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Contemporary Salafism in Singapore 新加坡当代萨拉菲主义
IF 0.5 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13602004.2021.1894389
Syed Huzaifah Bin Othman Alkaff, Muhammad Haziq Bin Jani
Abstract As a multi-ethnic and multi-religious society, Singapore prizes religious harmony and social cohesion. Given that Salafism is commonly assumed to be linked with conservative attitudes, exclusivism, extremism and even jihadism, Salafis in Singapore have been the subject of public attention and concern. However, there is diversity within the community of Singaporean Muslims who identify as Salafi or have been labelled as Salafi. This paper explores the contemporary landscape of Salafism in Singapore through interviews with individuals from various Salafi and Salafi-affiliated groups. This paper seeks to clarify the differences among the various Salafi groups as well as explain how Salafi ideas have developed in Singapore and the extent to which contemporary Salafis in Singapore find their ideas acceptable in Singapore’s secular and democratic context.
新加坡是一个多民族、多宗教的社会,崇尚宗教和谐和社会凝聚力。鉴于萨拉菲主义通常被认为与保守态度、排外主义、极端主义甚至圣战主义联系在一起,新加坡的萨拉菲派一直是公众关注和关注的主题。然而,在新加坡穆斯林社区中,有很多人认为自己是萨拉菲派或被贴上了萨拉菲派的标签。本文通过采访来自不同萨拉菲派和萨拉菲派附属团体的个人,探讨了萨拉菲派在新加坡的当代景观。本文旨在澄清不同萨拉菲派团体之间的差异,并解释萨拉菲派思想是如何在新加坡发展的,以及新加坡当代萨拉菲派在多大程度上认为他们的思想在新加坡的世俗和民主背景下是可以接受的。
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引用次数: 2
Moving Towards Human Catastrophe: The Abrogation of Article 370 in Kashmir Valley 走向人类灾难:克什米尔山谷废除第370条
IF 0.5 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13602004.2021.1894387
R. Khan, Muhammad Zubair Khan, Z. Abbas
Abstract The Indian government repealed Article 370 from the constitution on 5 August 2019. Revoking of article 370 ended the autonomous and special status of Indian-administered Jammu and Kashmir. Not only this, India has built-up massive military in the area coupled with a shutdown and curfew in the valley in order to cut it off from the whole world both virtually and physically. It is argued that there is a continuous violation of internationally accepted human rights in the valley of Indian-occupied Kashmir. The authors have examined the violations of UDHR-1948, ICCPR-1966, and CRC-1990 especially after the abrogation of Article 370 in Jammu & Kashmir. In this article, interpretivist approach has been applied.
摘要印度政府于2019年8月5日废除了宪法第370条。第370条的废除终止了印度管理的查谟和克什米尔的自治和特殊地位。不仅如此,印度还在该地区建立了大规模的军事力量,并在山谷中实施了关闭和宵禁,以切断其与整个世界的虚拟和物理联系。有人认为,在印控克什米尔山谷,国际公认的人权不断受到侵犯。提交人审查了违反UDHR-1948、ICCPR-1966和CRC-1990的行为,特别是在查谟和克什米尔废除第370条之后。本文采用了解释主义方法。
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引用次数: 4
The Non-Impact of Religious Practices on the Process of Inclusion and Participation of Belgian Muslims 宗教习俗对比利时穆斯林融入和参与过程的非影响
IF 0.5 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13602004.2021.1894384
Corinne Torrekens
Abstract The various terrorist attacks carried out by the Islamic State in Europe have raised new questions about the compatibility of Islam and European “values”. Most of the studies are qualitative and have several limitations, especially regarding their ability to generalize their findings. In this paper, we show that each individual religious practice is largely followed. Second and third generations Muslims are in fact no less religious than their parents and grand-parents. But we also shed light on an ongoing process of individualizing faith and religious references and, most importantly, on the non-impact of religious practices on the integration process of the Belgo-Moroccan and Belgo-Turkish groups within Belgian society. In practical terms, this means that religious practices have no influence on socioeconomic indicators, political participation, and identity issues, and finally, the feeling of discrimination. In order to explain these different results, we assess here the progressive secularization of Belgian Muslim identities.
