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Civic Engagement as Religious Duty among American Muslims: Between “Muslim Charity” and “Collective Goodness” in a Muslim Food Pantry 公民参与作为美国穆斯林的宗教义务:在穆斯林食品储藏室的“穆斯林慈善”和“集体善行”之间
IF 0.5 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2021-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/13602004.2022.2029015
Valentina Cantori
Abstract How do American Muslims make sense of their engagement in U.S. civic spaces? Research has mostly focused on determining whether the level of civic engagement of American Muslims has increased or decreased following 9/11. But we know little about how American Muslims participate in U.S. civic spaces and which kinds of meanings are used to make sense of their civic participation. Drawing on participant observation in a Muslim food pantry, this article identifies two different styles of civic engagement in service provision, the “Muslim charity” and the “Collective goodness” style. Both these styles envision civic engagement as a religious duty but interpret it differently. The Collective goodness construes civic engagement as a religious duty to be performed showing group pride. The Muslim charity style connects civic engagement with individual humbleness, instead. I show how these different styles of American Muslims' civic engagement produce meaningful contradictions and I gauge their potential effects on defusing of anti-Muslim sentiments.
摘要美国穆斯林如何理解他们在美国公民空间的参与?研究主要集中在确定美国穆斯林的公民参与程度在9/11之后是增加还是减少。但我们对美国穆斯林如何参与美国公民空间以及他们的公民参与有哪些意义知之甚少。根据参与者在穆斯林食品储藏室的观察,本文确定了公民参与服务提供的两种不同风格,即“穆斯林慈善”和“集体善良”风格。这两种风格都将公民参与视为一种宗教义务,但对其的解释不同。集体美德将公民参与理解为一种宗教义务,表现出群体自豪感。相反,穆斯林慈善风格将公民参与与个人谦逊联系在一起。我展示了这些不同风格的美国穆斯林公民参与如何产生有意义的矛盾,并评估了它们对消除反穆斯林情绪的潜在影响。
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引用次数: 2
“You're Black. You're from Africa. You can't be the Principal”: Limited Leadership in Islamic Institutions “你是黑色的。你来自非洲。你不能当校长”:伊斯兰机构的有限领导
IF 0.5 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2021-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/13602004.2022.2032903
Shyla Gonzalez-Dogan
Abstract This work examines how leadership in U.S. Islamic institutions is impacted by anti-Blackness. During this ethnographic project, I interviewed 15 participants who identified as part of the Islamic community in one city in the southwestern portion of the United States. The findings in this paper are based on 15 attendees of two mosques and one private Islamic school whose interviews brought up the topic of barriers to leadership as a form of discrimination for Black community members. In particular, I highlight the experiences of two successful Black leaders who have experienced discrimination within the Muslim community. Findings demonstrate that anti-Blackness in Islamic community spaces manifests itself in two distinct ways: (1) lack of leadership opportunities as a result of exclusionary practices and (2) limitations placed on those who may manage to become leaders. Thus, anti-Blackness robs Black Muslim community members of the safety that should be afforded by Islamic institutions.
摘要这项工作考察了美国伊斯兰机构的领导层如何受到反黑人的影响。在这个民族志项目中,我采访了15名参与者,他们是美国西南部一个城市的伊斯兰社区的一员。本文的研究结果基于两座清真寺和一所私立伊斯兰学校的15名参与者,他们的采访提出了领导障碍是对黑人社区成员的一种歧视。我特别强调了两位成功的黑人领导人的经历,他们在穆斯林社区中经历过歧视。研究结果表明,伊斯兰社区空间中的反黑人表现为两种不同的方式:(1)排斥行为导致缺乏领导机会;(2)对那些可能成为领导者的人的限制。因此,反黑人剥夺了黑人穆斯林社区成员本应由伊斯兰机构提供的安全。
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引用次数: 1
Feministic Islamophobia: Representation of Muslim Women in V.S. Naipaul’s Travelogues and Daniel Pipes’ History 女权主义的伊斯兰恐惧症:V.S.奈保尔游记和丹尼尔·派普斯的《历史》对穆斯林女性的表现
IF 0.5 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2021-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/13602004.2022.2029013
M. Habibullah
Abstract When feminism is co-opted to caricature Islam and Muslim men as patriarchal and oppressive to women, it may cause Islamophobia. This interrelation between feminism and Islamophobia can be called ‘Feministic Islamophobia'. Such Islamophobia is reflected in V. S. Naipaul's travelogues – “Among the Believers: An Islamic Journey” (1981) and “Beyond Belief: Islamic Excursions among the Converted Peoples” (1998). An advocate of these travelogues Daniel Pipes (1949- ) wrote an Islamic history – In the Path of God: Islam and Political Power (1983) – that, like Naipaulian travelogues, represents feministic Islamophobia. This article argues that the co-opted feminism of both Naipaul's travelogues and Pipes’ history causes feministic Islamophobia that is one of the causes of intertextual dynamic between their texts.
