Pub Date : 2017-01-01DOI: 10.4067/S0718-090X2017000200563
Stephanie McNulty
As an electoral year, 2016 confirmed the endurance of neoliberal economic models and democratic procedures in Peru. The election of Pedro Pablo Kuczynski, popularly known as PPK, points to another year of the “automatic pilot” mode from the right, with continued neoliberal programs in the context of weak and inefficient institutions. The national elections also illustrate the continued trajectory of peaceful, democratic transfers of power at the national level, evincing the Peruvian electorate’s commitment to democratic procedures. Part of this commitment lies in a significant proportion of the population’s persistent rejection of Keiko Fujimori as presidential candidate. At the same time, the quality of Peruvian democracy remains moderately low, due to a variety of factors including pervasive corruption, weak political parties, problematic state institutions, and inequality. This article outlines many of the patterns that persist despite the changes in leadership that were ushered in after the April and June national elections.
作为选举年，2016年证实了秘鲁新自由主义经济模式和民主程序的持久性。佩德罗·巴勃罗·库琴斯基(Pedro Pablo Kuczynski，俗称PPK)的当选，标志着右翼“自动驾驶”模式的又一年，新自由主义计划在体制薄弱、效率低下的背景下继续推行。全国选举还显示了国家一级继续和平、民主地移交权力的轨迹，表明秘鲁选民对民主程序的承诺。这一承诺的一部分体现在相当大比例的日本民众持续拒绝藤森庆子(Keiko Fujimori)担任总统候选人。与此同时，由于普遍存在的腐败、软弱的政党、有问题的国家机构和不平等等各种因素，秘鲁民主的质量仍然较低。本文概述了尽管在4月和6月的全国选举之后出现了领导层的变化，但仍然存在的许多模式。
{"title":"Perú 2016: continuidad y cambio en un año electoral","authors":"Stephanie McNulty","doi":"10.4067/S0718-090X2017000200563","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4067/S0718-090X2017000200563","url":null,"abstract":"As an electoral year, 2016 confirmed the endurance of neoliberal economic models and democratic procedures in Peru. The election of Pedro Pablo Kuczynski, popularly known as PPK, points to another year of the “automatic pilot” mode from the right, with continued neoliberal programs in the context of weak and inefficient institutions. The national elections also illustrate the continued trajectory of peaceful, democratic transfers of power at the national level, evincing the Peruvian electorate’s commitment to democratic procedures. Part of this commitment lies in a significant proportion of the population’s persistent rejection of Keiko Fujimori as presidential candidate. At the same time, the quality of Peruvian democracy remains moderately low, due to a variety of factors including pervasive corruption, weak political parties, problematic state institutions, and inequality. This article outlines many of the patterns that persist despite the changes in leadership that were ushered in after the April and June national elections.","PeriodicalId":45507,"journal":{"name":"Revista De Ciencia Politica","volume":"17 1","pages":"563-588"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78321515","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-01-01DOI: 10.4067/S0718-090X2017000200543
Ignacio González Bozzolasco
The article analyzes the Paraguayan situation throughout 2016, focusing on economic, social and political dimensions. In relation to the economy, it presents an overview of the year’s main economic results, applied fiscal policy and the development investment policy that has financed a growing public debt through the issuance of government bonds. With respect to the social sphere, emphasis is placed on the main social mobilizations, presenting the main social actors and their demands. Finally, the article analyzes the Paraguayan political situation in 2016, marked by disputes about the project of incorporating presidential reelection into the Paraguayan political system in the face of the upcoming presidential elections of 2018.
{"title":"Paraguay: la reelección presidencial y los inicios de la carrera electoral 2018","authors":"Ignacio González Bozzolasco","doi":"10.4067/S0718-090X2017000200543","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4067/S0718-090X2017000200543","url":null,"abstract":"The article analyzes the Paraguayan situation throughout 2016, focusing on economic, social and political dimensions. In relation to the economy, it presents an overview of the year’s main economic results, applied fiscal policy and the development investment policy that has financed a growing public debt through the issuance of government bonds. With respect to the social sphere, emphasis is placed on the main social mobilizations, presenting the main social actors and their demands. Finally, the article analyzes the Paraguayan political situation in 2016, marked by disputes about the project of incorporating presidential reelection into the Paraguayan political system in the face of the upcoming presidential elections of 2018.","PeriodicalId":45507,"journal":{"name":"Revista De Ciencia Politica","volume":"12 1","pages":"543-562"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75200226","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-01-01DOI: 10.4067/S0718-090X2017000200281
Felipe Nunes, Carlos Ranulfo Melo
The year 2016 was marked by the deepening of the crisis that interrupted two decades of unusual political stability in Brazil. Although it has been the most significant event, Dilma Rousseff’s impeachment did little to “stop the bleeding,” as was shown by the subsequent arrest of the former president of the Chamber of Deputies, Eduardo Cunha (PMDB), and the unfolding of Operation Car Wash ( Lava Jato ). Besides the economic problems, the Brazilian political system also faced a serious crisis of legitimacy: the main parties were put in check, and a period of uncertainty regarding electoral and partisan competition opened up. In this article, we will review the sequence of the events, exploring some of the factors that explain it, and, aware of the fact that we are in the middle of process with an undefined outcome, we would like to take advantage of the opportunity to resume the debate on the performance of Brazilian democracy as well its perspectives.
