Pub Date : 2017-01-01DOI: 10.4067/S0718-090X2017000200613
Barry Cannon, J. Brown
This article outlines the deepening political, social and economic crisis facing Venezuela. Overall, we argue that both government and opposition must take responsibility for the present crisis as both have failed to offer coherent policy responses to the problems facing the country. The government has failed to address the crisis with sufficient rigor, and seems more concerned with maintaining power, while the opposition MUD continues to offer the removal of the government as its sole solution to the crisis. Yet its policy proposals are poorly developed and do not offer long-term solutions to the country’s problems. Finally, we suggest that the continuation of the Vatican/UNASUR-sponsored dialogue is the best way for Venezuela to advance if it wishes to restore economic and social stability and reduce political tension.
{"title":"Venezuela 2016: El año de vivir peligrosamente","authors":"Barry Cannon, J. Brown","doi":"10.4067/S0718-090X2017000200613","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4067/S0718-090X2017000200613","url":null,"abstract":"This article outlines the deepening political, social and economic crisis facing Venezuela. Overall, we argue that both government and opposition must take responsibility for the present crisis as both have failed to offer coherent policy responses to the problems facing the country. The government has failed to address the crisis with sufficient rigor, and seems more concerned with maintaining power, while the opposition MUD continues to offer the removal of the government as its sole solution to the crisis. Yet its policy proposals are poorly developed and do not offer long-term solutions to the country’s problems. Finally, we suggest that the continuation of the Vatican/UNASUR-sponsored dialogue is the best way for Venezuela to advance if it wishes to restore economic and social stability and reduce political tension.","PeriodicalId":45507,"journal":{"name":"Revista De Ciencia Politica","volume":"131 1","pages":"613-634"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79197233","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-01-01DOI: 10.4067/S0718-090X2017000200231
Gabriel Vommaro, M. Gené
This paper analyzes the first year of government of Mauricio Macri, leader of the Cambiemos coalition. His victory in 2015 over the candidate of the incumbent Front for Victory marked a turning point in the country’s politics. We present the main political, social and economic events of the year and outline the fundamental positions of the new government in relation to these fields. We show the tensions of this center-right reorientation currently unfolding in Argentina, based on a vision of managerial modernization of politics and the state and controlled economic deregulation. We also explain how this project must deal with economic imbalances and social-structural conflicts, in addition to governing with a parliamentary minority and without control of most of the provincial governments.
本文分析了坎比莫联盟领导人毛里西奥·马克里执政第一年的情况。他在2015年战胜了现任胜利阵线(Front for victory)的候选人，标志着法国政治的一个转折点。我们介绍了今年的主要政治、社会和经济事件，并概述了新政府在这些领域的基本立场。我们展示了目前在阿根廷展开的这种中右翼重新定位的紧张局势，这是基于政治和国家管理现代化以及控制经济放松管制的愿景。我们还解释了该项目必须如何处理经济失衡和社会结构冲突，以及在议会少数党和大多数省政府不受控制的情况下进行治理。
{"title":"Argentina: el año de Cambiemos","authors":"Gabriel Vommaro, M. Gené","doi":"10.4067/S0718-090X2017000200231","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4067/S0718-090X2017000200231","url":null,"abstract":"This paper analyzes the first year of government of Mauricio Macri, leader of the Cambiemos coalition. His victory in 2015 over the candidate of the incumbent Front for Victory marked a turning point in the country’s politics. We present the main political, social and economic events of the year and outline the fundamental positions of the new government in relation to these fields. We show the tensions of this center-right reorientation currently unfolding in Argentina, based on a vision of managerial modernization of politics and the state and controlled economic deregulation. We also explain how this project must deal with economic imbalances and social-structural conflicts, in addition to governing with a parliamentary minority and without control of most of the provincial governments.","PeriodicalId":45507,"journal":{"name":"Revista De Ciencia Politica","volume":"501 1","pages":"231-254"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85641207","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-12-01DOI: 10.4067/S0718-090X2016000300007
Soto Zazueta, I. Mikhail
Political competition may have virtuous effects similar to the effect that economic competition has in markets. Using cross-sectional data on local elections in Mexico, we evaluate the effect of political competition on the provision of local public goods, controlling for socio-economic and demographic factors. Evidence suggests that political competition is positively related to the coverage of municipal public services, having a greater effect in those areas with the highest poverty and income inequality conditions.
