towle explores how African American communities both made sense of these deaths and invoked the memory of the dead to sustain their fight for civil rights and racial justice. Employing Vincent Brown’s concept of “‘mortuary politics’” from <em>The Reaper’s Garden: Death and Power in the World of Atlantic Slavery</em> (Cambridge, Mass., 2008), Towle’s <em>African Americans, Death, and the New Birth of Freedom: Dying Free during the Civil War and Reconstruction</em> demonstrates that Black southerners symbolically called on their dead when they denounced racial violence and staked claims to citizenship (p. 4). The author draws on an impressive range of sources, encompassing congressional hearing reports, Freedmen’s Bureau and military records, memoirs, and African American newspapers.</p> <p>The first two chapters center on cemeteries. Black southerners created and maintained civilian cemeteries after the war, seizing the opportunity to exercise control over their dead and their burials. These cemeteries were not only places of sacred remembrance, but also sites for political meetings and mobilization. African Americans gathered in burial grounds like Wilmington, North Carolina’s Pine Forest Cemetery and Columbia, South Carolina’s Randolph Cemetery to mourn the dead, including Black politicians and civilians killed during Reconstruction, and to hold political events. Such events celebrated Black achievements since emancipation and galvanized communities to continue fighting for equality. The second chapter focuses on the central role of Black soldiers in creating the South’s national cemeteries. Here the author turns to records of the quartermaster general’s office to trace the extensive, somber work of Black troops in recovering fallen soldiers and giving them proper burials. These chapters show that both civilian cemeteries and national cemeteries, where generations of Black southerners celebrated Decor
以下是内容的简要摘录，以代替摘要：评论者： 非裔美国人、死亡与自由的新生：作者：Ashley Towle Hannah Katherine Hicks 《非裔美国人、死亡与自由的新生》：南北战争和重建时期的自由之死》。作者：Ashley Towle。南方历史新研究》。(马里兰州兰哈姆及其他城市：Lexington Books, 2023）。第 x 页，第 190 页。95.00美元，ISBN 978-1-66690-571-7）。这本经过精心研究的书将有关死亡文化史的学术研究与历史学家有关非裔美国人在解放和重建时期的经历的研究连接起来。难民营中的流行病、南北战争期间丧生的五分之一黑人士兵，以及重建期间在整个南方爆发的种族暴力，使许多南方黑人失去了生命。Ashley Towle 探讨了非裔美国人社区如何理解这些死亡，以及如何通过缅怀死者来支持他们争取民权和种族正义的斗争。他运用文森特-布朗（Vincent Brown）在《死神的花园》（The Reaper's Garden）中提出的 "停尸政治 "概念：大西洋奴隶制世界中的死亡与权力》（Death and Power in the World of Atlantic Slavery）（马萨诸塞州剑桥市，2008 年），Towle 的《非裔美国人、死亡与自由的新生》（African Americans, Death, and the New Birth of Freedom：内战和重建时期的自由之死》表明，南方黑人在谴责种族暴力和要求获得公民权时，象征性地呼唤他们的亡灵（第 4 页）。作者利用了大量资料，包括国会听证报告、自由民局和军队记录、回忆录以及非裔美国人报纸。前两章以墓地为中心。战后，南方黑人创建并维护了平民墓地，抓住机会对死者及其埋葬行使控制权。这些墓地不仅是神圣的纪念场所，也是政治集会和动员的场所。非裔美国人聚集在北卡罗来纳州威尔明顿的松林公墓和南卡罗来纳州哥伦比亚的伦道夫公墓等墓地，悼念死者，包括在重建期间被杀害的黑人政治家和平民，并举行政治活动。这些活动庆祝黑人自解放以来取得的成就，激励社区继续为平等而奋斗。第二章的重点是黑人士兵在创建南方国家公墓中的核心作用。在这里，作者翻阅了军需官办公室的记录，追溯了黑人部队在收复阵亡将士并为他们进行适当安葬方面所做的大量沉痛工作。这些章节表明，平民公墓和国家公墓是几代南方黑人庆祝装饰日和解放战争遗产的地方，它们成为 "与颂扬邦联和失落事业的邦联公墓相对立的历史景观"（第 28 页）。第三章讨论了战死者如何通过向联邦士兵家属支付抚恤金来帮助维持生者的生活。Towle 展示了黑人士兵的遗孀和其他家庭成员如何办理抚恤金手续，以及微薄的抚恤金如何帮助新获得自由的家庭实现经济独立。第四章探讨了自由人如何打造有意义的精神生活。本章简要介绍了新教教堂在重建政治中的核心地位，以及宗教如何加强社区纽带。令人耳目一新的是，本章还探讨了非裔美国人与其他精神传统的关系，如巫术和招魂术。最后，第 5 章重点介绍了非裔美国人关于重建时期种族暴力的证词，包括证词人如何为他们亲眼目睹被杀害的男人、妇女和儿童代言。许多幸存者指名道姓地说出了凶手的名字，因此冒着死亡的危险说出了自己的遭遇。通过他们对 1866 年孟菲斯大屠杀等事件的叙述，自由人让国会和北方公众了解到，南方需要更激进的重建，非裔美国人需要更广泛的权利。该书展示了非裔美国人如何努力使死亡具有意义，以及如何创造话语和物理场所（如墓地），为纪念死者和强烈抗议种族不公提供空间。Towle 将停尸政治的概念引入南方黑人在南北战争后的经历中，并追溯了黑人社区如何使黑人的死亡变得重要，从而做出了重大贡献。研究重建和解放的学者以及学生和历史学家都可以在本书中找到答案。