{"title":"Impeachment, political crisis and democracy in Brazil","authors":"Felipe Nunes, Carlos Ranulfo Melo","doi":"10.4067/S0718-090X2017000200281","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4067/S0718-090X2017000200281","url":null,"abstract":"The year 2016 was marked by the deepening of the crisis that interrupted two decades of unusual political stability in Brazil. Although it has been the most significant event, Dilma Rousseff’s impeachment did little to “stop the bleeding,” as was shown by the subsequent arrest of the former president of the Chamber of Deputies, Eduardo Cunha (PMDB), and the unfolding of Operation Car Wash ( Lava Jato ). Besides the economic problems, the Brazilian political system also faced a serious crisis of legitimacy: the main parties were put in check, and a period of uncertainty regarding electoral and partisan competition opened up. In this article, we will review the sequence of the events, exploring some of the factors that explain it, and, aware of the fact that we are in the middle of process with an undefined outcome, we would like to take advantage of the opportunity to resume the debate on the performance of Brazilian democracy as well its perspectives.","PeriodicalId":45507,"journal":{"name":"Revista De Ciencia Politica","volume":"11 1","pages":"281-304"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85222101","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-01-01DOI: 10.4067/S0718-090X2017000200389
Fabián A. Borges
Costa Rican politics in 2016 were dominated by the debate and eventual failure of a tax reform proposed by the Solis administration. This failure is emblematic of a wider political crisis marked by growing levels of partisan fragmentation and polarization that have made it increasingly difficult to forge cross-partisan agreements on major national policy issues. Elections scheduled for February 2018 are expected to dominate politics during 2017.
{"title":"Costa Rica: La tercera no fue la vencida, fracaso de la reforma fiscal de Luis Guillermo Solís","authors":"Fabián A. Borges","doi":"10.4067/S0718-090X2017000200389","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4067/S0718-090X2017000200389","url":null,"abstract":"Costa Rican politics in 2016 were dominated by the debate and eventual failure of a tax reform proposed by the Solis administration. This failure is emblematic of a wider political crisis marked by growing levels of partisan fragmentation and polarization that have made it increasingly difficult to forge cross-partisan agreements on major national policy issues. Elections scheduled for February 2018 are expected to dominate politics during 2017.","PeriodicalId":45507,"journal":{"name":"Revista De Ciencia Politica","volume":"15 1","pages":"389-412"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84400121","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-01-01DOI: 10.4067/S0718-090X2017000200369
Sandra Botero
This article analyzes key moments of the peace process between the Colombian government and the FARC during 2016. Colombia and the world were shocked when voters narrowly rejected the peace accords in a national plebiscite. What explains these electoral results? I argue that it is necessary to incorporate structural and political elements into our efforts to understand what happened in October of 2016. I emphasize the importance of sociodemographic patterns at the municipal level and connect these with the dynamics of the political campaign leading up to the vote. In the last section I discuss the political implications of the plebiscite and the challenges that it entails for the implementation of the peace accords.
{"title":"El plebiscito y los desafíos políticos de consolidar la paz negociada en Colombia","authors":"Sandra Botero","doi":"10.4067/S0718-090X2017000200369","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4067/S0718-090X2017000200369","url":null,"abstract":"This article analyzes key moments of the peace process between the Colombian government and the FARC during 2016. Colombia and the world were shocked when voters narrowly rejected the peace accords in a national plebiscite. What explains these electoral results? I argue that it is necessary to incorporate structural and political elements into our efforts to understand what happened in October of 2016. I emphasize the importance of sociodemographic patterns at the municipal level and connect these with the dynamics of the political campaign leading up to the vote. In the last section I discuss the political implications of the plebiscite and the challenges that it entails for the implementation of the peace accords.","PeriodicalId":45507,"journal":{"name":"Revista De Ciencia Politica","volume":"60 1","pages":"369-388"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83959695","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-01-01DOI: 10.4067/S0718-090X2017000200449
Michael E. D. Allison
El Salvador continues to struggle with elevated levels of criminal violence perpetrated by street gangs, drug trafficking organizations, members of the security forces, and other criminal groups. The Attorney General’s Office and courts have taken some positive steps towards tackling impunity for current and civil war-era crimes. However, a history of corruption and favoritism within those institutions continues to undermine citizens’ faith in the legitimacy of their actions. Finally, El Salvador confronts a challenging road ahead characterized by uncertainty over the implications of an overturned amnesty law, low rates of economic growth, and a new U.S. president in the White House.
