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India’s Crimes Against Humanity and Application of “Responsibility to Protect” (R2P): Prospects and Challenges in the Case of Jammu and Kashmir 印度的危害人类罪与“保护责任”(R2P)的适用:查谟和克什米尔案件的前景与挑战
0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2023-09-26 DOI: 10.1080/13602004.2023.2262846
Mehmood Hussain
AbstractThe Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine is developed to stop genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity, and ethnic cleansing. Since 2005, the UN operationalized it in Libya, Yemen, Liberia, Syria, South Sudan, and Congo. However, to address India’s genocide in Kashmir, the framework is contested and politicized. So the paper test the parameters of R2P and its possible implementation. It asks (a) Why the UN has failed to operationalize R2P in Kashmir. (b) What are the underlying reasons and how realpolitik is undermining R2P implementation? It argues that India is involved in a systematic and sustained genocide of the Kashmiri population and illegal settlements of the Hindu community. Nevertheless, major powers’ geo-economics and geopolitical interests, a paradigm shift in the global order where India is placed at the heart of U.S. hedging strategy against China, and New Delhi's sustained role in regional and global politics prevent the international community from invoking R2P.Keywords: Kashmir conflictResponsibility to Protect (R2P)genociderealpolitikIndia-Pakistan RivalryIndo-Pacific Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 ICISS, “The Responsibility to Protect”, International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty, 2001.2 Spencer Zifcak, “The Responsibility to Protect”, The Use of Force in International Law, 2017, pp. 571–596, https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315585062-34 (accessed 25 July 2022).3 Jennifer Welsh, “Implementing the Responsibility to Protect”, Oxford Institute for Ethics, Law, and Armed Conflict, 2009, pp. 1–10.4 Rajat Ganguly, “India, Pakistan and the Kashmir Dispute”, in Asian Studies Institute & Centre for Strategic Studies, Wellington: Victoria University of Wellington, 1998.5 Saman Zulfqar, “Kashmir: Nature and Dimensions of the Conflict”, Journal of Current Affairs, Vol. 1, No. 1 & 2, 2016, pp. 51–65.6 Hijab Shah and Melissa Dalton, “Indian Revocation of Kashmir’s Special Status”, Center for Strategic and International Studies, 2019, https://www.csis.org/analysis/indian-revocation-kashmirs-special-status (accessed 10 June 2022).7 U.N.H.C.R., “Report on the Situation of Human Rights in Kashmir: Developments in the Indian State of Jammu and Kashmir from June 2016 to April 2018”, Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, no. April, 2018, pp. 1–49, https://www.ohchr.org/Documents/Countries/IN/DevelopmentsInKashmirJune2016ToApril2018.pdf%0Ahttps://www.ohchr.org/Documents/Countries/PK/DevelopmentsInKashmirJune2016ToApril2018.pdf%0Ahttps://www.ohchr.org/Documents/Countries/PK/DevelopmentsInKashmirJune2.8 Genocide Watch, “Genocide Watch: India: Kashmir”, Genocide Watch, 2019, Genocide Watch-Countries at Risk (accessed 12 June 2022).9 Human Rights Watch, “India: Abuses Persist in Jammu and Kashmir”, Human Rights Watch, 2020, https://www.hrw.org/news/2020/08/04/india-abuses-persist-jammu-and-kashmir.10 Abdullah Rehman Butt, “Systematic Gen
22 Mirza Saaib Baig,“查谟克什米尔的新住所秩序:剥夺克什米尔人的公民权,一步一步”,《Wire》,2020年,https://thewire.in/rights/kashmir-domicile-law(访问日期为2023年5月5日)《从住所到自治权:印度在克什米尔的定居者殖民议程》,《哈佛法律评论》,第134卷第7期,20119.24人权观察,《2021年世界报告:印度》,20121.25马赫鲁克·汗,《不断发展的印美战略合作:分析》,《战略研究》,第37卷第4期,2017年,第97-117.26页。《理论评价》,《战略研究》2015年第35卷第3期,第71-86页,http://issi.org.pk/wp-content/uploads/2016/05/27。2022年2月18日https://www.whitehouse.gov/wp-content/uploads/2022/02/U.S.-Indo-Pacific-Strategy.pdf(2022年7月17日访问)崛本武则:《解读印度外交政策:从梦想到大国实现》,《亚太国际关系》,2017年第17卷第3期,第463-496页,https://doi.org/10.1093/irap/lcx011.29《中印关系的未来》(印度,2021年),https://carnegieindia.org/2021/03/10/road-from-galwan-future-of-india-china-relations-pub-84019(2023年4月20日访问)环太平洋军演(RIMPAC)是世界上最大的国际海上作战演习。