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Milton and the Education Monopoly 弥尔顿和教育垄断
IF 0.2 3区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2022-06-01 DOI: 10.1353/sip.2022.0012
Matthew J Rickard
Abstract:In Considerations Touching the Likeliest Means to Remove Hirelings out of the Church (1659), John Milton calls for the abolition of tithes—compulsory fees collected, in part, to finance the training of ministers at Oxford and Cambridge—on the grounds that they confer a "monopoly" on the ecclesiastical hierarchy. Though the poet was just one among dozens of pamphleteers and thousands of petitioners in the dispute over tithes, his case for abolition is eccentric. Milton frames the monopoly not as a problem of institutions, I will argue, but rather as a problem of ideas. On this account, politics is supposed to establish conditions under which the mind, naturally endowed with the faculty for "true theologie," is free to acquire "Christian knowledge." At the heart of the treatise is a belief that ordinary people are sufficiently capable of self-education that large-scale efforts at social change are unnecessary. Milton's fantasy of untutored erudition sets the polemic apart from the views of his erstwhile allies, with significant consequences for our sense of the poet's republicanism as he turned at last toward epic.
摘要:约翰·弥尔顿(John Milton)在1659年出版的《关于将雇佣者从教会中移除的最可能方法的考虑》一书中呼吁废除什一税——征收的强制性费用,部分是为了资助牛津和剑桥的牧师培训——理由是什一税赋予了教会等级制度的“垄断”。尽管这位诗人只是数十名小册子作者和数千名请愿者中的一员,但他对废除什一税的主张却很古怪。弥尔顿认为,垄断不是制度的问题,而是观念的问题。在这种情况下,政治应该建立一个条件,在这个条件下,天生具有“真正神学”能力的头脑可以自由地获得“基督教知识”。这篇论文的核心是一个信念,即普通人有足够的能力自我教育,大规模的社会变革是不必要的。弥尔顿对未受过教育的博学的幻想,将他的论战与他昔日盟友的观点区分开来,这对我们理解这位诗人的共和主义产生了重大影响,因为他最终转向了史诗。
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引用次数: 0
Correction, Modernization, and Elaboration in a Seventeenth-Century Translation of John Lydgate's Troy Book 17世纪约翰·利德盖特《特洛伊书》译本的修正、现代化与阐释
IF 0.2 3区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2022-06-01 DOI: 10.1353/sip.2022.0011
Mimi Ensley
Abstract:Medieval monastic poet John Lydgate is not an author we expect to see in seven-teenth-century print. It is surprising, then, to find The Life and Death of Hector (London, 1614), an anonymous modernization of Lydgate's Troy Book (1420). While not a translation of a classical source, Hector was written in a context where classical translations were increasingly discussed and printed. However, in addition to the influence of Renaissance humanist theories of translation in Hector, the anonymous poet's efforts are also in line with Lydgate's own translation techniques; indeed, Lydgate becomes a model for the Hector poet's correction of Lydgate himself. In this way, the Hector poet's additions to, modernizations of, and deviations from the Troy Book source become an exemplar of what William Kuskin has described as the "recursive" nature of literary history, a literary history that simultaneously repeats and transforms the past. Within this single early seventeenth-century book, distinct traditions stand together, supplementing rather than erasing one another in a celebration of multiplicity and multivocality.
