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Land Redemption in Muscovy during the Reign of Ivan IV 伊凡四世统治时期莫斯科公国的土地赎回
3区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.1353/kri.2023.a910977
Charles J. Halperin
Land Redemption in Muscovy during the Reign of Ivan IV Charles J. Halperin (bio) The Englishman Giles Fletcher declared in his Of the Russe Commonwealth that no written law existed in Muscovy.1 Daniel Printz, envoy of the Holy Roman Emperor to Muscovy in 1576, made the same assertion.2 Historians know better, but they do not agree on the significance of Muscovite statutory law, which has left fundamental historical questions unresolved. In particular, the question of what kind of property law existed in Muscovy has long occupied historians. Richard Pipes strongly criticized George Weickhardt for claiming that there was private property in Muscovy based solely on statutory law. According to Pipes, Weickhardt omitted "the law as applied in numerous reported case transcripts." Because Russia had weak legal institutions, "the gap between law and life [was] uncommonly wide."3 Weickhardt replied that Pipes was inconsistent in accepting some statutory laws at face value and rejecting others as legal fictions, but even so he conceded: "I will be the first to admit that law as proclaimed nearly always differs from the law as applied." Weickhardt concluded that both statutory and case law had to be taken into account. "While one can certainly find inconsistencies between the statutes and the cases, this is true of every legal system." More [End Page 721] research on the "actual practice" of private property in pre-Petrine Russia was necessary.4 This article examines the relationship between statutory and case law, as both Pipes and Weickhardt recommended, concerning the redemption of property in land. The earliest statutory reference to redemption appeared in the Law Code (Sudebnik) of 1550, followed by additional provisions in 1551 and 1557. I examine case law before the statutory law was issued, compare that statutory law to prior case law, and then compare subsequent case law to statutory law. I try to show that before statutory law was promulgated, case law reflected a widespread practice of redemption in land that accorded unlimited discretion to the seller or donor of land in choosing who could exercise redemption rights; that the statutory law established in 1550–57 strongly deviated from the pre-statutory model, setting restrictions and requirements on redemption that circumscribed the seller's or donor's choices of potential redemptors or even the very existence of the right of redemption for donated land; and that sellers and donors reacted to these newly issued requirements in a very inconsistent manner, obeying some, disobeying others, and to an inexplicably large extent ignoring some fundamental aspects of this legislation. Such a differentiated response by society to government regulation of redemption suggests considerable societal autonomy in this activity. Types of Redemption Nowadays, "redemption" commonly denotes redeeming a coupon or an offer; that type of redemption was unknown in Muscovy. Nor does this redemption have any connection t
