Pub Date : 2021-07-03DOI: 10.1080/13602004.2021.1997271
H. Çaksen
{"title":"Leaves from an Egyptian Note-book","authors":"H. Çaksen","doi":"10.1080/13602004.2021.1997271","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13602004.2021.1997271","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45523,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs","volume":"41 1","pages":"548 - 549"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47917592","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-03DOI: 10.1080/13602004.2021.1999139
Neelo Farooqui, Absar Ahmad
Abstract Communal violence in India has become more frequent due to the unwanted interplay between religion and political manipulation, by which India has been affected many times. Communal violence has also been recognized as a significant social and public health problem, resulting in long-term human and economic costs. The dominant form of communal violence in India has involved the two communities, i.e. Hindus and Muslims. Post-violence studies worldwide have shown a short and long-term higher prevalence of mental health disorders. To the best of our knowledge, no earlier study has investigated the association between communal violence experience and self-rated psychological health in India. Thus, the current study was designed to provide valuable addition to the existing literature on mental stress among riot victims. This paper explores the association between mental health and socio-economic characteristics among riot victims based on a primary survey (N = 300 participants) conducted in two riots-affected districts of Uttar Pradesh in India.
{"title":"Communal Violence, Mental Health and Their Correlates: A Cross-Sectional Study in Two Riot Affected Districts of Uttar Pradesh in India","authors":"Neelo Farooqui, Absar Ahmad","doi":"10.1080/13602004.2021.1999139","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13602004.2021.1999139","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Communal violence in India has become more frequent due to the unwanted interplay between religion and political manipulation, by which India has been affected many times. Communal violence has also been recognized as a significant social and public health problem, resulting in long-term human and economic costs. The dominant form of communal violence in India has involved the two communities, i.e. Hindus and Muslims. Post-violence studies worldwide have shown a short and long-term higher prevalence of mental health disorders. To the best of our knowledge, no earlier study has investigated the association between communal violence experience and self-rated psychological health in India. Thus, the current study was designed to provide valuable addition to the existing literature on mental stress among riot victims. This paper explores the association between mental health and socio-economic characteristics among riot victims based on a primary survey (N = 300 participants) conducted in two riots-affected districts of Uttar Pradesh in India.","PeriodicalId":45523,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs","volume":"41 1","pages":"510 - 521"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45661751","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-03DOI: 10.1080/13602004.2021.1998775
Y. Güçlü
Abstract The Ottoman Salonika was once home to the largest Sephardic Jewish community in the world. They were the undisputed masters in almost all sectors of the city’s economy. The conquest of the city by Greece in 1912, however, deprived the Jews of the Turkish protection they had enjoyed for 482 years. During the war, the Jews had done what they could to resist the Greeks. During the two months following the entry of the Greek army into the city, the Greek population, backed up by the army, carried out pogroms against the Jews. Salonikan Jews were still pro-Turkish in 1913, and regretted the passing of the old order. In 1943 under German occupation more than 95 percent of the Jewish population at that time, were deported, 2,000–2,500, at a time in closed cars in nineteen convoys from Salonika to Auschwitz where they were gassed in extermination camps.
{"title":"Jewish Salonica in 1912 and 1943: The Ottoman and Greek/German Practices Consıdered","authors":"Y. Güçlü","doi":"10.1080/13602004.2021.1998775","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13602004.2021.1998775","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The Ottoman Salonika was once home to the largest Sephardic Jewish community in the world. They were the undisputed masters in almost all sectors of the city’s economy. The conquest of the city by Greece in 1912, however, deprived the Jews of the Turkish protection they had enjoyed for 482 years. During the war, the Jews had done what they could to resist the Greeks. During the two months following the entry of the Greek army into the city, the Greek population, backed up by the army, carried out pogroms against the Jews. Salonikan Jews were still pro-Turkish in 1913, and regretted the passing of the old order. In 1943 under German occupation more than 95 percent of the Jewish population at that time, were deported, 2,000–2,500, at a time in closed cars in nineteen convoys from Salonika to Auschwitz where they were gassed in extermination camps.","PeriodicalId":45523,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs","volume":"41 1","pages":"391 - 414"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42451549","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-03DOI: 10.1080/13602004.2021.1997272
M. Uddin
Abstract Liberal democracy and human rights are interlinked. However, the human rights of Rohingya are openly neglected in Myanmar's democratic process under Aung San Suu Kyi. This paper focuses on state-sponsored comprehensive human rights abuses of Rohingya in Myanmar when the country has returned to official democracy in 2015. Studies on state sponsored human rights violation of Rohingya in Myanmar remains limited to few topics. Existing studies does not focus adequately on the links between democracy and human rights violations of Rohingya in Myanmar. This paper argues that the human rights of Rohingya in Myanmar are regularly abused due to the ineffectiveness of the human rights institutions, absence of democratic culture and minority rights, and militarism in Myanmar's democracy. Therefore, concerned stakeholders should rethink making relations between Myanmar's style of democracy and human rights and find out alternative ways to ensure the human rights of Rohingya in Myanmar.