摘要:中世纪修道院诗人约翰·利德盖特并不是我们期望在十四世纪印刷品中看到的作家。因此,令人惊讶的是,发现了《赫克托的生与死》(伦敦,1614年),这是对利德盖特的《特洛伊书》(1420年)的匿名现代化。虽然《赫克托耳》不是一部经典译本,但它是在古典译本越来越多地被讨论和印刷的背景下写成的。然而,除了受到文艺复兴人文主义翻译理论在赫克托耳的影响外,这位匿名诗人的努力也符合利德盖特自己的翻译技巧;事实上,利德盖特成为赫克托耳诗人对利德盖特本人的修正的典范。通过这种方式,这位赫克托耳诗人对特洛伊书源的补充、现代化和偏离,成为威廉·库斯金所描述的文学史的“递归”性质的典范,文学史同时重复和改变了过去。在这本17世纪早期的书中,不同的传统站在一起,在对多样性和多声部的庆祝中相互补充而不是抹去。
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引用次数: 0
Venus and Adonis The Rape of Lucrece, and the Shakespeare Canon 《维纳斯与阿多尼斯:对路克丽丝的强奸》与莎士比亚经典
IF 0.2 3区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2022-06-01 DOI: 10.1353/sip.2022.0009
P. Cheney
Abstract:This essay revisits one of the oldest topics of Shakespeare criticism: the relation between Venus and Adonis, The Rape of Lucrece, and the plays. From Charles Gildon forward, critics see the narrative poems as a "promise" of the plays. This critical template, however, puts history backward: Venus and Lucrece become linear promises of an art that does not exist. The critical template also endorses the faulty paradigm underwriting Shakespeare criticism: the poems are the product of a "man of the theater." William Shakespeare was a man of the theater, but he was also a print poet who saw five poems published during his lifetime: Venus (1593), Lucrece (1594), "The Phoenix and Turtle" (1601), Sonnets (1609), and A Lover's Complaint (1609). In particular, Venus and Lucrece invaluably record a fiction of their role in Shakespeare's dramatic canon. In turn, the plays record a fiction of the performance of the printed poems. By revising the received wisdom, we may introduce a more accurate map of Shakespeare's literary career. This map preserves the integrity of a developing Shakespeare canon of poems and plays, and it recognizes that the poems gesture to the plays and the plays to the poems. To support this argument, the essay features evidence from Shakespeare's own canon fictions: intratextual moments in the poems and plays that record a narrative about the structure of his career. Yet other evidence emerges: from the narrative poems' genre, minor epic; from a neglected canon topos emerging from antiquity, "great things and small"; from the poems' reception history; and from both biography and bibliography. Venus and Lucrece are not simply commercially driven works produced in a youthful moment of dramatic inactivity; they are types of generic form and literary character in a remarkably structured canon on page and stage. As Shakespeare gets ready to retire, he presents his canon in Cymbeline in just this way. In the end, we may view Venus and Lucrece as integral to his dramatic career, at once fountains and foundations for comedy, history, tragedy, and romance.
摘要:本文回顾了莎士比亚评论界最古老的话题之一:维纳斯与阿多尼斯的关系、《强奸卢克蕾斯》以及莎剧。从查尔斯·吉尔登开始,评论家将叙事诗视为戏剧的“承诺”。然而,这种批判的模板将历史向后推:维纳斯和卢克蕾丝成为一种不存在的艺术的线性承诺。批评的模板也支持了支持莎士比亚批评的错误范式:这些诗是“戏剧人”的产物。威廉·莎士比亚是一位戏剧家,但他也是一位印刷诗人,他一生中发表了五首诗:《维纳斯》(1593)、《卢克蕾丝》(1594)、《凤凰与乌龟》(1601)、《十四行诗》(1609)和《情人的抱怨》(1609)。尤其是维纳斯和卢克蕾斯,她们在莎士比亚戏剧经典中所扮演的角色被记录下来。反过来,戏剧记录了印刷诗歌表演的虚构。通过修正这些公认的观点,我们可以更准确地了解莎士比亚的文学生涯。这幅地图保留了莎士比亚诗歌和戏剧的完整发展,它承认诗歌对戏剧的姿态,戏剧对诗歌的姿态。为了支持这一论点,这篇文章从莎士比亚自己的经典小说中找到了证据:诗歌和戏剧中的文本内时刻,记录了他职业生涯结构的叙述。还有其他的证据:从叙事诗的类型来看,小史诗;从一个被忽视的经典主题从古代出现,“大事与小事”;从诗歌的接受史看;从传记和参考书目中。《维纳斯》和《卢克丽丝》并不是单纯的商业驱动的作品,创作于一个戏剧不活跃的年轻时刻;它们是一般形式和文学人物的类型,在一个非常结构化的佳能中出现在页面和舞台上。当莎士比亚准备退休时,他在《辛白林》中以这种方式呈现了他的经典。最后,我们可以把维纳斯和卢克丽丝看作是他戏剧生涯中不可或缺的一部分,既是喜剧、历史、悲剧和浪漫的源泉和基础。
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引用次数: 0
Milton's Postures: Prostrating, Grinding, Leaning 弥尔顿的姿势:匍匐,磨磨,倾斜
IF 0.2 3区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2022-06-01 DOI: 10.1353/sip.2022.0007
John Yargo
Abstract:Throughout John Milton's dramatic poem Samson Agonistes, the postures of the body allow individual characters to overcome the faltering capacities of speech, mind, and spirit. Early in the play, prostrating affords Samson the opportunity to make sense of his fractured and traumatized mental condition. Through the posture of grinding, the play conceives of a "sensate community," by which Dalila and Samson can achieve a shared, if fleeting, understanding of each other. Samson's leaning against the pillars, as summarized by a passerby, is a sophisticated model of spiritual identity that rejects the ableist assumption of any individual's physical or visual autonomy. In conclusion, this essay turns to the aesthetic and moral implications for Milton of "tugging" the pillars down in the play's final sequence of violence.
