Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.1080/13602004.2021.2008868
Asmaa Namoos, Nour Eldin Abosamak, Maryam Abdelkarim, Rana Ramadan, Briona Philips, Dina Ramadan, Mostafa Abdou, Tamas S Gal
Muslim women often find their religious customs at odds with their healthcare needs, such as regular gynecological check-ups and cervical cancer screenings, especially before marriage. Religious beliefs may also affect beliefs about gender roles, illness, and death, affecting seeking healthcare services. This retrospective study explored the differences in care-seeking related to cancer between Muslim women and the general female population at the Virginia Commonwealth University in the United States between 2010 and 2019. There were major differences in insurance status between the two cohorts. Muslim women were less likely to have government-sponsored health insurance and were much more likely to be uninsured than non-Muslim women. We also found that preventable female cancers were more prevalent among Muslim women than among non-Muslim women and was also diagnosed at more advanced stages.
{"title":"Muslim Women and Disparities in Cancer Diagnosis: A Retrospective Study.","authors":"Asmaa Namoos, Nour Eldin Abosamak, Maryam Abdelkarim, Rana Ramadan, Briona Philips, Dina Ramadan, Mostafa Abdou, Tamas S Gal","doi":"10.1080/13602004.2021.2008868","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13602004.2021.2008868","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>Muslim women often find their religious customs at odds with their healthcare needs, such as regular gynecological check-ups and cervical cancer screenings, especially before marriage. Religious beliefs may also affect beliefs about gender roles, illness, and death, affecting seeking healthcare services. This retrospective study explored the differences in care-seeking related to cancer between Muslim women and the general female population at the Virginia Commonwealth University in the United States between 2010 and 2019. There were major differences in insurance status between the two cohorts. Muslim women were less likely to have government-sponsored health insurance and were much more likely to be uninsured than non-Muslim women. We also found that preventable female cancers were more prevalent among Muslim women than among non-Muslim women and was also diagnosed at more advanced stages.</p>","PeriodicalId":45523,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs","volume":"41 3","pages":"541-547"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC8865392/pdf/nihms-1775457.pdf","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"10716104","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-10-01DOI: 10.1080/13602004.2020.1836596
Nausheen Ishaque, S. Bibi, Muhammad Afzal Faheem, Chaudhry Hussnain Rasheed
Abstract This paper explores Leila Aboulela’s Minaret 1 in terms of its protagonist’s journey between the Muslim origin and global diaspora. For its theoretical underpinning, the paper draws on transnational Muslim feminist paradigm with Miriam Cooke as its chief proponent. With this, the paper probes how the convergence of the religious origin and contemporary diaspora creates a globally accepted, new identity for Muslim women across the globe. Muslim migrant women from the third world, who are already faced with double colonization, are now struggling against Islamophobia as yet another oppressive force. Aboulela’s protagonist, Najwa, experiences similar difficulties, especially when it comes to identity construction and meaning-making in her life abroad. She, being a Muslim woman, revisits her religion in search of self-actualization and awareness about the global ummah without any geographical boundaries. This study is, therefore, an attempt to see the variegated identity of Aboulela’s protagonist as a Muslim woman and a global citizen.