伊凡四世统治时期莫斯科公国的土地救赎英国人吉尔斯·弗莱彻在他的《论俄罗斯联邦》一书中宣称,莫斯科不存在成文法律。神圣罗马帝国皇帝1576年派往莫斯科公国的特使丹尼尔·普林茨也做出了同样的断言历史学家知道得更清楚,但他们对莫斯科成文法的重要性意见不一,因为它留下了一些根本的历史问题没有解决。特别是,历史学家长期以来一直在研究莫斯科存在什么样的物权法的问题。理查德·派普斯强烈批评乔治·威克哈特声称莫斯科的私有财产仅基于成文法。根据Pipes的说法,Weickhardt省略了“在许多报道的案件记录中适用的法律”。由于俄罗斯的法律制度薄弱,“法律和生活之间的差距非常大。”威克哈特回答说,派普斯在表面上接受了一些成文法,而拒绝接受另一些成文法,认为它们是法律虚构的方面是前后矛盾的,但即便如此,他也承认:“我将是第一个承认,宣布的法律几乎总是与实际实施的法律不同。”Weickhardt的结论是,成文法和判例法都必须考虑在内。“虽然人们肯定会发现法规和案例之间存在不一致之处,但每个法律体系都是如此。”更多的[End Page 721]研究私有财产在前俄罗斯的“实际实践”是必要的本文考察了关于土地财产赎回的成文法和判例法之间的关系,正如Pipes和Weickhardt所建议的那样。最早关于赎回的法定规定出现在1550年的《法典》(Sudebnik)中,随后是1551年和1557年的补充规定。我研究成文法颁布之前的判例法,将成文法与之前的判例法进行比较,然后将后来的判例法与成文法进行比较。我试图表明,在成文法颁布之前,判例法反映了土地赎回的普遍做法,即给予土地的卖方或捐赠者无限的自由裁量权,选择谁可以行使赎回权;1550 - 1557年建立的成文法严重偏离了立法前的模式,对赎回设定了限制和要求,限制了卖方或捐赠人对潜在赎回人的选择,甚至限制了受赠土地赎回权的存在;卖方和捐助者对这些新颁布的要求的反应非常不一致,有的遵守,有的不遵守,而且在很大程度上莫名其妙地忽视了这项立法的一些基本方面。社会对政府监管救赎的这种不同反应表明,在这一活动中有相当大的社会自主权。如今,“赎回”通常指兑换优惠券或优惠;这种救赎在莫斯科是闻所未闻的。这种赎买和1861年农奴解放以后的土地赎买也没有任何关系。莫斯科的赎回(vykup)应用于几种类型的事务。这里正在审查的赎回可能是房地产交易的第二步,要么出售土地,要么捐赠给修道院。在某些情况下,出卖人或赠与人,或与出卖人或赠与人有关系或无关系的人,可以“撤销”或取代出卖或赠与,在出卖人或赠与人的情况下,通过归还或支付买价,在出卖人或赠与人的情况下,通过支付规定的数额。目前还没有足够的数据来确定最初的卖方或捐赠者(而不是其他人)行使赎回权的频率,或者最初的交易与赎回之间的时间间隔(可能延长至40年)。事实上,即使是在销售和捐赠中赎回的频率也不得而知。在16世纪的莫斯科,这个词也用于赎回以土地为抵押的抵押,以及赎回被奴役的战俘或为赎金而绑架的俘虏。有时很难区分出售或捐赠与抵押的赎回,因为抵押的遗产可以出售或捐赠;买受人或受让人承担抵押义务。有几笔交易没有使用这个词,但让我震惊……
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引用次数: 0
An Elusive Consensus 难以捉摸的共识
3区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.1353/kri.2023.a910984
Vladislav M. Zubok
An Elusive Consensus Vladislav M. Zubok (bio) I am thankful to Mark Beissinger, Michael David-Fox, and Serhy Yekelchyk for adding their expert voices to the discussion of the Soviet collapse prompted by my book. In his thoughtful review David-Fox calls for a synthesis. It may be a type of wishful thinking, just like Gorbachevian consensus. The demise of a giant empire with such a tragic (and crime-ridden) history will remain a contested subject within the lifetime of our generation, and perhaps the next. Scholarship will remain fractious: some will be interested in socioeconomic, others in economic-political aspects of the story; the adepts of ab imperio ethno-cultural particularisms will never agree with the students of elite politics, and so on. Finally, as the Russian poet Fedor Tiutchev famously wrote, "We cannot fathom all the echoes of our speech." The ongoing discussion on the topic may be the best to which we may aspire. I would like to respond to a few insights proposed by David-Fox. Indeed, what happened to the Soviet Union was not a revolution. At the same time, the spectacular failure of economic reforms, coupled with the progressive demoralization of the elite, created a unique situation that was revolutionary in many respects: ideational, social, economic, political, and in foreign affairs. Mikhail Gorbachev, inspired by his reading of Vladimir Lenin, convinced himself that the chaos he had unleashed would eventually lead to democratic socialism. Initially his vision found mass support in society, yet economic discontent soon rose like a flood. The Soviet leader and his entourage lost the initiative to rival actors who offered different solutions to the unfolding crisis: a national liberation struggle, a return to Europe, liberal democracy, and most fatally the rise of Russia. Those narratives, perhaps fortunately, lacked one component: a violent overthrow of the existing regime and its socioeconomic setup. David-Fox attributes the