摘要:在约翰·弥尔顿的戏剧诗《参孙》中,身体的姿势使人物能够克服言语、思想和精神的衰弱。在戏剧的早期,跪拜给了参孙一个机会来理解他破碎和创伤的精神状况。通过磨磨蹭蹭的姿势,该剧设想了一个“感官共同体”,达利拉和萨姆森可以通过这个共同体实现对彼此的共同理解,尽管这种理解稍纵即逝。一位路人总结说,参孙靠在柱子上,是一种复杂的精神身份模型,它拒绝了任何个人身体或视觉自主的能动主义假设。最后,这篇文章转向了弥尔顿在戏剧最后的暴力序列中“拖曳”柱子的美学和道德含义。
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引用次数: 0
John Donne's Colonial Innocence 约翰·多恩的《殖民地纯真》
IF 0.2 3区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2022-06-01 DOI: 10.1353/sip.2022.0010
José Juan Villagrana
Abstract:From his verse epistles and libertine poems to his religious polemic and sermons, John Donne routinely invokes the Native peoples of the Americas as exemplars of innocence. Donne's understanding of Native peoples' innocence was influenced by the Dominican friar Bartolomé de las Casas's treatise Brevísima relación de la destrucción de las Indias, widely read in its English translation, The Spanish Colonie. Las Casas characterizes the Native peoples of the Americas as innately weak, docile, and obedient to argue that they are innocents and that Spanish colonial policy is unlawful; meanwhile, he depicts Spaniards as exceptionally cruel and prone to commit acts of arbitrary violence. Las Casas's depiction of Spain as malicious and the Spaniard as intemperate underwrote English views that Spain's military and colonial dominance was illegitimate. Many scholars cite Donne's references to Amerindians as vulnerable and innocent as evidence that he read Las Casas and shared the friar's compassion for the Amerindians. Donne makes further use of Native innocence, however, as he figuratively identifies his various literary personae as themselves the victims of Spanish violence and the objects of sympathy by comparing them to the Amerindians. Donne holds up Native peoples' perceived qualities of innocence—freedom from sin, criminal blamelessness, childlike ignorance, and sexual (in)experience—as desirable qualities that the English should cultivate to remain spiritually and criminally blameless, unlike Spaniards, as they undertake colonial adventures. Donne's literary invocation of innocence is invariably bound up with the English colonial project. His works encouraged their various audiences, including members of the Virginia Company, to consider Amerindians' perceived embodied innocence in relation to their own pursuit of innocence as a behavioral and spiritual virtue that could advance their colonial objectives.
摘要:从他的诗歌书信和放荡的诗歌到他的宗教论战和布道,约翰·多恩经常引用美洲原住民作为天真无邪的典范。Donne对原住民无辜的理解受到了多明尼加修士Bartoloméde las Casas的论文Brevísima relación de la destruccióon de las Indias的影响,该论文的英文译本《西班牙殖民地》广为阅读。Las Casas将美洲原住民描述为天生软弱、温顺、顺从,认为他们是无辜的,西班牙的殖民政策是非法的;与此同时,他将西班牙人描绘成异常残忍,容易实施任意暴力行为。拉斯·卡萨斯(Las Casas)将西班牙描绘成恶毒的,将西班牙人描绘成放纵的,这让英国人认为西班牙的军事和殖民统治是非法的。许多学者引用了多恩对美洲印第安人脆弱和无辜的提及,作为他阅读《拉斯卡萨》并分享这位修士对美洲印第安人的同情的证据。然而,多恩进一步利用了原住民的天真,他将自己的各种文学人物形象地认定为西班牙暴力的受害者和同情的对象,并将他们与美洲印第安人进行了比较。Donne认为土著人民的天真无邪的品质——免于犯罪、无可指责的犯罪、孩童般的无知和性经验——是英国人应该培养的理想品质,以在精神上和犯罪上保持无可指责,不像西班牙人那样,在进行殖民冒险时。多恩对天真无邪的文学追求总是与英国的殖民计划联系在一起。他的作品鼓励他们的各种观众,包括弗吉尼亚公司的成员,将美洲印第安人对纯真的追求视为一种行为和精神美德,这种美德可以促进他们的殖民目标。
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引用次数: 0
"I, Thomas Usk, Traitor": The Testament of Love and the Ethics and Politics of Service “我,托马斯·乌斯克,叛徒”:爱的遗嘱与服务的伦理与政治
IF 0.2 3区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2022-01-27 DOI: 10.1353/sip.2022.0001
Chandler Fry
Abstract:This article argues that Thomas Usk centralizes the natural law in his Testament of Love to attempt to bring about a cultural reformation. Throughout his text Usk weaves the natural law into his elaborate model of service, outlining ethical and political concepts that he believes should structure and inform social life in his contemporary London. In doing this, Usk hopes to inspire his culture to abandon the vicious practices that he thinks led to his own imprisonments in the 1380s.