{"title":"El Salvador: A Far Cry from Peace","authors":"Michael E. D. Allison","doi":"10.4067/S0718-090X2017000200449","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4067/S0718-090X2017000200449","url":null,"abstract":"El Salvador continues to struggle with elevated levels of criminal violence perpetrated by street gangs, drug trafficking organizations, members of the security forces, and other criminal groups. The Attorney General’s Office and courts have taken some positive steps towards tackling impunity for current and civil war-era crimes. However, a history of corruption and favoritism within those institutions continues to undermine citizens’ faith in the legitimacy of their actions. Finally, El Salvador confronts a challenging road ahead characterized by uncertainty over the implications of an overturned amnesty law, low rates of economic growth, and a new U.S. president in the White House.","PeriodicalId":45507,"journal":{"name":"Revista De Ciencia Politica","volume":"19 1","pages":"449-470"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77182970","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-01-01DOI: 10.4067/S0718-090X2017000200519
Orlando J. Pérez
In 2016 Panama was buffeted by corruption scandals and a decelerating economy, which had negative consequences for the political standing of President Juan Carlos Varela. The “Panama Papers” revealed the underlying pathology in Panama’s political and economic system. After a decade of rapid economic growth, Panama’s economy showed signs of slowing down. However, the completion of the Panama Canal expansion project provided hope for an economic boost as the waterway was able to service a greater proportion of maritime commercial traffic.
{"title":"Panamá: Democracia bajo la sombra de la corrupción","authors":"Orlando J. Pérez","doi":"10.4067/S0718-090X2017000200519","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4067/S0718-090X2017000200519","url":null,"abstract":"In 2016 Panama was buffeted by corruption scandals and a decelerating economy, which had negative consequences for the political standing of President Juan Carlos Varela. The “Panama Papers” revealed the underlying pathology in Panama’s political and economic system. After a decade of rapid economic growth, Panama’s economy showed signs of slowing down. However, the completion of the Panama Canal expansion project provided hope for an economic boost as the waterway was able to service a greater proportion of maritime commercial traffic.","PeriodicalId":45507,"journal":{"name":"Revista De Ciencia Politica","volume":"71 1","pages":"519-542"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83280685","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-01-01DOI: 10.4067/S0718-090X2017000200255
Amanda Driscoll
On 21 February 2016, an absolute majority of Bolivian voters (51.3%) voted against a constitutional revision that would clear the way for President Morales to assume a fourth term in office. Evaluating the municipal level change in pro-MAS vote share over previous elections, I find that the pro-government vote share declined most dramatically in traditional MAS electoral strongholds, particularly those with high concentrations of mine workers or indigenous voters. This, along with numerous other challenges to the MAS institutional hegemony, begs larger questions about the future of the MAS as a political coalition, and about Bolivia’s “democracy in transition.”
{"title":"Bolivia y la “democracia en transición”: más preguntas que respuestas en 2016","authors":"Amanda Driscoll","doi":"10.4067/S0718-090X2017000200255","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4067/S0718-090X2017000200255","url":null,"abstract":"On 21 February 2016, an absolute majority of Bolivian voters (51.3%) voted against a constitutional revision that would clear the way for President Morales to assume a fourth term in office. Evaluating the municipal level change in pro-MAS vote share over previous elections, I find that the pro-government vote share declined most dramatically in traditional MAS electoral strongholds, particularly those with high concentrations of mine workers or indigenous voters. This, along with numerous other challenges to the MAS institutional hegemony, begs larger questions about the future of the MAS as a political coalition, and about Bolivia’s “democracy in transition.”","PeriodicalId":45507,"journal":{"name":"Revista De Ciencia Politica","volume":"61 1","pages":"255-280"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86225458","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-01-01DOI: 10.4067/S0718-090X2017000200335
Juan Carlos Rodríguez-Raga
This article reviews the most important events in the Colombian political arena during 2016. The focus of this review is on the facts and processes that led to the signature of the peace agreement between the national government led by Juan Manuel Santos and the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (FARC). The first section describes the road towards the signing of the first agreement in August, tracks the process of popular ratification of the agreement through a plebiscite in October, and analyzes the impact of the victory of the opposition to the agreement on the peace talks, and on the administration itself. The second section shows how some attitudes related to public trust in institutions have deteriorated in the past few years and states how these attitudes might be related to a sharp polarization between those who follow former president Alvaro Uribe and those who do not. The third section reviews the moderate economic slowdown as compared to other countries in Latin America. In the fourth section I analyze the composition of Santos’s cabinet, and in the fifth I show the legislative agenda during the year. The article closes with some brief conclusions on how the plebiscite’s results became an anti-climactic blow to the much-awaited end of the conflict with the oldest guerrilla group in the world.