{"title":"Democracy and Human Rights of Rohingya in Myanmar","authors":"M. Uddin","doi":"10.1080/13602004.2021.1997272","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13602004.2021.1997272","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Liberal democracy and human rights are interlinked. However, the human rights of Rohingya are openly neglected in Myanmar's democratic process under Aung San Suu Kyi. This paper focuses on state-sponsored comprehensive human rights abuses of Rohingya in Myanmar when the country has returned to official democracy in 2015. Studies on state sponsored human rights violation of Rohingya in Myanmar remains limited to few topics. Existing studies does not focus adequately on the links between democracy and human rights violations of Rohingya in Myanmar. This paper argues that the human rights of Rohingya in Myanmar are regularly abused due to the ineffectiveness of the human rights institutions, absence of democratic culture and minority rights, and militarism in Myanmar's democracy. Therefore, concerned stakeholders should rethink making relations between Myanmar's style of democracy and human rights and find out alternative ways to ensure the human rights of Rohingya in Myanmar.","PeriodicalId":45523,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs","volume":"41 1","pages":"463 - 472"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49565462","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-03DOI: 10.1080/13602004.2021.1997274
R. Ankit
Abstract This article is about some of the governmental experiences of the jurist/diplomat/minister M.C. Chagla, through which, it seeks to cast a certain light on the possibilities and limits of relations between a majority state and a minority individual, albeit of the privileged kind. Chagla’s pre-eminent presence in Bombay’s legal fraternity from 1922 and the High Court from 1941 bequeathed to him a sense of belonginess, which was largely untouched by the upheavals of 1947. His 11 years as Chief Justice, followed by five years as India’s envoy in U.S./U.K., saw him being elevated to the central cabinet, but not without a question mark at his non-party and non-majority identity. His short ministerial stint till 1967 ended over two issues of identity politics—a domestic language policy and an international crisis—providing a prism to see the coming together of competence, concerns and convictions around cooperation across parties, classes and communities.
{"title":"M.C. Chagla and the “Nationalist” Imaginations of a “Political Minority” in India, 1947–67","authors":"R. Ankit","doi":"10.1080/13602004.2021.1997274","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13602004.2021.1997274","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article is about some of the governmental experiences of the jurist/diplomat/minister M.C. Chagla, through which, it seeks to cast a certain light on the possibilities and limits of relations between a majority state and a minority individual, albeit of the privileged kind. Chagla’s pre-eminent presence in Bombay’s legal fraternity from 1922 and the High Court from 1941 bequeathed to him a sense of belonginess, which was largely untouched by the upheavals of 1947. His 11 years as Chief Justice, followed by five years as India’s envoy in U.S./U.K., saw him being elevated to the central cabinet, but not without a question mark at his non-party and non-majority identity. His short ministerial stint till 1967 ended over two issues of identity politics—a domestic language policy and an international crisis—providing a prism to see the coming together of competence, concerns and convictions around cooperation across parties, classes and communities.","PeriodicalId":45523,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs","volume":"41 1","pages":"491 - 509"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42648389","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-03DOI: 10.1080/13602004.2021.1999138
E. Bartels
ABSTRACT Partner violence, including physical, psychological, and sexual violence, is a problem in the Netherlands, just as it is all over the world. A special category of women who are affected by these forms of violence are marriage migrants; a group that is particularly vulnerable in the first five years after migration to the Netherlands because of their dependence on their partner for residence rights. This article, based on qualitative research among Moroccan women in the Netherlands, examines the position of this group of women and analyses the role that dependent residence plays in partner violence. In the Netherlands, a process of “culturalization of male-female relationships” is going on, for migrant couples, especially for Muslims. Male-female relations and violence against women are explained by reference to Islam or cultural concepts such as “group culture”, “honour and shame”. In this article we argue how legal regulations in the surrounding society play an important role.