摘要:本文认为,托马斯·乌斯克在《爱的遗嘱》中集中体现了自然规律,试图促成一场文化变革。在他的整个文本中,乌斯克将自然法编织到他精心设计的服务模式中,概述了他认为应该在当代伦敦构建和告知社会生活的道德和政治概念。通过这样做,乌斯克希望激励他的文化放弃他认为导致自己在1380年代入狱的恶性做法。
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引用次数: 0
Swearing and Silver Eagles: Catiline and the Oath of Allegiance 誓言与银鹰:Catiline与效忠誓言
IF 0.2 3区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2022-01-27 DOI: 10.1353/sip.2022.0005
Richard Stacey
Abstract:In act 3 of Ben Jonson's play Catiline, the rebels swear as a group on a raised "silver eagle" in order to transform their attack on Rome into a sacred endeavor. The action, however, is not clearly represented in the classical sources as an oath. In this article, I will argue that Jonson changes a fairly minor detail in the record to a binding pledge in order to critique the civil, political, and spiritual strictures that are imbibed in the 1606 Oath of Allegiance. First, I will argue that the eagle is redolent of both the lectern in Protestant church architecture and the recurring metaphor of James as a protective eagle in his writing; such onstage iconography associates the Oath with Militant Protestantism and James's own semiotic currency of obedience. I will then suggest that the mounted eagle activates an onomastic play on the name of William Parker, Lord Monteagle, who famously betrayed his recusant kin to expose the Gunpowder Plot, at great benefit to himself. Lastly, I will posit that the heraldic associations of the eagle sigil link the Catilinarian bond to proparliamentarian figures such as Edward Coke and Robert Cotton, the latter a friend of Jonson.
摘要:在本·琼森的戏剧《Catiline》第三幕中,反叛者集体对着一只举起的“银鹰”宣誓,以将他们对罗马的攻击转化为神圣的努力。然而,在经典文献中,这种行为并没有明确地作为誓言来表现。在这篇文章中,我认为Jonson将记录中的一个相当小的细节修改为一个具有约束力的承诺,以批评1606年效忠誓言中所吸收的公民、政治和精神方面的限制。首先,我认为鹰既有新教教堂建筑中的讲台的味道,也有詹姆斯在作品中反复出现的保护鹰的隐喻;这样的舞台图像将誓言与激进的新教以及詹姆斯自己的服从符号货币联系在一起。然后,我建议骑鹰以威廉·帕克(William Parker)的名字,蒙特格尔勋爵(Lord Monteagle。最后,我假设鹰的纹章联想将Catilinian纽带与议员人物联系起来,如Edward Coke和Robert Cotton,后者是Jonson的朋友。
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引用次数: 0
Adapting for Genre in the Middle English Chevalere Assigne 对中古英语雪佛莱派流派的适应
IF 0.2 3区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2022-01-27 DOI: 10.1353/sip.2022.0002
Miriam Edlich-Muth
Abstract:This article considers the role genre expectations have played in shaping the process by which the medieval Latin folktale of the swan children, Cygni, was translated and adapted first into different Old French versions and then into the Middle English prose romance Chevalere Assigne. I argue that the differences in characterization, plot, and tone between the French and English versions should be read as completing the transformation of the narrative from its original folktale form into the form of a chivalric romance.