当女权主义被用来讽刺伊斯兰教和穆斯林男性对女性的父权和压迫时,可能会引起伊斯兰恐惧症。女权主义和伊斯兰恐惧症之间的这种相互关系可以被称为“女性主义的伊斯兰恐惧症”。这种对伊斯兰教的恐惧反映在奈保尔的游记中——《在信众中:一次伊斯兰之旅》(1981)和《超越信仰:皈依者中的伊斯兰之旅》(1998)。这些游记的倡导者丹尼尔·派普斯(1949-)写了一部伊斯兰历史——《在真主的道路上:伊斯兰教和政治权力》(1983)——这本书和奈波利游记一样,代表了女性主义的伊斯兰恐惧症。本文认为奈保尔的游记和派普斯的历史都采用了女性主义,这导致了女性主义的伊斯兰恐惧症,这是他们文本互文动态的原因之一。
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引用次数: 2
The Impact of Information and Communication Technology on the Teaching and Learning of Arabic in Nigeria 信息和通信技术对尼日利亚阿拉伯语教学的影响
IF 0.5 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2021-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/13602004.2022.2029011
Busari Kamorudeen
ABSTRACT Information and Communication Technology (ICT) has become necessary for learners and teachers in various academic disciplines. This article focuses its attention on the importance of E-learning and computer on the teaching, and the learning of Arabic in Nigeria to keep up to date with trends of modernized communities in the twenty-first century. The work also attempts to discuss the necessity of ICT in the teaching of Arabic, and examines its positive effect and hindrances. The paper draws data from textbooks, journals and relevant materials. It concludes by emphasizing that the implementation of ICT will make Arabic teaching and learning easier and more attractive, which will arouse the attention of learners and enable teachers and learners to communicate effectively and become well acquainted with the cultural heritage of Arabs.
摘要信息与通信技术(ICT)已经成为各个学科的学习者和教师所必需的。本文重点关注电子学习和计算机在教学中的重要性,以及尼日利亚的阿拉伯语学习,以跟上21世纪现代化社区的趋势。这项工作还试图讨论信息和通信技术在阿拉伯语教学中的必要性,并考察其积极影响和障碍。该论文从教科书、期刊和相关材料中提取数据。报告最后强调,信息和通信技术的实施将使阿拉伯语教学更容易、更具吸引力,这将引起学习者的注意,使教师和学习者能够有效沟通,并充分了解阿拉伯人的文化遗产。
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引用次数: 6
White Duality: The (dis)Advantage of Being a White Convert in the Muslim American Community 白人二元性:在美国穆斯林社区成为白人皈依者的(非)优势
IF 0.5 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2021-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/13602004.2022.2032902
P. Casey
Abstract Social identity theory tells us that our identities are context specific—they gain or lose salience depending upon the situation and setting in which we find ourselves. In the context of largely immigrant Muslim communities in the United States, most members are of Arab or South Asian descent. Yet converts to Islam in these communities reflect the predominant racial and ethnic categories of the US (black, white, and Hispanic). Using data from interviews with 39 American Muslim converts, I examine the implications of their racial identities for their credibility and authenticity as Muslims. Findings suggest that white converts experienced what may be called “white duality”, in which they were “prized” for their whiteness yet also met with belittlement and suspicion. I argue that white American converts’ racial identities play a major role in preventing them from achieving authentic Muslim identities within the context of predominantly immigrant Muslim communities.
社会身份理论告诉我们,我们的身份是特定于环境的——它们的突出程度取决于我们所处的环境和背景。在美国以移民为主的穆斯林社区中,大多数成员都是阿拉伯或南亚后裔。然而,这些社区中皈依伊斯兰教的人反映了美国主要的种族和民族类别(黑人、白人和西班牙裔)。利用对39名美国穆斯林皈依者的采访数据,我研究了他们的种族身份对他们作为穆斯林的可信度和真实性的影响。研究结果表明,白人皈依者经历了所谓的“白人二元性”,在这种情况下,他们因其白人身份而受到“珍视”,但同时也受到轻视和怀疑。我认为,在以移民为主的穆斯林社区中,美国白人皈依者的种族身份在阻止他们获得真正的穆斯林身份方面发挥了重要作用。
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引用次数: 1
The Uyghurs’ Cultural Rights, CCP Strategies and Cultural Pluralism 维吾尔人的文化权利、中共战略与文化多元主义
IF 0.5 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2021-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/13602004.2022.2028463
Syed Fakharuddin Shah, Z. Abbas, Zafar Mohyuddin
Abstract Aristotle came up with the idea of the “politeia”. He is also known for saying that the purpose of a state is to form a society where human beings are equal. Today, cultural pluralism answers to the need for the various cultural components of the society to articulate themselves. Xinjiang has been focusing on China Communist Party’s (CCP) aggressive response to Uyghur’s cultural expression. After 2001, this hardline and oppressive strategy has been strengthened in the Xinjiang province, and as a result, the cultural rights of Uyghurs have been restricted. The rights to the Uyghur culture have been limited to eradicate their cultural plurality. This article analyzes the impact of the CCP’s anti-pluralist strategies on the sense of alienation among the Uyghurs. This article concludes that if the cultural crackdown of the Uyghurs continues, it may lead to further alienations among the Uyghurs minority.