{"title":"Traversing the Origin and Diaspora: Leila Aboulela’s Minaret in the Light of Miriam Cooke’s Transnational Muslim Feminist Sensibility","authors":"Nausheen Ishaque, S. Bibi, Muhammad Afzal Faheem, Chaudhry Hussnain Rasheed","doi":"10.1080/13602004.2020.1836596","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13602004.2020.1836596","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper explores Leila Aboulela’s Minaret 1 in terms of its protagonist’s journey between the Muslim origin and global diaspora. For its theoretical underpinning, the paper draws on transnational Muslim feminist paradigm with Miriam Cooke as its chief proponent. With this, the paper probes how the convergence of the religious origin and contemporary diaspora creates a globally accepted, new identity for Muslim women across the globe. Muslim migrant women from the third world, who are already faced with double colonization, are now struggling against Islamophobia as yet another oppressive force. Aboulela’s protagonist, Najwa, experiences similar difficulties, especially when it comes to identity construction and meaning-making in her life abroad. She, being a Muslim woman, revisits her religion in search of self-actualization and awareness about the global ummah without any geographical boundaries. This study is, therefore, an attempt to see the variegated identity of Aboulela’s protagonist as a Muslim woman and a global citizen.","PeriodicalId":45523,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs","volume":"40 1","pages":"694 - 706"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2020-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/13602004.2020.1836596","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46203519","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-10-01DOI: 10.1080/13602004.2020.1836597
Jason Hartley, Nezar Faris
Abstract This research applies a qualitative approach to investigate the relationship between Muslim leadership, justice and trust with the police in Queensland, Australia. The research addresses the process and deeper dynamics of Muslim leaders seeking to win legitimacy within their own communities in a climate of counter-terrorism. The research was informed by 29 semi-structured interviews with Muslim community members and 14 police personnel. The findings expose a conundrum where certain behaviours initiated by Muslim leaders to win legitimacy and influence within Muslim communities simultaneously carry the potential to draw the suspicion of police. The ensuing dynamics expose the risk of police not only perceiving Muslim leaders with the greatest legitimacy as the least favourable engagement partners, but Muslim leaders with less legitimacy as more favourable engagement partners. The result is the potential for a strategic dilemma where the ensuing partnership fails to possess the necessary influence to achieve the desired victory over community hearts and minds.
{"title":"Leadership legitimacy and a conundrum of justice between police and Muslim organizations in a climate of counter-terrorism within Australia","authors":"Jason Hartley, Nezar Faris","doi":"10.1080/13602004.2020.1836597","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13602004.2020.1836597","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This research applies a qualitative approach to investigate the relationship between Muslim leadership, justice and trust with the police in Queensland, Australia. The research addresses the process and deeper dynamics of Muslim leaders seeking to win legitimacy within their own communities in a climate of counter-terrorism. The research was informed by 29 semi-structured interviews with Muslim community members and 14 police personnel. The findings expose a conundrum where certain behaviours initiated by Muslim leaders to win legitimacy and influence within Muslim communities simultaneously carry the potential to draw the suspicion of police. The ensuing dynamics expose the risk of police not only perceiving Muslim leaders with the greatest legitimacy as the least favourable engagement partners, but Muslim leaders with less legitimacy as more favourable engagement partners. The result is the potential for a strategic dilemma where the ensuing partnership fails to possess the necessary influence to achieve the desired victory over community hearts and minds.","PeriodicalId":45523,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs","volume":"40 1","pages":"635 - 649"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2020-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/13602004.2020.1836597","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43907811","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-10-01DOI: 10.1080/13602004.2020.1828507
M. Khan, H. Adnan, Surinderpal Kaur, Farwa Qazalbash, Ismaharif Ismail
Abstract The primary focus of this study is to explore Donald Trump’s emerging anti-Muslim ideology in his speech delivered at the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) during the 2016 U.S. Presidential Elections. The discourse of this speech is loaded with anti-Muslim and anti-Islam linguistic instances. To analyze Trump’s Islamophobic discourse, the study engaged with the ideological square model under the umbrella of critical discourse studies. For data collection, validation and linguistic inquiry, NVivo 12 Plus has also been used. The findings reveal that self-others schema has strongly been evidenced in Trump’s AIPAC policy speech where he tried to depict Muslims in negative terms and successfully presented himself as a “hero” of the nation who wishes to save America from suffering and destruction. In addition, this research exhibited Trump’s obvious attempt to accentuate his virtuous self by using an array of rhetorical strategies in order to imprint negative attributes in terms of high level of Islamophobia.