环太军演每两年举行一次,在偶数年的6月和7月在夏威夷的檀香山举行,除了2020年是在8月举行。https://www.globalsecurity.org/military/ops/rimpac.htm。(2023年5月20日查阅)Alan K. Kronstadt,“印美关系。《关系》,国会研究处,2021年,https://crsreports.congress.gov/product/pdf/R/R46845(2023年5月20日访问)Manjari Chatterjee Miller和Kate Sullivan d.e.e Estrada:《引言:70岁的印度崛起》,《国际事务》第93卷第1期,2017年第1 - 6页,https://doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiw036.34https://doi.org/10.1177/0258042X13513135.35堀本武则:《解释印度的外交政策:从梦想到大国的实现》,Amit Ranjan,《印度的南亚政策:从梦想到实现》,op. 36“变化,连续性或变化中的连续性”,《圆桌会议》,第108卷第3期,2019年5月4日,第259-274页,https://doi.org/10.1080/00358533.2019.1618611.37梅吉纳·斯里瓦斯塔瓦和伊夫·蒂伯吉恩:“中印关系的悖论”,《东亚论坛》,2022年,https://www.eastasiaforum.org/2022/03/26/the-paradox-of-china-india-relations/.38曼吉特·s·帕德西:“莫迪连续性管理下的印度对华战略”,《国际政治》,第59卷第1期,2022年。Vijay Gokhale,“加尔万之路:中印关系的未来”,op. cit40克里斯·奥格登,“双刃剑:回顾印中关系”,《印度季刊》第78卷,第2期,2022年,210-228页,https://doi.org/10.1177/09749284221089530.41 Mehmood Hussain,“中巴经济走廊与地缘经济背后的地缘安全”;中国高招反恐和能源安全困境”,东亚,38卷,4号,2021年,页313 - 332,https://doi.org/10.1007/s12140 - 021 - 09364 - z.42业务标准,“中印贸易上升到超过670亿美元的2022年上半年“商业标准新闻,2022年,https://www.business - standard.com/article/international/india -中国-贸易- - - -在- 670亿-第一一半的- 2022 - 122071301577 - _1.html.43正在新闻,“谁是回族和为什么中国被指责为种族灭绝?,英国广播公司新闻,2022年,https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-china-22278037.44克里斯·奥格登,“双刃剑:《回顾印中关系》,引用45丹尼尔·马基,“印度的脆弱性使其别无选择,只能合作”,亚洲与全球化中心,2021年5月25日,中印简报第182期(nus.edu.sg)。46“美国的印太战略”,白宫,美国,2022,https://www.whitehouse.gov/wp-content/uploads/2022/02/U.S.-Indo-Pacific-Strategy.pdf.47鲍勃·卡特利,“布什政府与亚太地区地缘政治的变化”,《当代东南亚》,2001年第23卷第1期,第149-167.48页。白宫:“简报:推进亚太再平衡”,白宫新闻秘书办公室,2015年。https://obamawhitehouse.archives.gov/the-press-office/2015/11/16/fact-sheet-advancing-rebalance-asia-and-pacific49克里斯·奥格登,《双刃之剑:回顾印中关系》,op. 50白宫,《美国的印太战略》,op. 51曼吉特·s·帕德西,《莫迪连续性管理下的印度对华战略:不对称竞争》。
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引用次数: 0
Islamic Fintech 伊斯兰Fintech
0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2023-09-12 DOI: 10.1080/13602004.2023.2241243
Shabeer Khan
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引用次数: 0
Citizenship Securitization in India: Reflections from Debates in the Constituent Assembly and the Indian Parliament 印度公民身份证券化:来自制宪会议和印度议会辩论的思考
IF 0.5 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2023-09-07 DOI: 10.1080/13602004.2023.2241240
Chetna Sharma
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引用次数: 0
Perceptions Regarding Triple Talaq among Literate and Illiterate Muslim Women: A Comparative Study 识字和文盲穆斯林妇女对三重塔拉克的认知比较研究
IF 0.5 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2022-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/13602004.2023.2191416
Adila Majeed, Andleeb Rather
Abstract This paper intends to unravel the idea, the history, the theological understanding and the socio-cultural influences on the idea of “Talaq” in general and “Instant Triple Talaq” in particular. The paper also unearths the possibilities of the misuse, misinterpretation and politicization of the concept which have taken place at various historical junctures. At empirical level, the paper attempts to draw the attention toward the perception and opinion of the Muslim women through the structured questionnaire regarding the Instant Triple Talaq and Triple Talaq Act enacted by the Government of India. The study focuses on how the existing power structure in the Muslim community and the deeply rooted cultural practices that in a way were antithetical to the basic Islamic beliefs have shaped the lives of Muslim women in India. The study does not find the Triple Talaq Act passed by Indian parliament as something constructive, rather regards it as interference on part of state institutions into the religious affairs of a particular community. The study finally draws a parallel between the literate and illiterate strata of Muslim women and their perception toward the Triple Talaq Act.