failure of perestroika to the "blinkered inculcation" (845) of Soviet ideas and belief, the intellectual and cultural [End Page 867] heritage that Gorbachev embodied and shared with millions of his fellow citizens. I would add some caveats. First, among party functionaries in the Russian provinces, Gorbachev seemed to be a rather unique person: a party intellectual stranded in the wrong kettle of fish. Provincial apparatchiks were far too cynical to suffer from blinkered inculcation, although they used the party discourse to promote their careers. The rare exceptions were mostly neo-Stalinists, militarists, and superpower adepts. Without Iurii Andropov, an outlier like Gorbachev would have never made it to the top. Second, the term "inculcation" diminishes the complexity of the origins of the "new thinking," a vague set of principles that Gorbachev proclaimed and promoted. The Marxist-Leninist faith that Gorbachev and many Soviet intellectuals of the 1980s shared was just one iteration of the longer and b
我要感谢Mark Beissinger、Michael David-Fox和Serhy Yekelchyk,感谢他们在我的书所引发的关于苏联解体的讨论中加入了专家的声音。在他深思熟虑的评论中,大卫-福克斯呼吁一种综合。这可能是一种一厢情愿的想法,就像戈尔巴乔夫的共识一样。一个有着如此悲剧性(和充满犯罪的)历史的庞大帝国的消亡,在我们这一代人的有生之年,也许在下一代人的有生之年,仍将是一个有争议的话题。学术研究仍将是难以驾驭的:一些人将对社会经济方面感兴趣,另一些人则对故事的经济政治方面感兴趣;帝国主义民族文化特殊主义的专家永远不会同意精英政治的学生,等等。最后,正如俄罗斯诗人费奥多尔·图切夫(Fedor Tiutchev)的名言:“我们无法理解自己讲话的所有回声。”正在进行的关于这一主题的讨论可能是我们所期望的最好的讨论。我想对David-Fox提出的一些见解做出回应。的确,发生在苏联身上的不是一场革命。与此同时,经济改革的惊人失败,加上精英阶层的逐步民主化,创造了一个在许多方面都具有革命性的独特局面:思想、社会、经济、政治和外交事务。米哈伊尔•戈尔巴乔夫(Mikhail Gorbachev)在阅读弗拉基米尔•列宁(Vladimir Lenin)著作的启发下,确信自己引发的混乱最终会导致民主社会主义。最初,他的愿景得到了社会的广泛支持,但对经济的不满很快就像洪水一样泛滥。这位苏联领导人和他的随从们失去了主动权,他们为这场正在展开的危机提供了不同的解决方案:民族解放斗争、回归欧洲、自由民主,以及最致命的俄罗斯的崛起。也许幸运的是,这些叙述缺少一个组成部分:暴力推翻现有政权及其社会经济结构。大卫-福克斯将改革的失败归因于苏联思想和信仰的“盲目灌输”(845),这是戈尔巴乔夫体现并与数百万同胞分享的知识和文化遗产。我想补充一些注意事项。首先,在俄罗斯各省的党内工作人员中,戈尔巴乔夫似乎是一个相当独特的人:一个陷入错误困境的党内知识分子。省级官员太过愤世嫉俗,不愿接受狭隘的教育,尽管他们利用党的话语来提升自己的职业生涯。极少数的例外是新斯大林主义者、军国主义者和超级大国的行家。如果没有尤里·安德罗波夫,像戈尔巴乔夫这样的异类永远不会登上顶峰。其次,“灌输”一词削弱了“新思想”起源的复杂性,“新思想”是戈尔巴乔夫宣布和推动的一套模糊的原则。戈尔巴乔夫和20世纪80年代的许多苏联知识分子所共有的马克思列宁主义信仰,只是共产主义时期之前和之后,社会白日梦现象更长、更广泛的一种重复。鲍里斯·叶利钦(Boris Yeltsin)和根纳迪·布尔布利斯(Gennadii Burbulis)等苏联末期的杰出人物,展示了一个新版本的社会经济乌托邦如何几乎在一夜之间取代那个声名狼藉的乌托邦。两人都经历了从列宁主义信仰到西方新自由主义信仰的闪电转变,对俄罗斯历史产生了巨大影响。我特别感谢马克·贝辛格(Mark Beissinger)写了一篇评论:他对苏联解体期间非俄罗斯民族主义相互作用的研究为我的工作奠定了基础。他的书提供了一个强有力的论点,我努力研究,最后不同意。现在他开始反击了。他拒绝我强调戈尔巴乔夫的权力,他的治理模式,与叶利钦的不和,以及失败的经济和金融改革的偶然性。他声称,在1989年之后,克里姆林宫领导人除了“上演新结构形势的逻辑”——即“内外帝国的解体”之外,什么也做不了。他指责我未能将本书的重心转移到更早的时代,在他看来,当时发生了不可逆转的结构变革。似乎这还不够,他又加上了评判性的攻击:在他看来,我影射、挑剔,甚至同情强硬派(849)。不过,我很高兴贝辛格发现我们之间的分歧……
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引用次数: 0
Interview with Diane Koenker 采访黛安·科恩克
3区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.1353/kri.2023.a910976
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引用次数: 0
Philippa Hetherington (1984–2022) 菲利帕·赫瑟林顿(1984-2022)
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1353/kri.2023.a904392
A. Iandolo, Gregory Afinogenov