{"title":"A Critical Discourse Analysis of Anti-Muslim Rhetoric in Donald Trump’s Historic 2016 AIPAC Policy Speech","authors":"M. Khan, H. Adnan, Surinderpal Kaur, Farwa Qazalbash, Ismaharif Ismail","doi":"10.1080/13602004.2020.1828507","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13602004.2020.1828507","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The primary focus of this study is to explore Donald Trump’s emerging anti-Muslim ideology in his speech delivered at the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) during the 2016 U.S. Presidential Elections. The discourse of this speech is loaded with anti-Muslim and anti-Islam linguistic instances. To analyze Trump’s Islamophobic discourse, the study engaged with the ideological square model under the umbrella of critical discourse studies. For data collection, validation and linguistic inquiry, NVivo 12 Plus has also been used. The findings reveal that self-others schema has strongly been evidenced in Trump’s AIPAC policy speech where he tried to depict Muslims in negative terms and successfully presented himself as a “hero” of the nation who wishes to save America from suffering and destruction. In addition, this research exhibited Trump’s obvious attempt to accentuate his virtuous self by using an array of rhetorical strategies in order to imprint negative attributes in terms of high level of Islamophobia.","PeriodicalId":45523,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs","volume":"40 1","pages":"543 - 558"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2020-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/13602004.2020.1828507","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46254273","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-10-01DOI: 10.1080/13602004.2020.1836594
Amin Asfari, Amny M. Shuraydi
Abstract This paper evaluates American-Muslims’ perceptions of the police. With regard to studies of the police and Muslim communities, much of the focus has centered on evaluating police officers’ perceptions of the Muslim community. Attitudes toward the police reflect an important measure of police legitimacy for minority communities. The current study analyzes responses from a convenience sample (N = 142) collected from around the United States. Our t test analysis of first-and-second generation American Muslims found no significant differences between attitudes toward the police. However, our OLS Regression models suggest that education, fear of negative treatment due to race, ethnicity, or religion, fear of victimization, negative media portrayal, and neighborhood factors significantly affected perceptions of the police.
{"title":"An Empirical Evaluation of American Muslims’ Perceptions of the Police","authors":"Amin Asfari, Amny M. Shuraydi","doi":"10.1080/13602004.2020.1836594","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13602004.2020.1836594","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper evaluates American-Muslims’ perceptions of the police. With regard to studies of the police and Muslim communities, much of the focus has centered on evaluating police officers’ perceptions of the Muslim community. Attitudes toward the police reflect an important measure of police legitimacy for minority communities. The current study analyzes responses from a convenience sample (N = 142) collected from around the United States. Our t test analysis of first-and-second generation American Muslims found no significant differences between attitudes toward the police. However, our OLS Regression models suggest that education, fear of negative treatment due to race, ethnicity, or religion, fear of victimization, negative media portrayal, and neighborhood factors significantly affected perceptions of the police.","PeriodicalId":45523,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs","volume":"40 1","pages":"614 - 634"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2020-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/13602004.2020.1836594","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48741443","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-10-01DOI: 10.1080/13602004.2020.1847782
Zora Hesová, Ešref Kenan Rašidagić
Abstract The Bosnian Islamic community has led the Islamic affairs of most Slavic Muslims in the Balkans since 1882. While authoritarian and secularist states represented considerable dangers for its survival, freedom in independent Bosnia brought its set of challenges. Since the 1990s, is faced three major dynamics: efforts of the dominant Bosniak Party to involve the Islamic Community in spearheading the nation-building drive among the Bosniaks; the pluralisation of Islamic authorities and influences coming in from the Islamic world (especially from Iran, Saudi Arabia and the Persian Gulf, and from Turkey); and the increasing pluralisation of the Islamic scene within the country. All have variously challenged the Bosnian Islamic community’s practice, authority and monopoly. The Islamic Community in Bosnia and Herzegovina (IZ BiH) has met those challenges by gradually detaching itself from national politics, by balancing foreign influences and by building up its institutional capacities.