{"title":"“He Sees Me as His Possession and Thinks He Can Do What He Wants.” Dependent Stay and Partner Violence among Moroccan Marriage Migrant Women in the Netherlands","authors":"E. Bartels","doi":"10.1080/13602004.2021.1999138","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13602004.2021.1999138","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Partner violence, including physical, psychological, and sexual violence, is a problem in the Netherlands, just as it is all over the world. A special category of women who are affected by these forms of violence are marriage migrants; a group that is particularly vulnerable in the first five years after migration to the Netherlands because of their dependence on their partner for residence rights. This article, based on qualitative research among Moroccan women in the Netherlands, examines the position of this group of women and analyses the role that dependent residence plays in partner violence. In the Netherlands, a process of “culturalization of male-female relationships” is going on, for migrant couples, especially for Muslims. Male-female relations and violence against women are explained by reference to Islam or cultural concepts such as “group culture”, “honour and shame”. In this article we argue how legal regulations in the surrounding society play an important role.","PeriodicalId":45523,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs","volume":"41 1","pages":"522 - 540"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46414163","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-03DOI: 10.1080/13602004.2021.1957592
Thomas Sealy
Abstract The number of people converting to Islam in Europe has been growing in recent years and interest in this phenomenon has gained increasing attention. Scholarly attention has sought in particular to “locate” converts in relation to majority and minorities in society. One way of conceiving and theorising in this vein has been to focus on the notion of habitus, with alternative emphases of change or continuity. This article engages with conversion seen through the lens of habitus through a focus on converts to Islam in Britain. The article argues that these focuses on habitus over-emphasise practice against faith or belief and emphasise change against continuity or vice-versa. The article argues that what we need to focus on is the dynamic process between change and continuity found in the negotiations converts make as they seek to navigate their sense of self and social relations. Moreover, the article suggests that an emphasis on practice against faith or belief distorts how we understand these negotiations and the subsequent ways in which converts to Islam in Britain position themselves in relation to “majority society” and Muslim communities.
{"title":"British Converts to Islam, Habitus and Social Positioning","authors":"Thomas Sealy","doi":"10.1080/13602004.2021.1957592","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13602004.2021.1957592","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The number of people converting to Islam in Europe has been growing in recent years and interest in this phenomenon has gained increasing attention. Scholarly attention has sought in particular to “locate” converts in relation to majority and minorities in society. One way of conceiving and theorising in this vein has been to focus on the notion of habitus, with alternative emphases of change or continuity. This article engages with conversion seen through the lens of habitus through a focus on converts to Islam in Britain. The article argues that these focuses on habitus over-emphasise practice against faith or belief and emphasise change against continuity or vice-versa. The article argues that what we need to focus on is the dynamic process between change and continuity found in the negotiations converts make as they seek to navigate their sense of self and social relations. Moreover, the article suggests that an emphasis on practice against faith or belief distorts how we understand these negotiations and the subsequent ways in which converts to Islam in Britain position themselves in relation to “majority society” and Muslim communities.","PeriodicalId":45523,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs","volume":"41 1","pages":"250 - 262"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/13602004.2021.1957592","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44635388","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-03DOI: 10.1080/13602004.2021.1957593
U. Shavit, Fabian Spengler
Abstract The article explores the narratives of three Christian-born British converts to Islam who volunteer with City Center Da‘wah, a proselytizing group affiliated with the Salafi Mosque of Birmingham, one of the largest and most influential Salafi mosques in Europe. Drawing on interviews as well as field observations, it examines why the three became Muslim, chose the Salafi version of Islam, and engage in bringing others to Islam. The analysis supports studies that challenge the assumption according to which a major life crisis is an essential trigger for conversion. It highlights the crucial role chance played in the converts’ initial encounters with Islam and with Salafiyya, while pointing to the diverse psychological and social functions the embrace and practice of their new beliefs has served in their lives.