伊斯兰国在欧洲实施的各种恐怖袭击,对伊斯兰教与欧洲“价值观”的兼容性提出了新的问题。大多数研究都是定性的,有一些局限性,特别是在概括研究结果的能力方面。在本文中,我们展示了每个个体的宗教实践在很大程度上是遵循的。事实上,第二代和第三代穆斯林的宗教信仰并不亚于他们的父母和祖父母。但是,我们也阐明了正在进行的使信仰和宗教内容个性化的进程,最重要的是,说明了宗教习俗对比利时-摩洛哥和比利时-土耳其群体在比利时社会中的一体化进程没有影响。实际上,这意味着宗教习俗对社会经济指标、政治参与、身份问题以及最后的歧视感觉没有影响。为了解释这些不同的结果,我们在这里评估比利时穆斯林身份的逐步世俗化。
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引用次数: 2
Islamic with Turkish Connections: Atiya’s and Zeyneb’s Counter-narratives to the West 伊斯兰与土耳其的关系:阿提亚和泽内布对西方的反叙事
IF 0.5 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13602004.2021.1903160
M. Hasan
Abstract South Asian Atiya Fyzee and her Turkish contemporary Zeyneb Hanoum were epistolary travel writers. Despite their variant geographical identities, both had Turkish connections and share similarities in their work. Both made trips to Europe in the early twentieth century when international travel was not as common as it is today. The preferred mode of long-distance travel then was by sea, as the faster means of air transportation began to be widely used on a commercial basis only in the 1950s and 1960s. The travel accounts of these two writers demonstrate striking commonalities, especially with regard to Islamic devotional expressions and counter-narratives to the West. While Atiya in her writing responded to negative portrayals of Indians in colonial discourse, Zeyneb wrote back to the dominant Western representation of Turkish women as homogenously passive, hidden and silenced in the harem. Given these different backgrounds and positionalities, their counter-narratives to the West are significant and merit close attention.
摘要南亚作家阿提娅·费兹和她的土耳其当代作家泽内布·哈诺姆是书信体旅行作家。尽管他们的地理身份各不相同,但他们都有土耳其的联系,在工作中也有相似之处。两人都是在20世纪初前往欧洲的,当时国际旅行并不像今天这样普遍。当时首选的长途旅行方式是海运,因为更快的航空运输方式直到20世纪50年代和60年代才开始在商业基础上广泛使用。这两位作家的旅行记录显示出惊人的共性,尤其是在伊斯兰信仰表达和对西方的反叙事方面。虽然Atiya在她的作品中回应了殖民话语中对印度人的负面描述,但Zeyneb回击了西方对土耳其女性在后宫中同样被动、隐藏和沉默的主流描述。鉴于这些不同的背景和立场,他们对西方的反叙事意义重大,值得密切关注。
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引用次数: 0
Tamlīk-proper to Quasi-tamlīk: Unconditional Cash Transfer (UCT) of Zakat Money, Empowering the Poor and Contemporary Modes of Distributing Zakat Money with Special Reference to British Muslim Charities 塔姆鲁克——从固有到准塔姆鲁克:天课钱的无条件现金转移、赋予穷人权力与当代天课钱分配模式——以英国穆斯林慈善为例
IF 0.5 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13602004.2021.1894388
Shahrul Hussain
Abstract The principle aim of this paper is to look at the concept of tamlīk from two dimensions: tamlīk by the recipient of zakat and tamlīk by the plenipotentiary or the organisation deputised to distribute the zakat-money on behalf of the British zakat-payer. The body deputised to distribute zakat has a religio-ethical duty of distributing the zakat-money it has taken possession of, in order to meet the allocative function outlined in the Qur’an. This paper questions whether British Muslim charities are currently being effective agents in achieving poverty reduction. It questions whether the British Muslim charities’ modus operandi of distributing of zakat-money does empower the poor. This paper argues that cash distribution should be considered a primary method of zakat distribution unless there are exceptional circumstances to do otherwise. It further argues that zakat in cash is far more effective in addressing poverty and empowering the poor than the status quo.