{"title":"El efecto de la competencia política sobre la provisión de bienes públicos locales en México","authors":"Soto Zazueta, I. Mikhail","doi":"10.4067/S0718-090X2016000300007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4067/S0718-090X2016000300007","url":null,"abstract":"Political competition may have virtuous effects similar to the effect that economic competition has in markets. Using cross-sectional data on local elections in Mexico, we evaluate the effect of political competition on the provision of local public goods, controlling for socio-economic and demographic factors. Evidence suggests that political competition is positively related to the coverage of municipal public services, having a greater effect in those areas with the highest poverty and income inequality conditions.","PeriodicalId":45507,"journal":{"name":"Revista De Ciencia Politica","volume":"5 1","pages":"749-772"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2016-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74484578","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Deliberative scholars conceive of respect as a key component of a democratic exchange of reasons. However, disrespect abounds in public debates, especially if one looks at contemporary online discussions. This article seeks to investigate the factors that foster disrespect in online debates. It also aims at analyzing if the existence of some disrespectful utterances can contribute to deliberation. After all, some types of disrespect may be useful to public debate on certain occasions, in the extent to which they may induce reciprocity and engender discursive mobilization. In order to do so, the article analyzes 1,281 comments about same-sex marriage in Brazil, which were posted in Youtube and in news websites. The analysis points to: (1) a relationship between disrespect and one specific type of reciprocity; (2) a strong association between disrespect and anonymity; and (3) a correlation between disrespect and the use of religious frames. These results suggest: (1) the importance to disaggregate variables usually associated to "good deliberation"; (2) the relation between reciprocity and respect; (3) the protection anonymity offers to expressions of anger; and (4) the tension, first pointed by Papacharissi (2004) between politeness and incivility.
{"title":"Disrespect in Online Deliberation: Inducing Factors and Democratic Potentials","authors":"Rayza Sarmento, R. Mendonça","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.2475060","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.2475060","url":null,"abstract":"Deliberative scholars conceive of respect as a key component of a democratic exchange of reasons. However, disrespect abounds in public debates, especially if one looks at contemporary online discussions. This article seeks to investigate the factors that foster disrespect in online debates. It also aims at analyzing if the existence of some disrespectful utterances can contribute to deliberation. After all, some types of disrespect may be useful to public debate on certain occasions, in the extent to which they may induce reciprocity and engender discursive mobilization. In order to do so, the article analyzes 1,281 comments about same-sex marriage in Brazil, which were posted in Youtube and in news websites. The analysis points to: (1) a relationship between disrespect and one specific type of reciprocity; (2) a strong association between disrespect and anonymity; and (3) a correlation between disrespect and the use of religious frames. These results suggest: (1) the importance to disaggregate variables usually associated to \"good deliberation\"; (2) the relation between reciprocity and respect; (3) the protection anonymity offers to expressions of anger; and (4) the tension, first pointed by Papacharissi (2004) between politeness and incivility.","PeriodicalId":45507,"journal":{"name":"Revista De Ciencia Politica","volume":"25 1","pages":"705-729"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2016-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80019486","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-12-01DOI: 10.4067/S0718-090X2016000300006
C. Valverde, Gustavo Gajardo Pavez
This article deals with the international fallout from Erich Honecker’s entrance into the Chilean embassy in Moscow in 1991. This process became one of the most confusing episodes in the recent history of Chilean foreign affairs. The study analyzes the internal political effects of Honecker’s case, focusing on two significant points of view: first, the conflict between the executive and legislative branches of government; and second, the positions adopted by political parties in response to the situation. The research is based on an exhaustive analysis of diplomatic primary sources, records from the Chamber of Deputies, and media archives.
{"title":"Entre protectores y opositores: labor política frente al caso honecker","authors":"C. Valverde, Gustavo Gajardo Pavez","doi":"10.4067/S0718-090X2016000300006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4067/S0718-090X2016000300006","url":null,"abstract":"This article deals with the international fallout from Erich Honecker’s entrance into the Chilean embassy in Moscow in 1991. This process became one of the most confusing episodes in the recent history of Chilean foreign affairs. The study analyzes the internal political effects of Honecker’s case, focusing on two significant points of view: first, the conflict between the executive and legislative branches of government; and second, the positions adopted by political parties in response to the situation. The research is based on an exhaustive analysis of diplomatic primary sources, records from the Chamber of Deputies, and media archives.","PeriodicalId":45507,"journal":{"name":"Revista De Ciencia Politica","volume":"3 1","pages":"731-748"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2016-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90766768","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-12-01DOI: 10.4067/S0718-090X2016000300004
D. Encinas
In a context in which coups d’etat and military rule have practically disappeared from Latin America, why did severe political crises under similar political conditions produce democratic stability in Argentina but competitive authoritarianism in Peru? This article presents evidence that the intra-party dynamics and the robustness of sub-national politics determine regime outcomes by limiting the long-term accumulation of presidential power. The article concludes by highlighting the importance of both factors for studying other cases.