{"title":"African Americans, Death, and the New Birth of Freedom: Dying Free during the Civil War and Reconstruction by Ashley Towle (review)","authors":"Hannah Katherine Hicks","doi":"10.1353/soh.2024.a925475","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/soh.2024.a925475","url":null,"abstract":"<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span>\u0000<p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>African Americans, Death, and the New Birth of Freedom: Dying Free during the Civil War and Reconstruction</em> by Ashley Towle <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Hannah Katherine Hicks </li> </ul> <em>African Americans, Death, and the New Birth of Freedom: Dying Free during the Civil War and Reconstruction</em>. By Ashley Towle. New Studies in Southern History. (Lanham, Md., and other cities: Lexington Books, 2023. Pp. x, 190. $95.00, ISBN 978-1-66690-571-7.) <p>This well-researched book bridges the scholarship on the cultural history of death and historians’ work on African Americans’ experiences during emancipation and Reconstruction. Between epidemics in refugee camps and the <strong>[End Page 444]</strong> one-fifth of Black soldiers who perished during the Civil War, as well as the racial violence that erupted across the South during Reconstruction, many Black southerners lost their lives. Ashley Towle explores how African American communities both made sense of these deaths and invoked the memory of the dead to sustain their fight for civil rights and racial justice. Employing Vincent Brown’s concept of “‘mortuary politics’” from <em>The Reaper’s Garden: Death and Power in the World of Atlantic Slavery</em> (Cambridge, Mass., 2008), Towle’s <em>African Americans, Death, and the New Birth of Freedom: Dying Free during the Civil War and Reconstruction</em> demonstrates that Black southerners symbolically called on their dead when they denounced racial violence and staked claims to citizenship (p. 4). The author draws on an impressive range of sources, encompassing congressional hearing reports, Freedmen’s Bureau and military records, memoirs, and African American newspapers.</p> <p>The first two chapters center on cemeteries. Black southerners created and maintained civilian cemeteries after the war, seizing the opportunity to exercise control over their dead and their burials. These cemeteries were not only places of sacred remembrance, but also sites for political meetings and mobilization. African Americans gathered in burial grounds like Wilmington, North Carolina’s Pine Forest Cemetery and Columbia, South Carolina’s Randolph Cemetery to mourn the dead, including Black politicians and civilians killed during Reconstruction, and to hold political events. Such events celebrated Black achievements since emancipation and galvanized communities to continue fighting for equality. The second chapter focuses on the central role of Black soldiers in creating the South’s national cemeteries. Here the author turns to records of the quartermaster general’s office