摘要本文的主要目的是从两个维度来看待tamlīk的概念:由天课的接受者提供的tamlāk和由全权代表或代表英国天课付款人分配天课货币的组织提供的tamīk。负责分配天课的机构有宗教道德义务分配其所拥有的天课货币,以履行《古兰经》中规定的分配职能。本文质疑英国穆斯林慈善机构目前是否是实现减贫的有效推动者。它质疑英国穆斯林慈善机构分发天课钱的做法是否确实赋予了穷人权力。本文认为,除非有特殊情况,否则现金分配应被视为天课分配的主要方法。它进一步认为,现金天课在解决贫困和赋予穷人权力方面比现状更有效。
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引用次数: 1
From Shah Bano to Shayara Bano (1985–2017): Changing Feminist Positions on the Politics of Muslim Personal Law, Women’s Rights and Minority Rights in India 从沙·巴诺到沙亚拉·巴诺(1985-2017):印度穆斯林属人法、妇女权利和少数民族权利政治中女权主义立场的变化
IF 0.5 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13602004.2021.1903164
Ummul Fayiza
Abstract The post-colonial politics of Muslim personal law, women’s rights and minority rights in India has intensified since the Shah Bano case (1985). It has reached a culmination point after the triple talaq ban by the Supreme Court of India as a result of the public interest litigation filed by Shayara Bano in 2016. This article analyses the changing position of three prominent feminist scholars, Zoya Hasan, Flavia Agnes and Nivedita Menon, from the Shah Bano case to the Shayara Bano (2017) case. The aim of this article is to show that there has been a gradual development of consensus in feminist scholarship on the politics of majoritarian Hindu nationalism in determining the politics of Muslim personal law, women’s rights and minority rights in India in comparison to prior understandings within an exclusively women’s rights framework.
自1985年沙巴诺案(Shah Bano case)以来,印度穆斯林属人法、妇女权利和少数民族权利的后殖民政治愈演愈烈。由于Shayara Bano在2016年提起的公益诉讼,印度最高法院颁布了三重塔拉克禁令,这一禁令达到了高潮。本文分析了著名女性主义学者Zoya Hasan、Flavia Agnes和Nivedita Menon从Shah Bano案到Shayara Bano(2017)案的立场变化。本文的目的是表明,与之前在专门的妇女权利框架内的理解相比,在女权主义学术中,多数主义印度教民族主义政治在决定印度穆斯林个人法、妇女权利和少数民族权利的政治方面已经逐渐形成共识。
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引用次数: 2
Heartbreaking vs. Heartwarming Facebook Advertisements by Nonprofits to Help the Rohingya Refugees 非营利组织帮助罗兴亚难民的脸书广告令人心碎
IF 0.5 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13602004.2021.1903163
Syed Ali Hussain, Helen Wieffering
Abstract It is a common observation to see Muslim communities affected by violence and mass migrations. This is often followed by international nonprofits running online campaigns to receive charitable donations. Specifically, the Rohingya refugee crisis spurred Facebook advertisements based on negative emotional appeals. We argue that such advertisements make viewers emotionally numb to the victims. We propose that viewers will respond more altruistically when presented with solutions-oriented information. To test this assumption, we conducted a between-group experiment (n = 102) manipulating message valence (positive vs. negative) of a Facebook advertisement. Results indicate that participants in the positive condition expressed more positive emotions and that nonprofits should cease creating heartbreaking advertisements when similar levels of empathy can be evoked from heartwarming advertisements. Participants in both conditions expressed similar empathy, trust, and intentions to donate. The study offers implications to positively frame the Muslim communities affected by violence on social media.
