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Malay Muslim Politicians’ Movements Amid the Deep South Unrest in Thailand 泰国深南动乱中的马来穆斯林政治家运动
IF 0.5 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13602004.2022.2064057
Y. Sattar, Imron Sahoh
Abstract This qualitative study aimed to examine factors influencing Malay Muslim politicians’ movement dynamics amid changing political landscapes from 2004 to 2019 and identify their challenges. The samples included 20 participants, who were former and current Malay politicians, civil society representatives, and religious scholars in the southern border provinces (Deep South). Data were collected by interviews and two focused group discussions and subsequently analyzed by inductive analysis. Findings revealed that the factors influencing Malay Muslim politicians’ movement dynamics were the eruption of the Deep South violence and contextual differences across Thai political eras. These politicians’ significant challenges included political ideologies, ethnic and religious uniqueness, finance, and degrees of democracy. The political space’s suggestion included applying the democratic principles that preserve rights and freedom of social groups since squeezing this political space with unjustified limits could justify violence in demands of rights to identities.
本定性研究旨在考察2004年至2019年政治格局变化中影响马来穆斯林政治家运动动态的因素,并确定其面临的挑战。样本包括20名参与者,他们是南部边境省份(深南)的前任和现任马来政治家、公民社会代表和宗教学者。通过访谈和两次焦点小组讨论收集数据,随后通过归纳分析进行分析。研究结果显示,影响马来穆斯林政治家运动动态的因素是深南暴力的爆发和泰国政治时代的背景差异。这些政治家面临的重大挑战包括政治意识形态、种族和宗教独特性、金融和民主程度。政治空间的建议包括运用民主原则,保护社会群体的权利和自由,因为用不合理的限制来挤压这一政治空间,可能会为要求身份权利的暴力辩护。
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引用次数: 0
Miya Muslims of Assam: Identity, Visuality and the Construction of “Doubtful Citizens” 阿萨姆邦的米亚穆斯林:身份、形象和“可疑公民”的建构
IF 0.5 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13602004.2022.2051947
Shofiul Alom Pathan, Munmun Jha
Abstract The stereotyping of the Miya Muslims as “illegal immigrants” is an everyday phenomenon in Assam, a state in the north eastern part of India. This paper seeks to understand this phenomenon in the context of British colonial politics and the history of migration in this region. The acrimonious question of citizenship is raised from time to time, especially in the course of political debates that attempt to identify “illegal citizens”. This entails a dominant politics of aesthetics in the making of the unwanted or “doubtful Bangladeshis”. This paper explores the construction of “doubtful Bangladeshis”, based on certain visual attributes like lungi (sarong), dari (beard) and topi (skullcap). Interrogating the nuances of everyday visual identity, the paper argues that the stereotype of a “doubtful Bangladeshi” is manufactured and reproduced through upper class and caste aesthetics manufactured by Assamese nationalism, framed within a radicalized discourse.
摘要在印度东北部阿萨姆邦,米娅穆斯林被定型为“非法移民”是一种日常现象。本文试图在英国殖民政治和该地区移民历史的背景下理解这一现象。公民身份的尖锐问题不时被提出,尤其是在试图识别“非法公民”的政治辩论过程中。这就需要在塑造不受欢迎的或“可疑的孟加拉人”的过程中主导美学政治。本文基于某些视觉属性,如lungi(纱笼)、dari(胡子)和topi(skullcap),探讨了“可疑孟加拉人”的结构。在质疑日常视觉身份的细微差别时,该论文认为,“可疑的孟加拉人”的刻板印象是通过阿萨姆民族主义制造的上层阶级和种姓美学制造和复制的,是在激进的话语中构建的。
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引用次数: 1
Senator Dennis Deconcini and the Battle for Bosnia on Capitol Hill in Washington, D.C., U.S.A 参议员Dennis Deconcini与美国华盛顿特区国会山上的波斯尼亚之战
IF 0.5 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13602004.2022.2051944
H. Karčić
Abstract The aim of this paper is to analyze the role of former Arizona senator Dennis DeConcini during the Bosnian War. DeConcini, along with other congressional Bosnia hawks, supported the newly independent country in its self-defense during the 1992–1995 war. DeConcini's activism was mainly through the U.S. Helsinki Commission but he also undertook a number of steps with a view to legislative American foreign policy towards Bosnia in the early 1990s. Based on the congressional archive and DeConcini's papers at the University of Arizona, this article will piece together the story of how an Arizona senator became a champion of Bosnia on Capitol Hill.