{"title":"Los escudos de la democracia en Argentina y Perú: la crisis como ruta hacia el autoritarismo competitivo.","authors":"D. Encinas","doi":"10.4067/S0718-090X2016000300004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4067/S0718-090X2016000300004","url":null,"abstract":"In a context in which coups d’etat and military rule have practically disappeared from Latin America, why did severe political crises under similar political conditions produce democratic stability in Argentina but competitive authoritarianism in Peru? This article presents evidence that the intra-party dynamics and the robustness of sub-national politics determine regime outcomes by limiting the long-term accumulation of presidential power. The article concludes by highlighting the importance of both factors for studying other cases.","PeriodicalId":45507,"journal":{"name":"Revista De Ciencia Politica","volume":"16 1","pages":"631-654"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2016-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75024800","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-12-01DOI: 10.4067/S0718-090X2016000300012
Sonia Arribas
El libro es importante porque es un ejercicio fundamental de historización. Fraser se ha caracterizado siempre por la creación de conceptos y claves de interpretación para intervenir políticamente en los debates feministas. Su rasgo más definitorio es que ha realizado esta tarea reflexionando sobre el devenir histórico del feminismo como movimiento y como teoría. Los problemas del presente solo los confrontamos cuando investigamos la manera en que hunden sus raíces en el pasado. En esta edición se incluye un prefacio escrito para la ocasión que da cuenta de la dificultad principal a la que se enfrenta hoy en día el feminismo: el que sus críticas al sexismo hayan sido cooptadas por el sistema neoliberal, de manera que se termina interpretando en términos meramente individualistas y meritocráticos, sin cuestionar en lo más mínimo las bases de explotación que sustentan dicho sistema. El feminismo contemporáneo tiene un dilema: el de dejarse arrastrar por la corriente ideológica de nuestro tiempo y optar por una versión liberal del sujeto, defensora del mercado, o decantarse por la democracia radical. Fraser prefiere lo segundo y su apuesta se enmarca en la justicia normativa.
{"title":"Nancy Fraser (2015). Fortunas del feminismo. Del capitalismo gestionado por el estado a la crisis neoliberal","authors":"Sonia Arribas","doi":"10.4067/S0718-090X2016000300012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4067/S0718-090X2016000300012","url":null,"abstract":"El libro es importante porque es un ejercicio fundamental de historización. Fraser se ha caracterizado siempre por la creación de conceptos y claves de interpretación para intervenir políticamente en los debates feministas. Su rasgo más definitorio es que ha realizado esta tarea reflexionando sobre el devenir histórico del feminismo como movimiento y como teoría. Los problemas del presente solo los confrontamos cuando investigamos la manera en que hunden sus raíces en el pasado. En esta edición se incluye un prefacio escrito para la ocasión que da cuenta de la dificultad principal a la que se enfrenta hoy en día el feminismo: el que sus críticas al sexismo hayan sido cooptadas por el sistema neoliberal, de manera que se termina interpretando en términos meramente individualistas y meritocráticos, sin cuestionar en lo más mínimo las bases de explotación que sustentan dicho sistema. El feminismo contemporáneo tiene un dilema: el de dejarse arrastrar por la corriente ideológica de nuestro tiempo y optar por una versión liberal del sujeto, defensora del mercado, o decantarse por la democracia radical. Fraser prefiere lo segundo y su apuesta se enmarca en la justicia normativa.","PeriodicalId":45507,"journal":{"name":"Revista De Ciencia Politica","volume":"60 1","pages":"849-853"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2016-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80869142","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-12-01DOI: 10.4067/S0718-090X2016000300002
I. Alcañiz
Why do bureaucrats from developing countries cooperate internationally? I argue that international inter-agency cooperation in the Global South results from the need of expert bureaucrats to invest in skill formation when governments do not. When states cut funding, expert bureaucrats cooperate with foreign peers to upgrade their skillsets because career advancement is contingent on up-to-date expertise. To test my theory, I use cross-national co-sponsorship data of projects in nuclear energy, science and technology (NEST) for 69 countries (1980-2008). Results show that bureaucrats cooperate internationally when government spending decreases and that cooperation is more likely to occur among bureaucrats with higher initial skill levels and similar levels of professional development (i.e. homophily). These findings carry implications for the study of global governance in the developing world.