摘要本文旨在揭示“塔拉克”的概念、历史、神学理解以及对“即时三重塔拉克”概念的社会文化影响。本文还揭示了在不同的历史节点上对这一概念的误用、误解和政治化的可能性。在实证层面,本文试图通过对印度政府颁布的《即时三塔拉克法》和《三塔拉克法》的结构化问卷调查,引起人们对穆斯林妇女的看法和意见的关注。这项研究的重点是穆斯林社区现有的权力结构和根深蒂固的文化习俗如何在某种程度上与基本的伊斯兰信仰相对立,从而塑造了印度穆斯林妇女的生活。该研究没有发现印度议会通过的《三重塔拉克法》具有建设性,而是认为它是部分国家机构对特定社区宗教事务的干涉。这项研究最后将识字和不识字的穆斯林妇女阶层与她们对《三重塔拉克法》的看法进行了比较。
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引用次数: 0
Cognitive Dissonance between a Conservative and a Liberal Gender Order: How Afghan Muslim Men Overcome the Impact of Migration on their Gender Identity in Canada 保守与自由性别秩序之间的认知失调:加拿大阿富汗穆斯林男性如何克服移民对其性别认同的影响
IF 0.5 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2022-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/13602004.2023.2202471
H. Akbary, A. Kazemipur
Abstract Previous research has shown that, after migration, some immigrant Muslim men experience a surge of marital conflicts—from the extent of their involvement in domestic labour, through challenges regarding the headship role of the household, to issues of divorce and child custody. In most cases, such conflicts surface against the background of a deeper conflict between the cultural gender norms in their old and new countries. There is, however, little research on how those immigrant Muslim men manage and respond to such emotional and relationship conflicts, setting the stage for stereotypical accounts based on some false Orientalist and neo-Orientalist assumptions. Based on 33 interviews with Afghan Muslim immigrant men and drawing on Festinger’s theory of cognitive dissonance as well as Berry’s typology of immigrant acculturation, this study shows the diversity of: (a) the issues over which such conflicts emerge; and (b) the responses the subjects develop vis-à-vis those conflicts. The findings provide the contours of a theoretical framework for understanding the changing and diverse nature of Muslim masculinity in future research.
摘要先前的研究表明,一些移民穆斯林男性在移民后会经历婚姻冲突的激增——从他们参与家务劳动的程度,到家庭领导角色的挑战,再到离婚和子女监护权问题。在大多数情况下,这种冲突是在新旧国家文化性别规范之间更深层次冲突的背景下出现的。然而,关于这些移民穆斯林男性如何管理和应对这种情感和关系冲突的研究很少,这为基于一些错误的东方主义和新东方主义假设的刻板印象奠定了基础。本研究基于对阿富汗穆斯林移民男性的33次采访,借鉴费斯廷格的认知失调理论以及贝里的移民文化适应类型,显示了以下方面的多样性:(a)此类冲突产生的问题;以及(b)受试者对这些冲突的反应。这些发现为在未来的研究中理解穆斯林男子气概的变化和多样性提供了一个理论框架。
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引用次数: 0
The Muslim Problem: A Majoritarian Concern in India 穆斯林问题:印度多数主义者关注的问题
IF 0.5 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2022-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/13602004.2023.2202045
SK Sagir Ali
Abstract Muslim communities in modern Indian society are often seen through the lens of race and politics. The separate mechanisms of faith and secularism, which, as Judith Butler observes, may well be “a fugitive way” for certain kinds of “religion to survive”, are meshed together with the politics of representation and counter-representation of Islam and Muslims in the framing of identities. From the Babri masjid demolition to the wake of Ram mandir bhoomi pujan, and the hijab controversy, religion and culture run the risk of being employed in disloyalty, as a threat, in an artistically compromised manner. This article will examine how the tensions between individual subjectivity and a communitarian adherence to culture and faith manifest themselves in the present-day situation in India, as they negotiate between the pull of a liberal individualist lifestyle and that of family and community—between speaking as an “I” and on behalf of a collective.