Philippa Hetherington, Lecturer in Russian and Eurasian History at the School of Slavonic and East European Studies (SSEES) at University College London (UCL), died of cancer at the age of 38 on 5 November 2022. Such an untimely death is unfathomably tragic, but in her years as a historian of imperial Russia and the Soviet Union, Philippa was already able to contribute pathbreaking scholarship to our field and build a vibrant community of researchers and activists. As an Australian-born scholar who studied in the United States and wound up working in Britain, she traversed geographical and disciplinary boundaries in ways that seemed both effortless and necessary. In this memorial, we have tried to honor her legacy by writing a commemoration of her work together with members of this international community, recognizing her strength not just as a creative and original thinker but as a collaborator, colleague, and friend. Philippa’s main scholarly area of focus was the history of gender, sexuality, and international law in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Her dissertation and first book project (currently being prepared for publication) dealt with the emergence of a transnational moral panic around “white slavery” aimed at restricting the international sex trafficking of women from the Russian Empire and the early Soviet Union, and the codification of this impulse into international law under pressure both from feminist activists and imperial officials in the 1910s and 1920s.1 A militant, committed feminist, Philippa nevertheless remained skeptical of the movement’s tendency—especially, but not exclusively, on the part of its liberal wing—to trust in the carceral state as a partner in the pursuit of gender equality and the protection of women’s rights. As her work
菲利帕·赫瑟林顿,伦敦大学学院斯拉夫和东欧研究学院(SSEES)俄罗斯和欧亚历史讲师,于2022年11月5日因癌症去世,享年38岁。如此英年早逝是一场深不可深的悲剧,但在她作为俄罗斯帝国和苏联历史学家的岁月里,菲利帕已经能够为我们的领域贡献开创性的奖学金,并建立了一个充满活力的研究人员和活动家社区。作为一名澳大利亚出生的学者,她曾在美国学习,最后在英国工作,她以一种看似毫不费力又必要的方式跨越了地理和学科的界限。在这个纪念活动中,我们试图通过与国际社会成员一起纪念她的工作来纪念她的遗产,认识到她的力量不仅是作为一个富有创造力和原创性的思想家,而且是作为一个合作者、同事和朋友。菲利帕的主要学术领域是19世纪末和20世纪初的性别、性行为和国际法的历史。她的论文和第一本书(目前正准备出版)论述了围绕“白奴”的跨国道德恐慌的出现,这种恐慌旨在限制俄罗斯帝国和苏联早期的国际性交易妇女,以及在20世纪10年代和20年代女权主义活动家和帝国官员的压力下,这种冲动被编纂成国际法作为一名激进的、坚定的女权主义者,菲利帕仍然对这场运动的趋势持怀疑态度——尤其是,但不是唯一的,在自由主义方面——相信在追求性别平等和保护妇女权利的过程中,联邦政府是一个合作伙伴。作为她的工作
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引用次数: 0
Welcome, Not Welcome: The North Caucasian Diaspora's Attempted Return to Russia since the 1960s 欢迎,不欢迎:自20世纪60年代以来,北高加索侨民试图返回俄罗斯
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1353/kri.2023.a904386
Vladimir Hamed‐Troyansky
In 1968, a Jordanian man, ‘Abbas Mirza, visited Kabardino-Balkaria, a mountainous autonomous republic in Soviet Russia. He was of Kabardian (eastern Circassian) descent, and his ancestors had emigrated to the Ottoman Empire in the late 19th century. He was one of the first overseas Circassians and, indeed, any foreigners who were allowed to enter the North Caucasus since the onset of Soviet rule. Soviet authorities invited his family to visit Kabardino-Balkaria to see for themselves the progress that had been achieved under communism. Mirza did not have the best time on his trip. At some point during the carefully curated Soviet tour, he started asking questions about “the Communists”: “What kind of rights do they have in the Soviet state? Do party members and nonmembers have a similar lifestyle? Are there any Communists who believe in God? What happens to religious people in this country? Do children of party members and of nonmembers get along?”1 Mirza did not receive satisfying answers to his questions. He was then relieved of his cash when someone stole the equivalent of 800 USD in Soviet, Turkish, Syrian, and Jordanian currency, which the man had brought with him. At the end of his less than stellar trip, ‘Abbas Mirza told the Soviet organizers: “I regret deeply that I traveled