{"title":"Redes transgubernamentales y la cooperación Sur-Sur","authors":"I. Alcañiz","doi":"10.4067/S0718-090X2016000300002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4067/S0718-090X2016000300002","url":null,"abstract":"Why do bureaucrats from developing countries cooperate internationally? I argue that international inter-agency cooperation in the Global South results from the need of expert bureaucrats to invest in skill formation when governments do not. When states cut funding, expert bureaucrats cooperate with foreign peers to upgrade their skillsets because career advancement is contingent on up-to-date expertise. To test my theory, I use cross-national co-sponsorship data of projects in nuclear energy, science and technology (NEST) for 69 countries (1980-2008). Results show that bureaucrats cooperate internationally when government spending decreases and that cooperation is more likely to occur among bureaucrats with higher initial skill levels and similar levels of professional development (i.e. homophily). These findings carry implications for the study of global governance in the developing world.","PeriodicalId":45507,"journal":{"name":"Revista De Ciencia Politica","volume":"12 1","pages":"679-703"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2016-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87480214","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-12-01DOI: 10.4067/S0718-090X2016000300003
Eduardo Dargent, Madai Urteaga
In the context of the current commodity boom, informal and illegal mining have become acute challenges to the Peruvian state. This article documents and explains the state’s response to these challenges. After a stage of inaction (2004-2008), the Peruvian state initially reacted with a disarticulated response (2008-2011) before mounting a more coherent and organized response (2011-2015). Although the state’s response to the challenge has been limited, it is has nevertheless resulted in an observable increase in state capacity. We propose that this phenomenon is better explained by factors external to the state (international pressures and domestic demands) rather than by processes triggered from within.
{"title":"Respuesta estatal por presiones externas: los determinantes del fortalecimiento estatal frente al boom del oro en el Perú (2004-2015)","authors":"Eduardo Dargent, Madai Urteaga","doi":"10.4067/S0718-090X2016000300003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4067/S0718-090X2016000300003","url":null,"abstract":"In the context of the current commodity boom, informal and illegal mining have become acute challenges to the Peruvian state. This article documents and explains the state’s response to these challenges. After a stage of inaction (2004-2008), the Peruvian state initially reacted with a disarticulated response (2008-2011) before mounting a more coherent and organized response (2011-2015). Although the state’s response to the challenge has been limited, it is has nevertheless resulted in an observable increase in state capacity. We propose that this phenomenon is better explained by factors external to the state (international pressures and domestic demands) rather than by processes triggered from within.","PeriodicalId":45507,"journal":{"name":"Revista De Ciencia Politica","volume":"22 1","pages":"655-677"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2016-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85100066","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-12-01DOI: 10.4067/S0718-090X2016000300010
L. Maldonado, Edmundo Kronmüller Rioseco, Ignacio Gutiérrez Crocco
This article presents a strategy to improve comparisons in observational studies. We illustrate this strategy by analyzing the case of Chaiten after the volcanic eruptions of 2008. As a result of this natural disaster, that city suffered the overflow of the Blanco River, leaving the city divided between the north and south sectors. The Chilean State declared Chaiten to be uninhabitable until 2011, where it exclusively authorized the occupation of the northern sector. To date, both sectors have been occupied, marking a sharp difference between regular and irregular settlements. We use this distinction to identify the effect that living in an irregular settlement has on trust and cooperation. In order to do this, we analyzed qualitative information and survey data from 2015. In a first step, the analysis of qualitative information indicates a significant process of self-selection of the subjects in the treatment conditions. Then, we designed valid comparisons based on a Full Matching method for analyzing the effects on the dependent variables. The results indicate that, on average, living in irregular settlements increased cooperation. However, there may be a strong heterogeneity in the way that the agents respond to the interventions here analyzed. As a consequence, in order to improve the interpretation of these results, it would be necessary to take into account other factors not observed in the data here analyzed. We finish this study by developing a series of implications for the design and planning of observational studies, in general.
{"title":"Estrategia para la inferencia causal y planificación de estudios observacionales en las ciencias sociales: el caso de chaitén post erupción del 2008","authors":"L. Maldonado, Edmundo Kronmüller Rioseco, Ignacio Gutiérrez Crocco","doi":"10.4067/S0718-090X2016000300010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4067/S0718-090X2016000300010","url":null,"abstract":"This article presents a strategy to improve comparisons in observational studies. We illustrate this strategy by analyzing the case of Chaiten after the volcanic eruptions of 2008. As a result of this natural disaster, that city suffered the overflow of the Blanco River, leaving the city divided between the north and south sectors. The Chilean State declared Chaiten to be uninhabitable until 2011, where it exclusively authorized the occupation of the northern sector. To date, both sectors have been occupied, marking a sharp difference between regular and irregular settlements. We use this distinction to identify the effect that living in an irregular settlement has on trust and cooperation. In order to do this, we analyzed qualitative information and survey data from 2015. In a first step, the analysis of qualitative information indicates a significant process of self-selection of the subjects in the treatment conditions. Then, we designed valid comparisons based on a Full Matching method for analyzing the effects on the dependent variables. The results indicate that, on average, living in irregular settlements increased cooperation. However, there may be a strong heterogeneity in the way that the agents respond to the interventions here analyzed. As a consequence, in order to improve the interpretation of these results, it would be necessary to take into account other factors not observed in the data here analyzed. We finish this study by developing a series of implications for the design and planning of observational studies, in general.","PeriodicalId":45507,"journal":{"name":"Revista De Ciencia Politica","volume":"35 1","pages":"797-827"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2016-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83752364","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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