现代印度社会的穆斯林社区通常是通过种族和政治的视角来看待的。正如朱迪思·巴特勒(Judith Butler)所观察到的那样,信仰和世俗主义的分离机制很可能是某些“宗教生存”的“一种逃亡方式”,它们与伊斯兰教和穆斯林在身份框架中的代表和反代表政治交织在一起。从巴布里清真寺(Babri)被拆毁,到拉姆神庙(Ram mandir bhoomi pujan)之后,再到头巾(hijab)的争议,宗教和文化冒着被不忠利用的风险,以一种艺术妥协的方式,作为一种威胁。本文将探讨个人主体性与社群主义对文化和信仰的坚持之间的紧张关系如何在当今印度的情况下表现出来,因为他们在自由个人主义生活方式的吸引力与家庭和社区的吸引力之间进行谈判,以“我”的身份发言,代表集体。
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引用次数: 0
Transformations of the Liminal Self: Deconstructing Muslim Identity in Tariq Ali’s The Stone Woman 自我的转变——塔里克·阿里《石头女人》中的穆斯林身份解构
IF 0.5 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2022-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/13602004.2023.2202047
Zakir Hussain, B. Mishra
Abstract This article examines how Tariq Ali's novel The Stone Woman (2000) attempts to deconstruct identity by blurring the self/other distinctions and sets the groundwork for hybridity wherein ‘otherness' emerges as a signifying process open to interpretation. The critical parameters of the study emerge from an investigation of the post-colonial context, suggesting in its process a displacement of the fixity of Manichean thought. Drawing upon Homi Bhabha's theorization on “third space” and “hybridity” and Edward Said’s “other”, the article demonstrates how the novel configures identities as woven through the rich cultural textualities that people live in and provides alternative spaces to deconstruct Eurocentric identity discourses. This article argues that the novel proposes a paradigm of idealized Muslim identity that deviates from reductive Eurocentric representations of Muslims as the “other” and exposes such reductive perspectives as traditional to Orientalist discourses.
摘要本文探讨了塔里克·阿里(Tariq Ali)的小说《石头女人》(The Stone Woman,2000)如何试图通过模糊自我/其他区别来解构身份,并为“另类”作为一个可供解释的象征过程而出现的杂合性奠定了基础。这项研究的关键参数来自对后殖民时代背景的调查,表明在这一过程中,摩尼教思想的固定性发生了位移。文章借鉴了霍米·巴巴关于“第三空间”和“混合性”的理论,以及爱德华·赛义德的“其他”理论,展示了小说如何将身份配置为编织在人们生活的丰富文化文本中,并为解构以欧洲为中心的身份话语提供了替代空间。本文认为,这部小说提出了一种理想化的穆斯林身份范式,它偏离了以欧洲为中心的穆斯林作为“他者”的还原性表述,并将传统的还原性视角暴露在东方主义话语中。
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引用次数: 0
Patterns of Receiving Support and Barriers to Service Consumption among Young Arab Women in Israel 以色列阿拉伯青年妇女获得支持的模式和服务消费障碍
IF 0.5 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2022-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/13602004.2023.2202042
Raghda Alnabilsy, Haneen Elias, S. Pagorek-Eshel
Abstract The present study examined the links between background variables, exposure to child abuse, patterns of using support, and barriers to services consumption among 482 young Arab women in Israel aged (18–26). The participants are Arab citizens of Israel and were recruited through snowball sampling. The results show that their acquaintance with services was consistently higher than their consumption. Most participants believed they were capable of managing on their own or with the help of family or friends. More than a third reported distrust in the ability of the services to assist them, cultural misunderstanding, preference of services provided anonymously, and too much bureaucracy as barriers to service use. The greater the abuse or neglect in childhood, the lower the satisfaction with the use of services and the greater the barriers to services experienced. A positive link was found between poor economic status and the barriers. The findings suggest a need for adjustment of the services offered to young Arab women as ethnic minority group to increase their motivation to receive support.