to trace the extensive, somber work of Black troops in recovering fallen soldiers and giving them proper burials. These chapters show that both civilian cemeteries and national cemeteries, where generations of Black southerners celebrated Decor","PeriodicalId":45484,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF SOUTHERN HISTORY","volume":"12 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2024-04-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140637416","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-22DOI: 10.1353/soh.2024.a925459
Kimberly Kellison
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Slavery, Religion, and Race in Antebellum Missouri: Freedom from Slavery and Freedom from Sin</em> by Kevin D. Butler <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Kimberly Kellison </li> </ul> <em>Slavery, Religion, and Race in Antebellum Missouri: Freedom from Slavery and Freedom from Sin</em>. By Kevin D. Butler. Religion in American History. (Lanham, Md., and other cities: Lexington Books, 2023. Pp. xiv, 175. $95.00, ISBN 978-1-66691-699-7.) <p><em>Slavery, Religion, and Race in Antebellum Missouri: Freedom from Slavery and Freedom from Sin</em> offers an account of religion, race, and slavery in pre–Civil War Missouri, focusing primarily on the religious experiences of African Americans. Kevin D. Butler argues that three main forces influenced African American religion in Missouri: African folk religion, which relied heavily on conjure; the white southern church; and the white northern church. By the eve of the Civil War, African Americans had developed a version of Christianity that differed from both southern and northern white evangelicals’ faith and that served as the foundation for postwar African American denominationalism in the state.</p> <p>Butler’s study begins with a description of the impact of northern evangelicals in Missouri. Although some radical abolitionists preached in the state, the majority of northern missionaries were “antislavery moderates” who generally supported gradual emancipation and colonization efforts (p. 1). Because of their outspoken criticism of abolitionism, these antislavery ministers were able to preach to African Americans and to assist in the formation of African American congregations without significant interference from the proslavery majority.</p> <p>Like enslaved men and women in other southern states, African Americans in Missouri drew from traditional African as well as European Christian religious beliefs and practices, forming their own version of Christianity in the years before the Civil War. Using the testimonies and stories of enslaved Missourians, Butler shows the prevalence of conjure and other African spiritual practices among enslaved communities and contends that African American men and women with conjure powers often exerted authority and influence.</p> <p>While African Americans drew on traditional African beliefs to frame religious and cultural beliefs, many were also deeply influenced by Christian concepts. Referencing the argument made by some historians that Christianity had only a marginal impact on the enslaved, Butler sides firmly with scholars who contend that Christianity played a prevalent role in the lives of most enslaved men and women. By the eve of the Civil War, Butler asserts, “any African American in the state . . . would have had some awareness of the basic aspects of Christianity” (p. 86). The spread of Christianity to the Blac