亚里士多德提出了“政治”的概念。他还说过,国家的目的是形成一个人人平等的社会。今天,文化多元主义回应了社会的各种文化组成部分表达自己的需要。新疆一直关注中国共产党(CCP)对维吾尔族文化表达的侵略性回应。2001年后,这种强硬的压迫策略在新疆省得到加强,维吾尔人的文化权利受到限制。维吾尔族文化权利受到限制,以消除其文化多元性。本文分析了中共的反多元主义策略对维吾尔人疏离感的影响。本文的结论是,如果对维吾尔族的文化镇压继续下去,可能会导致维吾尔族少数民族之间的进一步疏远。
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引用次数: 0
The Political Language of Minority Islam in the Indian State of Kerala: The Works of C.H. Mohammed Koya 印度喀拉拉邦少数民族伊斯兰教的政治语言:C.H.穆罕默德·科亚的作品
IF 0.5 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2021-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/13602004.2022.2028461
Mohamed Shafeeq Karinkurayil
Abstract Subaltern politics in India is usually studied outside the electoral process. This paper looks at a Muslim organization of enviable electoral success in the south Indian state of Kerala, the Indian Union Muslim League. By focusing on the works by the most iconic of its leaders, C.H. Mohammed Koya, this paper looks at the reconceptualization of minority politics in the context of Kerala. The paper illustrates that C. H. Mohammed Koya forges a new ethic of minority politics that reorients the minority subject with relation to the postcolonial state. The works under discussion posit the postcolonial minority subject in terms of the intelligibility of an assumed past and fashion itself in terms of giving and sacrifice, thereby assuming the role of the agent in the governmental state. An ideological position which masks the real condition of Muslim existence in the late ‘70s when it was written, its efficacy is in establishing a praxis for dignity and thereby imagining the Indian state not as an alien entity but as a mechanism which can be mastered.
摘要印度的另类政治通常在选举过程之外进行研究。本文着眼于印度南部喀拉拉邦一个穆斯林组织,即印度联盟穆斯林联盟,在选举中取得了令人羡慕的成功。通过关注其最具标志性的领导人C.H.穆罕默德·科亚的作品,本文着眼于喀拉拉邦背景下少数民族政治的重新概念化。本文阐述了穆罕默德·科亚塑造了一种新的少数民族政治伦理,将少数民族主体与后殖民国家的关系重新定位。正在讨论的作品从对假定过去的可理解性的角度来定位后殖民时代的少数群体主体,并从给予和牺牲的角度来塑造自己,从而在政府国家中扮演代理人的角色。这是一种意识形态立场,在70年代末写这本书时掩盖了穆斯林存在的真实状况,其功效在于建立一种尊严的实践,从而将印度国家想象成一个可以掌握的机制,而不是一个外来实体。
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引用次数: 0
“Open, Honest, Passionate and with Some Humor”: Understanding Trust Building between British Muslims and the Wider Community “开放、诚实、热情和幽默”:理解英国穆斯林与更广泛社区之间的信任建立
IF 0.5 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2021-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/13602004.2021.1997269
Asam Latif, Nargis Gulzar, Aliya Vaughan, F. Khan, Musharraf Hussain
Abstract The “Trust Building” initiative, launched in the United Kingdom in April 2016, aimed to dispel myths about Islam and build trust between Muslims and the wider community. This community-led initiative involved trained Trust Building “Ambassadors” delivering workshops at places of work and other community settings to talk about Islam and facilitate open dialogue. Previously, the project reported trust among participants had significantly improved, but the reasons for this were not explored. In this paper, we unpack how and why trust was being built. Providing a forum that permits open dialogue between Muslims and the wider community allowed opportunities for stories and experiences to be shared, enabling negative stereotypes to be uncovered and addressed, and for mutual values to be recognised. With negative media portrayal and rise in hate crime towards minorities, this research is a promising model that has important implications to address the trust deficit seen within our society.