1968年,约旦人阿巴斯·米尔扎访问了苏俄山区自治共和国卡巴尔迪尼奥·巴尔卡里亚。他是卡巴迪(东契尔喀)后裔,他的祖先在19世纪末移民到奥斯曼帝国。他是第一批海外切尔克斯人之一,事实上,也是自苏联统治开始以来被允许进入北高加索的任何外国人之一。苏联当局邀请他的家人访问卡巴尔迪尼奥·巴尔卡里亚,亲眼目睹在共产主义统治下取得的进步。米尔扎在旅途中并没有度过最好的时光。在精心策划的苏联之旅中的某个时刻,他开始问关于“共产党人”的问题:“他们在苏联国家有什么样的权利?党员和非党员有相似的生活方式吗?有没有相信上帝的共产党人?这个国家的宗教人士会发生什么?党员的孩子和非党员的孩子相处得好吗?”米尔扎的问题没有得到令人满意的答案。当有人偷走了该男子随身携带的相当于800美元的苏联、土耳其、叙利亚和约旦货币时,他松了一口气。阿巴斯·米尔扎(Abbas Mirza)在他不太出色的旅行结束时告诉苏联组织者:“我对自己的旅行深感遗憾
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引用次数: 0
Telling Russian History through Things 通过事物讲述俄罗斯历史
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1353/kri.2023.a904389
Julie Hessler
Historians of the Soviet era have a distinctive relationship to written texts. On the one hand, many texts produced by the Soviet state and its citizens are assumed to be tainted by censorship, self-censorship, and outright falsification. On the other hand, the opening of the archives after the Soviet collapse provided historians with such a rich trove of new or underutilized documents that we have been slow to incorporate nonwritten sources into our research programs. Material culture as a constellation of methods (often informed by anthropology), as a variety of source material, and as a subject of analysis remained to the side of the Soviet field’s preoccupations with politics and empire for many years. It seemed the province of prerevolutionary Russian historians, especially scholars working in a quantitative
苏联时代的历史学家与书面文本有着独特的关系。一方面,苏联国家及其公民制作的许多文本被认为受到审查、自我审查和彻底伪造的影响。另一方面,苏联解体后档案馆的开放为历史学家提供了大量新的或未充分利用的文件,以至于我们在将非书面资料纳入研究计划方面进展缓慢。物质文化作为一组方法(通常由人类学提供信息),作为各种原始材料,作为一个分析主题,多年来一直处于苏联领域对政治和帝国的关注之中。这似乎是进化前的俄罗斯历史学家的领域,尤其是从事定量研究的学者
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引用次数: 0
Japanese Modernity from the Siberian Silo 从西伯利亚筒仓看日本的现代性
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1353/kri.2023.a904390
E. Pulford
The idea that there are pairs of countries whose identities and geopolitical standings have emerged in dialogue with one another is an appealing one. Be it England and France, Brazil and Argentina, Egypt and Saudi Arabia, or numerous other examples including Russia and China (covered in my own work), various dyads of counterpart, rival, or partner nations appear to have had outsized influence on one another’s sense of place in the world, and only sometimes because of footballing grudges. Among such examples, Russia and Japan seem a decidedly odd couple in the international arena. Anthropologists or social historians would struggle to identify two more different places at the level of culture, politics, or society: aside from having unrelated linguistic and religious traditions, one state promotes a self-image based on continental vastness—a trait the current Russian president has doubled down on by invading Ukraine— while the other, at least today, is identified with the insular particularism of the “island nation” (shimaguni). At a more granular level, each society also approaches institutionalization and formality very differently, something illustrated by the tumultuous recent history of the Sakhalin–Hokkaido passenger ferry, suspended since 2018 amid repeated clashes between incompatible bureaucracies.