以下是内容的简要摘录，以代替摘要：评论者 前密苏里时期的奴隶制、宗教和种族：凯文-D.-巴特勒（Kevin D. Butler）著，金伯利-凯利森（Kimberly Kellison）译：摆脱奴隶制和摆脱罪恶。作者：凯文-D-巴特勒。美国历史中的宗教》。(马里兰州兰哈姆及其他城市：莱克星顿图书公司，2023 年。第 xiv、175 页。95.00美元，ISBN 978-1-66691-699-7）。前美国密苏里州的奴隶制、宗教与种族》（Slavery, Religion, and Race in Antebellum Missouri：免于奴役和免于罪恶》介绍了内战前密苏里州的宗教、种族和奴隶制，主要侧重于非裔美国人的宗教经历。凯文-D-巴特勒（Kevin D. Butler）认为，有三种主要力量影响着密苏里州的非裔美国人宗教：非洲民间宗教（主要依赖巫术）、南方白人教会和北方白人教会。到南北战争前夕，非裔美国人发展出了一种不同于南方和北方白人福音派信仰的基督教，并成为战后该州非裔美国人教派的基础。巴特勒的研究首先描述了北方福音派在密苏里州的影响。虽然有些激进的废奴主义者在该州传教，但大多数北方传教士都是 "反奴隶制的温和派"，他们一般都支持逐步解放和殖民化的努力（第 1 页）。由于他们直言不讳地批评废奴主义，这些反奴隶制的牧师能够向非裔美国人布道，并协助组建非裔美国人会众，而不会受到支持奴隶制的大多数人的严重干扰。与南部其他州的被奴役男女一样，密苏里州的非裔美国人从传统的非洲及欧洲基督教信仰和习俗中汲取营养，在南北战争前的岁月里形成了他们自己的基督教。巴特勒通过受奴役的密苏里人的证词和故事，展示了在受奴役的社区中巫术和其他非洲精神习俗的盛行，并认为拥有巫术能力的非裔美国人往往具有权威和影响力。虽然非裔美国人借鉴传统非洲信仰来构建宗教和文化信仰，但许多人也深受基督教观念的影响。一些历史学家认为基督教对被奴役者的影响微乎其微，巴特勒坚定地站在学者一边，认为基督教在大多数被奴役男女的生活中发挥了普遍作用。巴特勒断言，到南北战争前夕，"该州的任何非洲裔美国人......都会对基督教的基本内容有所了解"（第 86 页）。基督教在黑人社区的传播主要来自于由白人控制的双种族教会的发展和建立。通过这些教堂，支持奴隶制的密苏里白人宣扬奴隶制是上天注定的，他们的所作所为体现了奴役者对被奴役者的政治权力。虽然白人控制的支持奴隶制的教会 "成功地促进了基督教观念在奴隶社区的传播"，但密苏里白人 "未能建立一个两族社区，在这个社区中，男女结合者将奴隶主阶级的利益等同于他们自己的利益"（第 79 页）。相反，非裔美国人只接受了基督教的某些方面，对密苏里白人传授给他们的支持奴隶制的信息不屑一顾。本书的最后几章重点介绍了独立的非裔美国人城市教会。巴特勒考察了非裔美国牧师的领导能力 [第 424 页末]，并展示了战前独立黑人教会在宗教和教育方面的重要影响。内战期间和战后，非裔美国人获得了更全面的宗教自由。非裔美国人离开白人控制的教会，成立了更多的独立教会，从而在该州建立了一个更强大的教派网络。巴特勒认为，在战后的岁月里，"曾在奴隶制时期帮助维持 "被奴役男女的 "非裔美国人基督教""开始成为非裔美国人生活中最重要、最普遍的机构"（第 151-52 页）。前密苏里时期的奴隶制、宗教和种族》一书撰写精良，研究透彻。巴特勒在整个研究过程中参与了史学争论，尽管他本可以更详细地阐述密苏里州与其他奴隶制州相比在宗教方面的独特性（或者说缺乏独特性）。不过，总的来说，这部著作是该领域的一个值得欢迎的新成员，并将成为该领域的一部重要著作。
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Pub Date : 2024-04-22DOI: 10.1353/soh.2024.a925485
Scout Johnson
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span> <p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>A Slow, Calculated Lynching: The Story of Clyde Kennard</em> by Devery S. Anderson <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Scout Johnson </li> </ul> <em>A Slow, Calculated Lynching: The Story of Clyde Kennard</em>. By Devery S. Anderson. Foreword by James Meredith. Race, Rhetoric, and Media. (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 2023. Pp. xviii, 299. $35.00, ISBN 978-1-4968-4404-0.) <p>If it is true that history is written by the victors, it is almost equally true that history is written of the victors. Rarely do we read of the ones who came before the winners, those who, despite their striving, fell short. James Meredith, who desegregated the University of Mississippi, is well known, as are Ruby Bridges and Autherine Lucy. And though perhaps not as many can name them individually, the Little Rock Nine are a part of our collective consciousness. They were successful in integrating their specific schools, but others, who tried valiantly but failed, have been left behind. In <em>A Slow, Calculated Lynching: The Story of Clyde Kennard</em>, Devery S. Anderson seeks to redress that oversight by recounting the story of Clyde Kennard (1927–1963), who was the first African American to attempt integrating Mississippi Southern College (MSC, now the University of Southern Mississippi). Kennard was unsuccessful in his multiple tries, and the state of Mississippi turned its full weight to making sure that he remained unsuccessful, in the process carrying out the “slow, calculated lynching” of the title. Anderson argues that Kennard’s death from cancer was no less deliberate or preventable than those of other civil rights martyrs who died at the end of a rope or gun, or in a fiery conflagration.