“建立信任”倡议于2016年4月在英国发起,旨在消除对伊斯兰教的误解,在穆斯林和更广泛的社区之间建立信任。这项由社区主导的倡议包括训练有素的建立信任“大使”在工作场所和其他社区环境中举办讲习班,讨论伊斯兰教并促进公开对话。此前,该项目报告参与者之间的信任有了显著改善,但其原因尚未探讨。在本文中,我们揭示了信任是如何以及为什么被建立起来的。提供一个论坛,允许穆斯林和更广泛的社区之间进行公开对话,为分享故事和经验提供了机会,使负面的刻板印象得以发现和解决,并使共同的价值观得到承认。随着媒体对少数民族的负面描述和仇恨犯罪的增加,这项研究是一个有前途的模型,对解决我们社会中出现的信任赤字具有重要意义。
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引用次数: 0
Muslim Printing in Late Imperial China: Woodblocks, Networks, and Creation of Chinese Islamic Knowledge 中国帝制晚期的回教印刷:木刻、网络与中国回教知识的创造
IF 0.5 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2021-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/13602004.2021.1997275
Shaodan Zhang
Abstract When books existed mainly as manuscripts in the Islamic world, Muslims in late imperial China were making use of woodblock printing to publish their Islamic translations and treatises written in the Chinese language. In that way, they developed their own Chinese Islamic canon of texts—Han Kitab. Contemporary scholars have been exploring how Han Kitab reconciled Confucian and Buddhist ideas with Islamic teachings. Nonetheless, the social aspect—whether and how those works made real impact among Muslims in Chinese society—is yet to be examined. This paper argues that it was owing to Muslims’ active participation in the bourgeoning Chinese print culture that Han Kitab was able to be widely published and circulated across the Chinese territory. Through networks of Muslim authors, publishers, merchants, and officials, etc., many Han Kitab were printed, reprinted, and carried around. Some were gradually received as authoritative, serving as the cornerstone on which particular “Chinese Islamic” knowledge was established. Printing thus allowed dispersed Muslims in China proper to have shared knowledge, discourse, and memory, and contributed to a rising sense of collectivity among them.
摘要当书籍主要以手稿的形式存在于伊斯兰世界时,中国帝国晚期的穆斯林正在利用木版印刷出版他们用中文写成的伊斯兰译本和论文。通过这种方式,他们发展出了自己的中国伊斯兰经典文本——《汉基塔布》。当代学者一直在探索韩如何将儒家和佛教思想与伊斯兰教义相调和。尽管如此,社会方面——这些作品是否以及如何在中国社会的穆斯林中产生真正的影响——还有待检验。本文认为,正是由于穆斯林积极参与中国印刷文化的发展,《汉书》才得以在中国境内广泛出版和流传。通过穆斯林作家、出版商、商人和官员等网络,许多汉基塔布被印刷、重印和随身携带。其中一些逐渐被视为权威,成为特定“中国伊斯兰”知识建立的基石。因此,印刷术使分散在中国本土的穆斯林能够分享知识、话语和记忆,并有助于他们之间日益增强的集体感。
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引用次数: 1
Australian Converts to Islam: Findings from a National Survey of Muslim Australians 澳大利亚皈依伊斯兰教:对澳大利亚穆斯林的全国调查结果
IF 0.5 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2021-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/13602004.2021.1997273
P. Mitchell, Halim Rane
Abstract While conversion to Islam in non-Muslim societies has a long and diverse history, the socio-political contexts of the post-9/11 period have led to Western converts being viewed with sharpened curiosity, suspicion and even hostility. Yet despite the rise of Islamophobia and anti-Muslim sentiment during this period, it has been suggested that significant numbers of Westerners have converted to Islam. While there has been considerable growth in academic scholarship on Western converts over the past two decades, research on this phenomenon in the Australian context remains limited. This article seeks to address this gap by outlining key findings from the 2019 Islam in Australia Survey, which represents the first in-depth, quantitative research on Australian converts to Islam. These findings provide insight into converts' backgrounds, conversion motivations, religious identities and social connections.
摘要虽然在非穆斯林社会皈依伊斯兰教有着悠久而多样的历史,但9/11后时期的社会政治背景导致西方皈依者被强烈的好奇心、怀疑甚至敌意所看待。然而,尽管这一时期伊斯兰恐惧症和反穆斯林情绪有所上升,但有人认为,相当多的西方人已经皈依了伊斯兰教。尽管在过去的二十年里,关于西方皈依者的学术研究有了相当大的增长,但在澳大利亚背景下对这一现象的研究仍然有限。本文试图通过概述2019年澳大利亚伊斯兰教调查的关键发现来解决这一差距,该调查是首次对澳大利亚皈依伊斯兰教者进行深入、定量的研究。这些发现深入了解了皈依者的背景、皈依动机、宗教身份和社会关系。
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引用次数: 2
期刊
Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs
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