摘要本文的目的是分析前亚利桑那州参议员丹尼斯·德康西尼在波斯尼亚战争中的作用。德康西尼和其他国会波斯尼亚鹰派人士在1992-1995年的战争中支持这个新独立的国家进行自卫。德康西尼的行动主义主要是通过美国赫尔辛基委员会,但他也采取了一些步骤,以期在20世纪90年代初制定美国对波斯尼亚的外交政策。根据国会档案和德康西尼在亚利桑那大学的论文,本文将拼凑出一位亚利桑那州参议员如何在国会山成为波斯尼亚冠军的故事。
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引用次数: 0
Sharia, Legal Pluralism and Muslim Personal Law: Ethnographic Lessons from the Mahallu System of Malabar, India 伊斯兰教法、法律多元主义与穆斯林属人法:来自印度马拉巴尔马哈鲁制度的民族志教训
IF 0.5 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13602004.2022.2051946
K. Rahman, Anindita Chakrabarti
Abstract Contemporary public as well as academic discourse on personal law in India has over the years engaged with the issues of its inadequacies, judicialisation and uniformity. This discourse has paid scant attention to the functioning of the law and the complexities of a multicultural nation-state committed to the idea of political secularism. This paper engages with the mahallu system of Malabar and sheds light on how decision-making in Muslim personal law is a process embedded in quotidian micro-politics, sectarian dynamics, social censure and affect. By tracing a triple talaq case in its ethnographic details we show that love (or lack of it), kinship expectations and community authority come together in resolving a conjugal dispute that does not lead to a straight path of legal interpretation but into a labyrinth of micro-politics of local religious factions and authority. The paper shows that the non-state quasi-legal institutions that come under the rubric of the mahallu system comprise of a particular kind of legal pluralism which is complex and replete with multilayered relations of power. This also brings to fore the binary and the play between what is considered to be legal and legitimate.
当代公众以及学术话语对属人法在印度多年来一直从事其不足,司法化和统一的问题。这种论述很少关注法律的功能和致力于政治世俗主义思想的多元文化民族国家的复杂性。本文研究了马拉巴尔的马哈鲁制度,并阐明了穆斯林属人法中的决策是如何嵌入日常微观政治、宗派动态、社会谴责和影响的过程。通过追踪一个三重塔拉克案件的人种学细节,我们表明,爱(或缺乏爱)、亲属期望和社区权威一起解决了一场婚姻纠纷,这场纠纷不会导致法律解释的直接路径,而是进入了当地宗教派别和权威的微观政治迷宫。本文认为,马哈鲁制度下的非国家准法律制度是一种特殊的法律多元主义,它是复杂的,充满了多层次的权力关系。这也将二元对立和合法与合法之间的博弈带到了前台。
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引用次数: 0
Reshaping Their Mental Lifeworld: Malay-Muslim Immigrants in Australia in the Age of Islamophobia 重塑他们的精神生活世界:伊斯兰恐惧症时代在澳大利亚的马来穆斯林移民
IF 0.5 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13602004.2022.2064055
Khairudin Aljunied, Abbas Saleem Khan
Abstract This article explores the coping strategies of Singapore Malay-Muslim immigrants in Melbourne, Australia in the light of a variety of challenges faced by Muslims in the West. We argue that Singapore Malay-Muslim immigrants have integrated into their host societies through a “reshaping of their mental lifeworld”, which constitutes a few elements. First, through viewing daily challenges and stresses in positive and optimistic terms. Second, they appreciated Australia as a space for growth, family life, and exploration. Third, they kept their minds open to any types of employment opportunities that come in their way in order to sustain their lives in a new country. Fourth, they used their faith as sources of strength in the face of challenges in obtaining jobs and overcoming other stresses. Finally, reshaping mental lifeworld involves imagining Australia as their newfound home, without totally negating Singapore as a site that their roots were initially planted.
摘要本文针对西方穆斯林面临的种种挑战,探讨了新加坡马来穆斯林移民在澳大利亚墨尔本的应对策略。我们认为,新加坡马来穆斯林移民通过“重塑他们的精神生活世界”融入了他们的东道国社会,这构成了几个因素。首先,以积极乐观的态度看待日常的挑战和压力。其次,他们认为澳大利亚是一个成长、家庭生活和探索的空间。第三,为了在一个新的国家维持他们的生活,他们对任何类型的就业机会都保持开放的心态。第四,他们在面对就业挑战和克服其他压力时,把信仰作为力量的源泉。最后,重塑精神生活世界包括把澳大利亚想象成他们的新家园,而不是完全否定新加坡作为他们最初扎根的地方。
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引用次数: 2
Indonesia’s Islamic Networks in Germany: The Nahdlatul Ulama in Campaigning Islam Nusantara and Enacting Religious Agency 印尼在德国的伊斯兰网络:Nahdlatul Ulama在伊斯兰Nusantara运动和成立宗教机构中的作用
IF 0.5 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13602004.2022.2064056
Yanwar Pribadi
Abstract This article discusses Indonesia’s largest Muslim organization, the Nahdlatul Ulama (the NU), in campaigning Islam Nusantara, the NU’s version of moderate Islam, and enacting religious agency in Germany. The NU has expanded its networks by establishing special branches (PCI NU) across the globe. In Germany, the special branch was established in 2011. This paper specifically investigates organizational projects, religious practices of the NU people, and the campaign of moderate Indonesian Islam. My analysis of the results of ethnographic fieldwork consisting of in-depth interviews, casual chats, and hang-outs in the organization’s meetings and gatherings in Germany and Indonesia shows that PCI NU Germany is extending its transnational networks, claiming its religious agency, and strengthening its version of moderate Islam overseas in an effort to make its voices heard within Islamic communities and broader public in the host country and maintain socio-religious connections with the home country.