有些国家的身份和地缘政治地位是在彼此的对话中显现出来的,这种想法很有吸引力。无论是英格兰和法国、巴西和阿根廷、埃及和沙特阿拉伯,还是包括俄罗斯和中国在内的众多其他例子(在我自己的著作中有涉及),不同的对手、竞争对手或伙伴国家似乎对彼此在世界上的地位感产生了巨大的影响,只是有时是因为足球方面的怨恨。在这样的例子中,俄罗斯和日本在国际舞台上显然是一对奇怪的夫妇。人类学家或社会历史学家将很难在文化、政治或社会层面上识别出两个不同的地方:除了语言和宗教传统不相关之外,一个国家宣扬一种基于广袤大陆的自我形象——这是现任俄罗斯总统通过入侵乌克兰而加倍强调的特征——而另一个国家,至少在今天,被认为是“岛国”(shimaguni)的狭隘特殊主义。在更细微的层面上,每个社会对待制度化和形式主义的方式也非常不同,萨哈林-北海道客运渡轮最近的动荡历史就说明了这一点,该渡轮自2018年以来因不相容的官僚机构之间的反复冲突而停运。
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引用次数: 0
Against Empires and Wars: Exiles, Escapees, Artists, and Communists between Russia and Japan 反帝国与战争:俄日之间的流亡者、逃亡者、艺术家和共产主义者
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1353/kri.2023.a904388
S. Muminov
In his 1894 essay “Patriotism and Christianity,” Lev Tolstoi proclaimed, “in all history there is no war which was not hatched by the governments, the governments alone, independent of the interests of the people, to whom war is always pernicious even when successful.”1 The link between empire and war that the great writer emphasized explains, perhaps, the preoccupation with conflict in the histories of Russo-Japanese relations. These accounts have largely followed the ebb and flow of geopolitical rivalry and military confrontation between the two nations. Surveying the period from the mid-19th century unequal treaties that pried open Japan to global trade, to the 1875 Treaty of St. Petersburg that delineated Russian and Japanese spheres of influence in East Asia, to Japan’s earth-shattering victory over Russia in 1905 and the USSR’s revanche 40 years later, historians have tended to portray Russo-Japanese entanglements as one long struggle for domination in East Asia. The Russo-Japanese War, the most fateful of
列夫·托尔斯泰在1894年的文章《爱国主义与基督教》中宣称,“在所有历史上,没有一场战争不是由政府策划的,是独立于人民利益的政府,对人民来说,即使战争成功了,战争也总是有害的。”1这位伟大作家强调的帝国与战争之间的联系或许可以解释,日俄关系史上对冲突的关注。这些报道在很大程度上是在两国地缘政治竞争和军事对抗的起伏之后发表的。考察了从19世纪中期为日本开放全球贸易的不平等条约,到1875年划定俄罗斯和日本在东亚势力范围的《圣彼得堡条约》,再到1905年日本对俄罗斯的惊天动地的胜利,以及40年后苏联的复兴,历史学家倾向于将日俄的纠葛描绘成一场争夺东亚统治权的长期斗争。日俄战争
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引用次数: 0
Thinking North-South, and a New Call for Papers 南北思维,新征文
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1353/kri.2023.a904382
Mikhail Dolbilov, M. Akulov, N. Chernyshova, Vladimir Hamed‐Troyansky, J. Pickett, S. Muminov, Julie Hessler, E. Pulford, Nataliya Kibita, A. Iandolo, Gregory Afinogenov
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引用次数: 0
The Watchmaker: Entangled Histories of Eurasia's 19th Century Viewed through the Prism of a Traveler's Odyssey 钟表匠:从旅行者奥德赛的棱镜看欧亚大陆19世纪错综复杂的历史
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1353/kri.2023.a904387
James B Pickett
So began the Cossack soldier’s debriefing in the year 1859, when he had just made it back to Orenburg after more than a decade of captivity in Central Asia.2 The Russian military in Orenburg had taken a special interest in Gordeev and other former prisoners because they all had extensive, firsthand knowledge of the Central Asian polities Russia would defeat in less than a decade.3 Beyond the military intel about troublesome neighbors, the Russian officer’s interest was also piqued by Gordeev’s narrative about a European prisoner in Central Asia: Giovanni, an Italian watchmaker whose journey into Persian-speaking territories began in Tehran and
1859年,当哥萨克士兵在中亚被囚禁了十多年后,刚刚回到奥伦堡时,他的汇报开始了。2奥伦堡的俄罗斯军队对戈捷夫和其他前俘虏特别感兴趣,因为他们都对俄罗斯将在不到十年的时间内击败的中亚政治有广泛的第一手知识除了关于麻烦邻国的军事情报外,这位俄罗斯军官的兴趣还被戈尔迪夫关于中亚一名欧洲囚犯的叙述所激发:乔瓦尼,一名意大利钟表匠,他进入波斯语地区的旅程始于德黑兰和伊朗
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KRITIKA-EXPLORATIONS IN RUSSIAN AND EURASIAN HISTORY
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