摘要:本研究调查了482名年龄在18-26岁的以色列阿拉伯年轻妇女的背景变量、儿童虐待暴露、使用支持模式和服务消费障碍之间的联系。参与者是以色列的阿拉伯公民,通过滚雪球抽样招募。结果表明,他们对服务的了解始终高于他们的消费。大多数参与者认为他们有能力独自管理或在家人或朋友的帮助下管理。超过三分之一的人报告说,他们不信任服务机构帮助他们的能力,文化上的误解,更喜欢匿名提供的服务,以及太多的官僚主义阻碍了服务的使用。儿童期遭受的虐待或忽视越多,对服务使用的满意度就越低,获得服务的障碍也越大。人们发现,贫穷的经济状况和壁垒之间存在着积极的联系。调查结果表明,有必要调整向作为少数民族的年轻阿拉伯妇女提供的服务,以增加她们接受支持的动机。
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引用次数: 0
“I Am Not Who You Think I Am”: Multiple, Hybrid and Racialized Identities of Canadian Muslim Youth in the Negotiation of Belonging and Citizenship “我不是你认为的我”:加拿大穆斯林青年在归属感和公民权谈判中的多重、混合和种族化身份
IF 0.5 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2022-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/13602004.2023.2191909
A. Jamal, C. Baldwin, Wasif Ali, Swati Dhingra
Abstract While other studies explore the challenges faced by Western Muslim youth, this study focuses on the challenges and development of a meaningful stable Canadian-Muslim identity in an era of global conflicts, collective surveillance, and suspicion. Identity-formation is complex, involving the configuration of many influences—direct and indirect, local and global, personal and impersonal. Sometimes aspects of fluid, and multiple identities conflict and individuals are faced with navigating competing and not necessarily commensurable influences. Such is the case with the Canadian Muslim Youth—CMY. Thematic analysis of 30 interviews with CMY, identified five major themes: (a) Navigation of multiple, complex, and hybrid identities; (b) Religious identity and spirituality; (c) “I am not what you think I am”—Media portrayals of Muslims; (d) Claiming inclusion and belonging in the face of anti-Muslim racism; and (e) Recommendations. Listening to CMY voices will help policymakers, practitioners, Muslim communities and organizations to develop strategies for positive youth development.
摘要虽然其他研究探讨了西方穆斯林青年面临的挑战,但本研究关注的是在全球冲突、集体监视和怀疑的时代,加拿大穆斯林身份的挑战和发展。身份形成是复杂的,涉及许多影响的配置——直接和间接、局部和全局、个人和非个人。有时,流动性和多重身份的各个方面会发生冲突,个人面临着驾驭竞争性的、不一定是对等的影响。加拿大穆斯林青年CMY就是这样。对CMY的30次访谈进行主题分析,确定了五个主要主题:(a)多重、复杂和混合身份的导航;(b) 宗教身份和精神;(c) “我不是你想象中的我”——媒体对穆斯林的描述;(d) 在反穆斯林种族主义面前主张包容和归属;和(e)建议。倾听CMY的声音将有助于政策制定者、从业者、穆斯林社区和组织制定积极的青年发展战略。
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引用次数: 0
Mullah Abdullah, A Mullah? A Reassessment of the Assertions and the Evidence 毛拉阿卜杜拉,毛拉?对断言和证据的重新评估
IF 0.5 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2022-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/13602004.2023.2191910
Abu Bakr Sirajuddin Cook
Abstract On January 1, 1915, Gool Badsha Muhammad and Mullah Abdullah shot at a picnic train as it left the city of Broken Hill, Australia, headed towards the village of Silverton, killing four and wounding seven. Had it not been for this horrific act and tragic loss of life, it is likely that little would be remembered of the perpetrators. The focus of this paper is to provide a reassessment of the often-reiterated claim that Mullah Abdullah was the mullah, imam, or “Islamic priest” of the Cameleer community in Broken Hill. After examining scholarly literature evidence will be drawn, primarily from newspaper reports of the period to assess what, if any, support there is for this claim. The paper will utilize comments made within the newspaper reports regarding Mullah Abdullah in order to examine the extent to which he could have been considered a religious leader amongst his community.
1915年1月1日,古尔·巴德沙·穆罕默德和毛拉·阿卜杜拉向一列从澳大利亚布罗肯希尔市开往西尔弗顿村的野餐火车开枪,造成4人死亡,7人受伤。如果没有这一可怕的行为和悲惨的生命损失,人们很可能不会记住肇事者。这篇文章的重点是重新评估经常被重申的说法,即毛拉阿卜杜拉是布罗肯山Cameleer社区的毛拉、伊玛目或“伊斯兰牧师”。在研究了学术文献的证据之后,将主要从当时的报纸报道中提取证据,以评估是否有证据支持这一说法。本文将利用报纸上对阿卜杜拉毛拉的评论,以考察他在多大程度上可以被视为他所在社区的宗教领袖。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs
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