{"title":"The Changing Role of the Traditional Islamic Organization: Three Challenges to the Restored Bosnian Islamic Community","authors":"Zora Hesová, Ešref Kenan Rašidagić","doi":"10.1080/13602004.2020.1847782","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13602004.2020.1847782","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The Bosnian Islamic community has led the Islamic affairs of most Slavic Muslims in the Balkans since 1882. While authoritarian and secularist states represented considerable dangers for its survival, freedom in independent Bosnia brought its set of challenges. Since the 1990s, is faced three major dynamics: efforts of the dominant Bosniak Party to involve the Islamic Community in spearheading the nation-building drive among the Bosniaks; the pluralisation of Islamic authorities and influences coming in from the Islamic world (especially from Iran, Saudi Arabia and the Persian Gulf, and from Turkey); and the increasing pluralisation of the Islamic scene within the country. All have variously challenged the Bosnian Islamic community’s practice, authority and monopoly. The Islamic Community in Bosnia and Herzegovina (IZ BiH) has met those challenges by gradually detaching itself from national politics, by balancing foreign influences and by building up its institutional capacities.","PeriodicalId":45523,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs","volume":"40 1","pages":"707 - 724"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2020-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/13602004.2020.1847782","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45851793","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-10-01DOI: 10.1080/13602004.2020.1847781
E. Ash, E. Kahu, K. Tuffin
Abstract This study addresses Douglas Pratt's 2010 claim that New Zealand's non-Muslim majority experience “angst” in relation to a growing Muslim population. Based on interviews with non-Muslim New Zealanders we identified two key discourses. Firstly, participants constructed New Zealand as a safe haven and as tolerant and accepting of different religions and cultures. However, this tolerance and acceptance was conditional on Muslim assimilation and on participants’ sense of security and safety. Secondly, in constructing Muslims, gender-based oppression was created as problematic. Further, Muslims were constructed as not all terrorists, suggesting a default link between Islam and terrorism. Media was constructed as deliberately overplaying this link. Overall, angst about the increasing numbers of Muslims in New Zealand society was not identified. However, the core underlying stance was that, to be accepted, those with different social norms should assimilate and not threaten current cultural norms. Covert racism was highlighted in this study.
{"title":"Interrogating Antipodean Angst: New Zealand's Non-Muslim Majority Talk About Muslims","authors":"E. Ash, E. Kahu, K. Tuffin","doi":"10.1080/13602004.2020.1847781","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13602004.2020.1847781","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This study addresses Douglas Pratt's 2010 claim that New Zealand's non-Muslim majority experience “angst” in relation to a growing Muslim population. Based on interviews with non-Muslim New Zealanders we identified two key discourses. Firstly, participants constructed New Zealand as a safe haven and as tolerant and accepting of different religions and cultures. However, this tolerance and acceptance was conditional on Muslim assimilation and on participants’ sense of security and safety. Secondly, in constructing Muslims, gender-based oppression was created as problematic. Further, Muslims were constructed as not all terrorists, suggesting a default link between Islam and terrorism. Media was constructed as deliberately overplaying this link. Overall, angst about the increasing numbers of Muslims in New Zealand society was not identified. However, the core underlying stance was that, to be accepted, those with different social norms should assimilate and not threaten current cultural norms. Covert racism was highlighted in this study.","PeriodicalId":45523,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs","volume":"40 1","pages":"559 - 575"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2020-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/13602004.2020.1847781","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41736815","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-10-01DOI: 10.1080/13602004.2020.1847780
Christopher L. Atkinson
Abstract International focus on the Myanmar military regime and liberalization and reform within the nation’s press circles has increased, in light of the ongoing plight of the Rohingya people. Where information and official messaging has been tightly controlled, differentiation in products of government-led and private-sector news outlets is worthy of attention. This study offers a thematic analysis of news reporting in Myanmar, considering: What can be learned from a comparison of public and private news sources in Myanmar about the coverage of the Rohingya genocide? Discussions of literature on the Rohingya experience in Myanmar as well as fascism and ultranationalism provide context. The analysis showed that private news has responded to semi-democratic tendencies, but remains resistant to interpretations that overstep governmental norms; state-run news coverage is a world and reality unto its own, favoring elite perspectives. The result is an increasingly divided portrayal of a story with international importance.
{"title":"Public Information and Ultranationalism in Myanmar: A Thematic Analysis of Public and Private Newspaper Coverage","authors":"Christopher L. Atkinson","doi":"10.1080/13602004.2020.1847780","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13602004.2020.1847780","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract International focus on the Myanmar military regime and liberalization and reform within the nation’s press circles has increased, in light of the ongoing plight of the Rohingya people. Where information and official messaging has been tightly controlled, differentiation in products of government-led and private-sector news outlets is worthy of attention. This study offers a thematic analysis of news reporting in Myanmar, considering: What can be learned from a comparison of public and private news sources in Myanmar about the coverage of the Rohingya genocide? Discussions of literature on the Rohingya experience in Myanmar as well as fascism and ultranationalism provide context. The analysis showed that private news has responded to semi-democratic tendencies, but remains resistant to interpretations that overstep governmental norms; state-run news coverage is a world and reality unto its own, favoring elite perspectives. The result is an increasingly divided portrayal of a story with international importance.","PeriodicalId":45523,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs","volume":"40 1","pages":"597 - 613"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2020-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/13602004.2020.1847780","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46606741","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-10-01DOI: 10.1080/13602004.2020.1836598
S. Ali
Abstract This paper examines the effects of different percentages of Muslim population and their interactions with non-Muslims on their religious views and intergroup attitudes. By analyzing three different datasets of Pew Research Center, with an aggregation of more than 39,000 Muslims' responses from 40 different countries, this paper offers a counter-argument against the use of the previously mentioned approach. This will be presented by analyzing these datasets from three different levels of analyses. Unlike the present social contact literature in which the primary focus is on the host/majority population's nature of interaction with minorities and its effects on the former's intergroup attitudes, this research focuses on minorities' contact with majority members and its impact on their religious and intergroup views. Consequently, our findings indicate a more meaningful and factual understanding of Muslim minorities' religious views and intergroup attitudes emerges when their social experiences are taken into consideration.