</p> <p>After Kennard’s attempt to enroll in MSC, he was arrested and convicted, first on false “reckless driving and illegal possession of liquor” charges, then robbery charges, again false (p. 61). While it is all but impossible to prove without a specific confession, Anderson’s contention that the intentional refusal by state actors of follow-up visits after Kennard’s cancer treatment led directly to his death is convincing. This sort of state action is state violence, though perhaps gentler than a truncheon, firehose, or canine assault. Violence can also be passive, uncaring inaction, not only active and aggressive. <strong>[End Page 458]</strong> An impressive variety of sources—court, government, military, university, and private archival papers, along with oral histories and interviews, documentaries, and contemporaneous press coverage—are all woven together to tell a heartbreaking yet ultimately powerful tale of one man’s resistance not only to segregation, but also to the hatred and bitterness endemic to white supremacy.</p> <p>For Anderson, Kennard stands for those who were beaten down before they could see the m
以下是内容的简要摘录，以代替摘要：评论者 缓慢而缜密的私刑：克莱德-肯纳德的故事》（A Slow, Calculated Lynching: The Story of Clyde Kennard），作者：Devery S. Anderson Scout Johnson《缓慢而缜密的私刑：克莱德-肯纳德的故事》。作者：Devery S. Anderson。詹姆斯-梅雷迪思撰写前言。种族、修辞和媒体。(杰克逊：密西西比大学出版社，2023 年。第 xviii 页，299 页。35.00美元，ISBN 978-1-4968-4404-0）。如果说历史是由胜利者书写的，那么几乎同样正确的是，历史是由胜利者书写的。我们很少读到在胜利者之前出现的那些人，那些尽管努力奋斗但还是失败的人。消除密西西比大学种族隔离的詹姆斯-梅雷迪思（James Meredith）、鲁比-布里奇斯（Ruby Bridges）和奥特琳-露西（Autherine Lucy）都是众所周知的人物。虽然可能没有那么多人能单独说出他们的名字，但 "小石城九人帮 "是我们集体意识的一部分。他们成功地实现了所在学校的融合，但其他勇敢尝试却失败的人却被抛在后面。在《缓慢而精心策划的私刑：克莱德-肯纳德的故事》一书中，Devery S. Anderson 试图通过讲述克莱德-肯纳德（1927-1963 年）的故事来纠正这种疏忽，他是第一位尝试整合密西西比南方学院（MSC，现为南密西西比大学）的非裔美国人。肯纳德多次尝试均未成功，密西西比州全力确保他继续失败，并在此过程中实施了标题中的 "缓慢、蓄意的私刑"。安德森认为，肯纳德死于癌症，与其他死在绳索或枪口下，或死于烈火中的民权烈士一样，都是蓄意的或可以预防的。肯纳德试图进入麻省理工学院学习，但随后被捕并被定罪，先是被指控 "鲁莽驾驶和非法持有酒类"，后又被指控抢劫，罪名同样不实（第 61 页）。虽然在没有具体供词的情况下不可能证明这一点，但安德森关于国家行为者故意拒绝在肯纳德接受癌症治疗后对其进行后续探视直接导致其死亡的论点是令人信服的。这种国家行为就是国家暴力，尽管可能比警棍、消防水带或警犬的攻击更为温和。暴力也可以是被动的、无情的不作为，而不仅仅是主动的和咄咄逼人的。[第 458 页完] 令人印象深刻的各种资料来源--法庭、政府、军队、大学和私人档案文件，以及口述历史和访谈、纪录片和当时的新闻报道--交织在一起，讲述了一个令人心碎但最终充满力量的故事：一个人不仅反抗种族隔离，还反抗白人至上主义特有的仇恨和怨恨。在安德森看来，肯纳德代表了那些在看到山顶之前就被打倒的人，他遵循的是自下而上书写民权历史的新流派，而不是传统的自上而下、领袖主导的历史。此外，与丹妮尔-L.-麦奎尔的作品一样，安德森的作品也突出了一个小火苗引发的更大运动，并将一个人在密西西比州哈蒂斯堡的立场与更大范围的民权运动联系起来。肯纳德还是梅德加-埃弗斯（Medgar Evers）和老弗农-达默（Vernon Dahmer Sr.）的朋友，这两位民权人物都是在白人至上主义暴力的短促而剧烈的冲击下丧生的。这本书以简单明了的编年史形式记述了肯纳德的生平和身后事，并对重建和吉姆-克劳进行了简短的解释，以提供背景资料。安德森还介绍了为在死后推翻对肯纳德的定罪所做的努力。此外，他还详细介绍了支持者在拒绝肯纳德的大学里为纪念肯纳德所做的工作，这使得肯纳德的名字出现在一栋大楼上，并获得了荣誉博士学位。本书开篇讲述了2013年肯纳德肖像的揭幕仪式，这幅肖像是罗伯特-谢特利（Robert Shetterly）"说出真相的美国人"（Americans Who Tell the Truth）系列的一部分。谢特利在发言中问道："为什么我们不知道这些故事？为什么我们不了解这些人？他们会赋予我们力量"（第 xvii 页）。对许多人来说，他发言的最后一部分回答了第一个问题。休斯顿大学的斯科特-约翰逊
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