摘要本文讨论了印度尼西亚最大的穆斯林组织Nahdlatul Ulama(NU)在宣传伊斯兰Nusantara(NU版本的温和伊斯兰教)和在德国设立宗教机构方面的情况。NU通过在全球范围内建立特殊分支机构(PCI NU)来扩大其网络。在德国,该特别分支机构于2011年成立。本文具体调查了NU的组织项目、宗教实践以及温和的印尼伊斯兰教运动。我对民族志实地调查结果的分析表明,PCI NU德国正在扩大其跨国网络,声称其宗教机构,以及在海外加强其温和伊斯兰教的版本,努力在东道国的伊斯兰社区和更广泛的公众中发出自己的声音,并与母国保持社会宗教联系。
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引用次数: 4
Comparing the Cultural Roots of Islamophobic Policy in China and France: The Cultural Similarities and Differences Behind State Rhetoric, Homogenisation and Repressive Policy 比较中法伊斯兰恐惧症政策的文化根源:国家修辞、同质化和镇压政策背后的文化异同
IF 0.5 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13602004.2022.2051945
Isaac Halpern
Abstract This research comparatively analyses the cultural roots of Islamophobic policy in China and France using an interdisciplinary, literature-based approach. In China, Han sentiments of cultural superiority interact with the deep influence of Confucianism on Han culture; a history of ethnic conflict particularly between the Uyghurs and Han Chinese; and historical scars from the century of humiliation. This results in a hatred particularly of non-Sinicized Islam, which manifests in the persecution of the Muslim-majority Uyghur cultural group. In France, colonial arrogance interacts with an increase in immigration and consequent diversity after World War II resulting in a shift in laicité’s focus towards minimising visible diversity. This centres on reducing the expression of Islam in public spaces and particularly focuses on Muslim women. In both contexts, then, cultural arrogance interacts with ethnic tensions to result in the perception that Islam that has not been homogenised is incompatible with the dominant culture.
摘要本研究采用跨学科、文献为基础的方法,对比分析了中法两国恐伊斯兰政策的文化根源。在中国,汉族的文化优越感与儒家思想对汉族文化的深刻影响相互作用;民族冲突的历史,特别是维吾尔族和汉族之间的冲突;还有百年屈辱留下的历史伤疤。这导致了对非中国化的伊斯兰教的仇恨,这表现在对穆斯林占多数的维吾尔族文化群体的迫害上。在法国,第二次世界大战后,殖民主义的傲慢与移民的增加和随之而来的多样性相互作用,导致法律的重点转向最小化可见的多样性。其核心是减少伊斯兰教在公共场所的表达,尤其关注穆斯林妇女。因此,在这两种情况下,文化傲慢与种族紧张关系相互作用,导致人们认为,尚未同质化的伊斯兰教与主流文化不相容。
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引用次数: 0
“Tarred with the Same Brush”: Racist and Anti-racist Constructions of Muslim Asylum Seekers in Australia “同一把刷子”:澳大利亚穆斯林寻求庇护者的种族主义和反种族主义建构
IF 0.5 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13602004.2022.2064050
Ashleigh L. Haw
Abstract Despite Australia's longstanding reputation as a multicultural nation, xenophobic and integrationist ideas remain embedded within political, media and public discourse surrounding migration, especially within discussions of Muslims and asylum seekers. Existing literature indicates that within arguments that oppose refugee resettlement in Australia, Islam is routinely constructed as incompatible with Australian society. Some research, however, has highlighted resistance to these ideas, yet few studies have explored how these narratives of resistance are constructed. This paper, presents a Critical Discourse Analysis of semi-structured interviews with 24 Western Australians who discussed their perspectives concerning asylum seekers. Participants who supported restrictive asylum policies reproduced integrationist attitudes toward Muslims, however those who expressed welcoming asylum views routinely challenged these ideas. I discuss the discursive and rhetorical features of these opposing takes on Australia's asylum debate, outlining some important implications for democracy and political communication, as well as for critical race analysis and sociological scholarship.