摘要:本文探讨了三位出生于基督教的英国人皈依伊斯兰教的故事，他们在伯明翰萨拉菲清真寺(欧洲最大、最有影响力的萨拉菲清真寺之一)下属的一个传教组织——达瓦城市中心(City Center Da’wah)做志愿者。在采访和实地观察的基础上，这本书探讨了为什么这三个人成为穆斯林，选择萨拉菲派的伊斯兰教，并致力于将其他人带入伊斯兰教。该分析支持了一些研究，这些研究挑战了一种假设，即重大的生活危机是转变的基本触发因素。它强调了机会在皈依者最初与伊斯兰教和萨拉菲亚的接触中所起的关键作用，同时指出了他们对新信仰的拥抱和实践在他们的生活中所起的各种心理和社会作用。
{"title":"Converting to Salafiyya: Non-Muslims’ Path to the “Saved Sect”","authors":"U. Shavit, Fabian Spengler","doi":"10.1080/13602004.2021.1957593","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13602004.2021.1957593","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The article explores the narratives of three Christian-born British converts to Islam who volunteer with City Center Da‘wah, a proselytizing group affiliated with the Salafi Mosque of Birmingham, one of the largest and most influential Salafi mosques in Europe. Drawing on interviews as well as field observations, it examines why the three became Muslim, chose the Salafi version of Islam, and engage in bringing others to Islam. The analysis supports studies that challenge the assumption according to which a major life crisis is an essential trigger for conversion. It highlights the crucial role chance played in the converts’ initial encounters with Islam and with Salafiyya, while pointing to the diverse psychological and social functions the embrace and practice of their new beliefs has served in their lives.","PeriodicalId":45523,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs","volume":"41 1","pages":"337 - 354"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/13602004.2021.1957593","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45120829","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-03DOI: 10.1080/13602004.2021.1947586
Dilmurat Mahmut
Abstract Following the rise of Islamophobia, Muslims in the West have been experiencing increasingly challenging identity dilemmas. Canada is not an exception. This article, at the intersection of Critical Race Theory and post-colonial perspectives, analyzes the narratives of 13 highly educated Uyghur Muslim immigrants living in Quebec and some English provinces of Canada. Their stories show that many of them have become subject to multiple identity dilemmas common to other Muslim diaspora groups, while also facing some challenges unique to their own background. This article further highlights the Uyghur’s experiences through a new angle: they all appear to have developed an us/Muslim immigrant vs. them/white Canadians’ dichotomy. In the province of Quebec, their narratives reveal “oppositional consciousness” against the dominant white Quebecers, which is quite political, while in English provinces they may see their Muslim identity more as “oppositional culture” against the white English Canadians, which is much less political.
{"title":"Belonging to Quebec and English Canada as Muslims: The Perspectives of the Highly Educated Uyghur Immigrants","authors":"Dilmurat Mahmut","doi":"10.1080/13602004.2021.1947586","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13602004.2021.1947586","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Following the rise of Islamophobia, Muslims in the West have been experiencing increasingly challenging identity dilemmas. Canada is not an exception. This article, at the intersection of Critical Race Theory and post-colonial perspectives, analyzes the narratives of 13 highly educated Uyghur Muslim immigrants living in Quebec and some English provinces of Canada. Their stories show that many of them have become subject to multiple identity dilemmas common to other Muslim diaspora groups, while also facing some challenges unique to their own background. This article further highlights the Uyghur’s experiences through a new angle: they all appear to have developed an us/Muslim immigrant vs. them/white Canadians’ dichotomy. In the province of Quebec, their narratives reveal “oppositional consciousness” against the dominant white Quebecers, which is quite political, while in English provinces they may see their Muslim identity more as “oppositional culture” against the white English Canadians, which is much less political.","PeriodicalId":45523,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs","volume":"41 1","pages":"281 - 298"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/13602004.2021.1947586","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42255854","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-03DOI: 10.1080/13602004.2021.1957591
Juris Pupcenoks
Abstract This paper focuses on the political participation and mobilization of Muslims in Italy, an understudied topic. A few existing studies outline that Italian Muslim involvement in the political process has been quite low on both the local and national levels. However, along with the notable recent growth of the Muslim population in Italy, a certain evolution of political mobilization has occurred as well. This paper will analyze how Italian Muslim political participation, both through non-electoral and electoral channels, has evolved through time. It will question what are the key issues and challenges for participation; and to what extent homeland politics and foreign policy events have affected political mobilization. It will argue that even though some limited evolution of political mobilization has occurred in recent years, the Italian Muslim political participation and impact both remain rather limited due to the strong anti-Muslim sentiment in Italy, as well as due to internal fragmentation of Muslim communities.
{"title":"The Difficulties of Italian Muslim Political Mobilization: Anti-Muslim Sentiment and Internal Fragmentation","authors":"Juris Pupcenoks","doi":"10.1080/13602004.2021.1957591","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13602004.2021.1957591","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper focuses on the political participation and mobilization of Muslims in Italy, an understudied topic. A few existing studies outline that Italian Muslim involvement in the political process has been quite low on both the local and national levels. However, along with the notable recent growth of the Muslim population in Italy, a certain evolution of political mobilization has occurred as well. This paper will analyze how Italian Muslim political participation, both through non-electoral and electoral channels, has evolved through time. It will question what are the key issues and challenges for participation; and to what extent homeland politics and foreign policy events have affected political mobilization. It will argue that even though some limited evolution of political mobilization has occurred in recent years, the Italian Muslim political participation and impact both remain rather limited due to the strong anti-Muslim sentiment in Italy, as well as due to internal fragmentation of Muslim communities.","PeriodicalId":45523,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs","volume":"41 1","pages":"233 - 249"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42633937","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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