{"title":"Population Size and Social Contact as Predictors of Religious Thought and Intergroup Attitudes: The Case of Muslims in Forty Countries","authors":"S. Ali","doi":"10.1080/13602004.2020.1836598","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13602004.2020.1836598","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper examines the effects of different percentages of Muslim population and their interactions with non-Muslims on their religious views and intergroup attitudes. By analyzing three different datasets of Pew Research Center, with an aggregation of more than 39,000 Muslims' responses from 40 different countries, this paper offers a counter-argument against the use of the previously mentioned approach. This will be presented by analyzing these datasets from three different levels of analyses. Unlike the present social contact literature in which the primary focus is on the host/majority population's nature of interaction with minorities and its effects on the former's intergroup attitudes, this research focuses on minorities' contact with majority members and its impact on their religious and intergroup views. Consequently, our findings indicate a more meaningful and factual understanding of Muslim minorities' religious views and intergroup attitudes emerges when their social experiences are taken into consideration.","PeriodicalId":45523,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs","volume":"40 1","pages":"650 - 670"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2020-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/13602004.2020.1836598","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49346684","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-10-01DOI: 10.1080/13602004.2020.1848152
Seyfeddin Kara, Arzu Merali
Abstract This study aims to scrutinise the implementation of a “vicarious retribution model” on anti-Muslim hate crimes and suggests that despite its advantages, the model is not sufficient to provide a clear picture of hate crimes alone and needs a supporting model such as “the domination hate model of intercultural relations” (DHMIR) to give it a historical and socio-political context. Whilst a rigorous model of analysis, the “vicarious retribution model,” has been co-opted by institutions to explain the rise in hate crimes based on the assumption that the U.K. (and other countries investigated) have only experienced Islamophobia in the post 9–11 context. The IHRC surveys in the U.K. in 2010 and 2014, the occurrence of Brexit, and the post-referendum spike in hate crimes belie some of the foundations of the applicability of this model. Therefore, the study is an effort to understand anti-Muslim hate crimes through the use of the “vicarious retribution model” and the DHMIR.
{"title":"Is “Vicarious Retribution Model” Sufficient to Analyse Anti-Muslim Hate Crimes?","authors":"Seyfeddin Kara, Arzu Merali","doi":"10.1080/13602004.2020.1848152","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13602004.2020.1848152","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This study aims to scrutinise the implementation of a “vicarious retribution model” on anti-Muslim hate crimes and suggests that despite its advantages, the model is not sufficient to provide a clear picture of hate crimes alone and needs a supporting model such as “the domination hate model of intercultural relations” (DHMIR) to give it a historical and socio-political context. Whilst a rigorous model of analysis, the “vicarious retribution model,” has been co-opted by institutions to explain the rise in hate crimes based on the assumption that the U.K. (and other countries investigated) have only experienced Islamophobia in the post 9–11 context. The IHRC surveys in the U.K. in 2010 and 2014, the occurrence of Brexit, and the post-referendum spike in hate crimes belie some of the foundations of the applicability of this model. Therefore, the study is an effort to understand anti-Muslim hate crimes through the use of the “vicarious retribution model” and the DHMIR.","PeriodicalId":45523,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs","volume":"40 1","pages":"671 - 693"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2020-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/13602004.2020.1848152","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45585968","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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