尽管澳大利亚长期以来享有多元文化国家的声誉,但围绕移民的政治、媒体和公共话语中,尤其是穆斯林和寻求庇护者的讨论中,仇外和融合主义思想仍然根深蒂固。现有文献表明,在反对在澳大利亚重新安置难民的争论中,伊斯兰教通常被构建为与澳大利亚社会不相容。然而,一些研究强调了对这些观点的抵制,但很少有研究探讨这些抵制的叙述是如何构建的。本文提出了对24名西澳大利亚人的半结构化访谈的批判性话语分析,他们讨论了他们对寻求庇护者的看法。支持限制性庇护政策的与会者再现了对穆斯林的融合主义态度,而表示欢迎庇护观点的与会者则经常挑战这些观点。我讨论了澳大利亚政治庇护辩论中这些对立观点的话语和修辞特征,概述了民主和政治交流的一些重要含义,以及批判性种族分析和社会学学术。
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引用次数: 1
Islamic Fashion: Subversion or Reinvention of Religious Values? 伊斯兰时尚:宗教价值观的颠覆还是重塑?
IF 0.5 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13602004.2022.2064053
Imène Ajala
Abstract The embedding of Islam in capital markets has given way to the emergence of an urban Muslim culture in the West resulting from an alliance of consumerism and religious practice sometimes dubbed as “Cool Islam” or “Pop-Islam”. This movement refers to young Muslims abiding by religious practices while adopting the codes of youth and pop culture. Islamic Fashion is one example of this movement. Using frameworks from value theory and drawing on empirical data from the Islamic Fashion sphere, this article explores the intricacies between the consumerist values of products associated to Cool Islam and the traditional values it subverts and reinvents, suggesting, beyond the critique of consumerism as corrupting spirituality, that it may lead in fact to the revitalization of faith for Muslims living in the West while paving the way for plural exegesis of religious scriptures for Islam as a cult.
伊斯兰教在资本市场的嵌入已经让位于西方城市穆斯林文化的出现,这种文化是消费主义和宗教实践的结合,有时被称为“酷伊斯兰”或“流行伊斯兰”。这个运动是指年轻的穆斯林遵守宗教习俗,同时接受青年和流行文化的准则。伊斯兰时尚就是这一运动的一个例子。本文利用价值理论的框架和伊斯兰时尚领域的经验数据,探讨了与酷伊斯兰相关的产品的消费主义价值观与它所颠覆和重塑的传统价值观之间的错综复杂之处,并提出,除了批评消费主义是一种腐败的精神,事实上,它可能会导致生活在西方的穆斯林信仰的复兴,同时为作为邪教的伊斯兰教的宗教经文的多元注释铺平道路。
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引用次数: 3
“Recognizing the Commencement of Ramadan … ”: U.S. Congressional Resolutions on Ramadan, 2001–2020 “承认斋月开始 … ”: 2001年至2020年美国国会关于斋月的决议
IF 0.5 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13602004.2022.2064048
A. Stanton
Abstract This article traces the history of the simple resolutions introduced in the United States Congress almost annually since 2001 to recognize the commencement of Ramadan, and to offer good wishes to Muslims in the United States and globally. Only one of these has passed. These symbolic resolutions have been little studied, in contrast to media attention on White House iftars and presidential Ramadan greetings. Using Congressional sources, this article argues that these symbolic resolutions, despite their limited success, offer an important lens for understanding a post-9/11 Congressional effort to recognize Muslims as an American religious minority community. The impact of these Ramadan resolutions lies in their attempt to grant national recognition to a minority religious community—an effort that has been both inclusive and contentious. Overall, Congressional resolutions and debates offer a fruitful source for scholarship on American Muslims and other religious minorities in the contemporary United States.
摘要本文追溯了自2001年以来,美国国会几乎每年都会通过简单决议的历史,以承认斋月的开始,并向美国和全球的穆斯林致以良好的祝愿。其中只有一个通过了。这些象征性的决议很少被研究,与媒体对白宫开斋节和总统斋月问候的关注形成鲜明对比。这篇文章利用国会的消息来源认为,这些象征性的决议尽管取得了有限的成功,但为理解9/11后国会承认穆斯林为美国宗教少数群体的努力提供了一个重要的视角。这些斋月决议的影响在于,它们试图在全国范围内承认少数宗教团体——这一努力既有包容性,也有争议。总的来说,国会的决议和辩论为研究当代美国的美国穆斯林和其他宗教少数群体提供了富有成果的来源。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs
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