本文回顾了2016年哥伦比亚政坛最重要的事件。本次审查的重点是导致胡安·曼努埃尔·桑托斯(Juan Manuel Santos)领导的国民政府与哥伦比亚革命武装力量(FARC)签署和平协议的事实和过程。第一部分描述了8月份签署第一份协议的道路，追踪了通过10月份的公民投票批准协议的过程，并分析了反对协议的胜利对和平谈判的影响，以及对政府本身的影响。第二部分展示了过去几年公众对机构信任的一些态度是如何恶化的，并说明了这些态度可能与前总统阿尔瓦罗·乌里韦(Alvaro Uribe)的支持者和反对者之间的尖锐两极分化有关。第三部分回顾了与拉丁美洲其他国家相比的适度经济放缓。在第四部分，我分析了桑托斯内阁的组成，在第五部分，我展示了这一年的立法议程。文章最后简要总结了公民投票的结果如何成为人们期待已久的与世界上最古老的游击队结束冲突的反高潮打击。
{"title":"Colombia: país del año 2016","authors":"Juan Carlos Rodríguez-Raga","doi":"10.4067/S0718-090X2017000200335","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4067/S0718-090X2017000200335","url":null,"abstract":"This article reviews the most important events in the Colombian political arena during 2016. The focus of this review is on the facts and processes that led to the signature of the peace agreement between the national government led by Juan Manuel Santos and the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (FARC). The first section describes the road towards the signing of the first agreement in August, tracks the process of popular ratification of the agreement through a plebiscite in October, and analyzes the impact of the victory of the opposition to the agreement on the peace talks, and on the administration itself. The second section shows how some attitudes related to public trust in institutions have deteriorated in the past few years and states how these attitudes might be related to a sharp polarization between those who follow former president Alvaro Uribe and those who do not. The third section reviews the moderate economic slowdown as compared to other countries in Latin America. In the fourth section I analyze the composition of Santos’s cabinet, and in the fifth I show the legislative agenda during the year. The article closes with some brief conclusions on how the plebiscite’s results became an anti-climactic blow to the much-awaited end of the conflict with the oldest guerrilla group in the world.","PeriodicalId":45507,"journal":{"name":"Revista De Ciencia Politica","volume":"31 1","pages":"335-367"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84930964","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-01-01DOI: 10.4067/S0718-090X2017000200613
Barry Cannon, J. Brown
This article outlines the deepening political, social and economic crisis facing Venezuela. Overall, we argue that both government and opposition must take responsibility for the present crisis as both have failed to offer coherent policy responses to the problems facing the country. The government has failed to address the crisis with sufficient rigor, and seems more concerned with maintaining power, while the opposition MUD continues to offer the removal of the government as its sole solution to the crisis. Yet its policy proposals are poorly developed and do not offer long-term solutions to the country’s problems. Finally, we suggest that the continuation of the Vatican/UNASUR-sponsored dialogue is the best way for Venezuela to advance if it wishes to restore economic and social stability and reduce political tension.
{"title":"Venezuela 2016: El año de vivir peligrosamente","authors":"Barry Cannon, J. Brown","doi":"10.4067/S0718-090X2017000200613","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4067/S0718-090X2017000200613","url":null,"abstract":"This article outlines the deepening political, social and economic crisis facing Venezuela. Overall, we argue that both government and opposition must take responsibility for the present crisis as both have failed to offer coherent policy responses to the problems facing the country. The government has failed to address the crisis with sufficient rigor, and seems more concerned with maintaining power, while the opposition MUD continues to offer the removal of the government as its sole solution to the crisis. Yet its policy proposals are poorly developed and do not offer long-term solutions to the country’s problems. Finally, we suggest that the continuation of the Vatican/UNASUR-sponsored dialogue is the best way for Venezuela to advance if it wishes to restore economic and social stability and reduce political tension.","PeriodicalId":45507,"journal":{"name":"Revista De Ciencia Politica","volume":"131 1","pages":"613-634"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79197233","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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