摘要:这篇文章考虑了类型期望在塑造中世纪拉丁民间故事天鹅孩子赛格尼的过程中所起的作用,赛格尼先是被翻译成不同的古法语版本,然后被改编成中世纪英语散文浪漫小说《切瓦利·阿涅格》。我认为,法语和英语版本在人物塑造、情节和基调上的差异应该被解读为完成了叙事从最初的民间故事形式向骑士浪漫形式的转变。
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引用次数: 0
The Venus of Apelles from Schoolroom to Romance 阿佩莱斯的维纳斯从《教室》到《罗曼史》
IF 0.2 3区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2022-01-27 DOI: 10.1353/sip.2022.0003
Andrew Carlson
Abstract:This article argues that classical visual art played an important role in mediating the relationship between Elizabethan romance and the humanist schoolroom. I advance this claim by following the wayward itinerary through Elizabethan letters of the Greek painter Apelles and his unfinished painting of Venus rising from the sea. In the work of the educator Roger Ascham, the painting serves as an emblem for the fragmented corpus of classical antiquity; Apelles's lost masterpiece enjoys a second life when appropriated in the next generation by John Lyly as a figure for the estrangement of Elizabethan fiction from earlier humanist claims that poetry's purpose was primarily didactic.
摘要:本文认为古典视觉艺术在调解伊丽莎白浪漫主义与人文主义课堂之间的关系中发挥了重要作用。我通过查阅希腊画家阿佩莱斯(Apelles)在伊丽莎白时代的信件和他未完成的《维纳斯从海上升起》(Venus从海上升起)的画作,来推进这一说法。在教育家罗杰·阿斯卡姆(Roger Ascham)的作品中,这幅画是古典古代碎片化的象征;阿佩莱斯丢失的杰作在下一代被约翰·莱利挪用后获得了第二次生命,作为伊丽莎白时代小说与早期人文主义主张的隔阂的象征诗歌的目的主要是说教。
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引用次数: 0
Pity and Piety in Titus Andronicus 提图斯·安德洛尼克斯的怜悯与虔诚
IF 0.2 3区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2022-01-27 DOI: 10.1353/sip.2022.0004
Shawna K. Smith
Abstract:This article argues that William Shakespeare's Titus Andronicus dramatizes the potential ambivalence of pity in rhetorical situations when images and objects that evoke pity not only constitute evidence of genuine suffering but can also facilitate motives of fraud, cruelty, and revenge. The play is organized around six appeals to pity that identify the emotion not only as a key element in the dramatic and rhetorical contexts of the play's aesthetic of blood but also as an emotion that is tied closely to its interest in vengeance and clemency as contrary shaping motives in the construction of Roman pietas, or "piety," a word whose etymological associations with pity were more evident to early modern audiences than they are today. The play is also informed by a tension in Renaissance philosophy between Augustinianism and Stoicism regarding the relative merits of clemency and pity as social and religious values. These divergent and sometimes contradictory ideas about pity, clemency, and piety in the play resonate not only with Elizabethan perceptions of imperial Rome but also with Elizabethan culture's perceptions of its own historical and mythological connections to ancient Troy and, by extension, the Roman Empire. But the play's consideration of these values also reflects an understanding of the practical, everyday circumstances that Shakespeare's playgoers surely contended with themselves when confronted with public spectacles of punishment and execution, when engaged in civic and legal affairs, and when evaluating their social connections with fellow citizens, especially those experiencing distress and suffering in their manifold forms.
摘要:本文认为,威廉·莎士比亚的《提图斯·安德罗尼科斯》在修辞情境中戏剧性地表现了怜悯的潜在矛盾心理,当唤起怜悯的图像和物体不仅构成了真正痛苦的证据,而且可以促进欺诈、残忍和报复的动机时。该剧围绕着六种怜悯诉求展开,这些情感不仅是该剧血腥美学的戏剧和修辞背景中的一个关键元素,而且是一种与复仇和仁慈的兴趣密切相关的情感,复仇和仁慈是罗马虔诚主义建构中相反的塑造动机,或“虔诚”,这个词的词源与怜悯的联系在早期现代观众中比今天更为明显。该剧还受到文艺复兴哲学中奥古斯丁主义和斯多葛主义之间的紧张关系的影响,后者将仁慈和怜悯的相对优点视为社会和宗教价值观。剧中关于怜悯、仁慈和虔诚的这些分歧的、有时是矛盾的想法不仅与伊丽莎白时代对罗马帝国的看法产生了共鸣,也与伊丽莎白文化对其与古代特洛伊以及罗马帝国的历史和神话联系的看法产生共鸣。但该剧对这些价值观的考虑也反映了对莎士比亚戏剧观众在面对惩罚和处决的公开场面时,在参与公民和法律事务时,以及在评估他们与其他公民的社会关系时,肯定会与自己争论的实际日常环境的理解,尤其是那些经历了多种形式的痛苦和折磨的人。
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引用次数: 0
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