摘要穆斯林社区受到暴力和大规模移民的影响是一种常见的现象。紧随其后的往往是国际非营利组织开展在线活动,接受慈善捐款。具体而言,罗兴亚难民危机引发了基于负面情绪诉求的脸书广告。我们认为,这样的广告会让观众对受害者情感麻木。我们建议,当观众看到面向解决方案的信息时,他们的反应会更加无私。为了验证这一假设,我们进行了一个组间实验(n = 102)操纵Facebook广告的消息效价(正与负)。结果表明,处于积极状态的参与者表达了更积极的情绪,当暖心广告能唤起类似程度的同理心时,非营利组织应该停止制作令人心碎的广告。两种情况下的参与者都表达了相似的同理心、信任和捐赠意愿。这项研究为积极界定受社交媒体暴力影响的穆斯林社区提供了启示。
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引用次数: 1
Muslims and Immigrants in the Populist Discourse of the French Party Rassemblement National and Its Leader on Twitter 法国国家联盟及其领导人在推特上的民粹主义话语中的穆斯林和移民
IF 0.5 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13602004.2021.1903159
Abderrahim Ait Abdeslam
Abstract This paper intends to delve into the populist discourse of the Rassemblement National as manifested in their posts on Twitter towards Muslims and immigrants. The analysis of those statements will enable us to study the way populism and populist discourses are expressed in those tweets. Immigration and Islam are the most debatable issues that characterize the top agendas of the French far right and which raise acrimonious debates in France, denying thus the multicultural cauldron of the French society. The dichotomy of who is native and who is a foreigner is one of the main discourses of populism whose sole aim is to appeal to more voters by pitting their survival with the vanishing of immigrants, be they Muslims or any others of a foreign descent.
摘要本文旨在深入研究国民联盟在推特上针对穆斯林和移民的民粹主义言论。对这些言论的分析将使我们能够研究民粹主义和民粹主义话语在这些推文中的表达方式。移民和伊斯兰教是法国极右翼最高议程中最具争议的问题,在法国引发了激烈的辩论,从而否定了法国社会的多元文化熔炉。谁是本地人,谁是外国人的二分法是民粹主义的主要论述之一,民粹主义的唯一目的是通过将他们的生存与移民的消失挂钩来吸引更多的选民,无论他们是穆斯林还是任何其他外国后裔。
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引用次数: 1
Religion and Secularities: Reconfiguring Islam in Contemporary India 宗教与世俗:在当代印度重新配置伊斯兰教
IF 0.5 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13602004.2021.1907022
A. K. Thomas
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引用次数: 0
Chinese Oppressive Policies Towards the Muslims in East Turkistan 中国对东突厥斯坦穆斯林的压迫政策
IF 0.5 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13602004.2021.1894386
Mehmetali Kasim
Abstract Nazi concentration camps were considered to be the worst humanitarian crisis in the twentieth century and the world believed that this scenario will never happen again. In today’s modern world, in the twenty-first century, the Chinese Communist Party has imprisoned millions of indigenous Turkics in concentration camps in which they are being forced to deny their faith, abandon their own culture, and assimilate to Chinese culture as a whole nation. This paper, initially evaluates the development of China and East Turkistan relations and Beijing’s policies towards this region. Then, it examines the situation of concentration camps and who is being held captive and what crimes they have committed in the eyes of the Chinese government. Last but not least, it examines how the Chinese dream, nationalist policies, and developments of international politics played an important role in the establishment of these concentration camps.
纳粹集中营被认为是20世纪最严重的人道主义危机,全世界都相信这种情况永远不会再次发生。在今天的现代世界,在21世纪,中国共产党将数百万土着突厥人囚禁在集中营里,他们被迫否认自己的信仰,放弃自己的文化,并作为一个整体融入中国文化。本文初步评估了中国与东突厥斯坦关系的发展以及北京对该地区的政策。然后,它审查了集中营的情况,被关押的人以及他们在中国政府眼中犯下的罪行。最后但并非最不重要的是,它考察了中国梦,民族主义政策和国际政治的发展如何在这些集中营的建立中发挥重要作用。
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引用次数: 2
期刊
Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs
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