{"title":"Gulag Medical Releases: A Response to Stephen G. Wheatcroft","authors":"M. Nakonechnyi","doi":"10.1353/kri.2022.0063","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/kri.2022.0063","url":null,"abstract":"longer occur in the camp and","PeriodicalId":45639,"journal":{"name":"KRITIKA-EXPLORATIONS IN RUSSIAN AND EURASIAN HISTORY","volume":"23 1","pages":"873 - 898"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46023523","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Hippies and Soviet Liminality","authors":"A. Golubev","doi":"10.1353/kri.2022.0054","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/kri.2022.0054","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45639,"journal":{"name":"KRITIKA-EXPLORATIONS IN RUSSIAN AND EURASIAN HISTORY","volume":"23 1","pages":"936 - 940"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45533933","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Interview with Ronald Grigor Suny","authors":"R. Suny","doi":"10.1353/kri.2022.0061","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/kri.2022.0061","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45639,"journal":{"name":"KRITIKA-EXPLORATIONS IN RUSSIAN AND EURASIAN HISTORY","volume":"23 1","pages":"693 - 702"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41992617","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Game Over? Russia’s Conquest of Central Asia Reconsidered","authors":"David Schimmelpenninck van der Oye","doi":"10.1353/kri.2022.0046","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/kri.2022.0046","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45639,"journal":{"name":"KRITIKA-EXPLORATIONS IN RUSSIAN AND EURASIAN HISTORY","volume":"23 1","pages":"641 - 658"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44747241","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Among the new directions in the study of secret police archives in Russia and Eastern Europe, we notice an emerging preoccupation with the visual. This article is part of a research effort to grapple with the long-overlooked visual aspects of secret police archives, with a particular attention to film. It investigates the entanglement of policing and cinema in their uses of visual identification strategies, with a focus on the relationship between the mug shot and the close-up. I argue that in grappling with the visual aspects of the secret police archives, we are missing the point if we just look at the images themselves. These images were embedded in particular ways of seeing, deciphering, and interpreting, which they were further tasked to teach their viewers through what I designate as their visual pedagogy. The main concern of this visual pedagogy was to teach citizens how to look at and, I will argue, through each other to see the “hostile elements” hiding behind apparently innocent faces. The litmus test of this visual pedagogy was the face, and cinema and policing collaborated in teaching citizens to distrust visual appearances and see through the internal enemies hiding in their midst. Without identifying and understanding this visual pedagogy, we run the risk of seeing only the tip of the iceberg of these visual collections. The bibliography on the visual aspects of secret police archives is still limited, but it is growing. Some highlights are the online Hidden Galleries created by a team of researchers headed by James Kapaló, as well as the related exhibits and exhibit catalogue; the online exhibit Beauty in Hell: Culture in the Gulag, organized by Andrea Gullotta and The Hunterian; Tatiana Vagramenko’s work on the visual records produced by the secret police during surveillance and investigation of religious groups; Aglaya Glebova’s short but provocative article “A Visual History of the Gulag in Ten Theses”; and
{"title":"The Mug Shot and the Close-Up: Identification and Visual Pedagogy in Secret Police Film","authors":"Cristina Vatulescu","doi":"10.1353/kri.2022.0041","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/kri.2022.0041","url":null,"abstract":"Among the new directions in the study of secret police archives in Russia and Eastern Europe, we notice an emerging preoccupation with the visual. This article is part of a research effort to grapple with the long-overlooked visual aspects of secret police archives, with a particular attention to film. It investigates the entanglement of policing and cinema in their uses of visual identification strategies, with a focus on the relationship between the mug shot and the close-up. I argue that in grappling with the visual aspects of the secret police archives, we are missing the point if we just look at the images themselves. These images were embedded in particular ways of seeing, deciphering, and interpreting, which they were further tasked to teach their viewers through what I designate as their visual pedagogy. The main concern of this visual pedagogy was to teach citizens how to look at and, I will argue, through each other to see the “hostile elements” hiding behind apparently innocent faces. The litmus test of this visual pedagogy was the face, and cinema and policing collaborated in teaching citizens to distrust visual appearances and see through the internal enemies hiding in their midst. Without identifying and understanding this visual pedagogy, we run the risk of seeing only the tip of the iceberg of these visual collections. The bibliography on the visual aspects of secret police archives is still limited, but it is growing. Some highlights are the online Hidden Galleries created by a team of researchers headed by James Kapaló, as well as the related exhibits and exhibit catalogue; the online exhibit Beauty in Hell: Culture in the Gulag, organized by Andrea Gullotta and The Hunterian; Tatiana Vagramenko’s work on the visual records produced by the secret police during surveillance and investigation of religious groups; Aglaya Glebova’s short but provocative article “A Visual History of the Gulag in Ten Theses”; and","PeriodicalId":45639,"journal":{"name":"KRITIKA-EXPLORATIONS IN RUSSIAN AND EURASIAN HISTORY","volume":"23 1","pages":"523 - 551"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42311948","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
By the time Nikolai Kovalchuk was removed from service in 1954, he had worked in the Soviet secret police for over 20 years. He had served not only in Soviet Russia and Ukraine but also in the Baltic states soon after they were annexed to the Soviet Union and the People’s Commissariat of Internal Affairs (NKVD) adviser apparatus in Poland and Germany after World War II. Born in Kiev in 1902, Kovalchuk had completed only two years of high school before joining a local militia. He served in the Red Army between November 1926 and April 1932. While in the Red Army, he joined the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in November 1927 at the age of 25, after the defeat of Lev Trotskii had cemented Iosif Stalin as sole dictator of the Soviet Union. He was one of the hundreds of thousands of new, young recruits who entered the party between 1924 and 1928, when it expanded from 472,000 to 1,304,471 members.1 He was recruited to the NKVD from the Red Army in April 1932; there, from 1936, he was promoted rapidly in the ranks during the campaigns of mass violence known as the Great Terror. During World War II, he served in military intelligence on the Fourth Ukrainian Front and attained the rank of lieutenant general. From 1945, he was moved from country to country to oversee security operations in territories newly annexed to, or increasingly under the influence of, the Soviet Union. He served as chief NKVD adviser in Soviet-occupied Germany (August 1946–August 1949) and Poland (June
{"title":"The Soviets Abroad: The NKVD, Intelligence, and State Building in East-Central Europe after World War II","authors":"Molly Pucci","doi":"10.1353/kri.2022.0042","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/kri.2022.0042","url":null,"abstract":"By the time Nikolai Kovalchuk was removed from service in 1954, he had worked in the Soviet secret police for over 20 years. He had served not only in Soviet Russia and Ukraine but also in the Baltic states soon after they were annexed to the Soviet Union and the People’s Commissariat of Internal Affairs (NKVD) adviser apparatus in Poland and Germany after World War II. Born in Kiev in 1902, Kovalchuk had completed only two years of high school before joining a local militia. He served in the Red Army between November 1926 and April 1932. While in the Red Army, he joined the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in November 1927 at the age of 25, after the defeat of Lev Trotskii had cemented Iosif Stalin as sole dictator of the Soviet Union. He was one of the hundreds of thousands of new, young recruits who entered the party between 1924 and 1928, when it expanded from 472,000 to 1,304,471 members.1 He was recruited to the NKVD from the Red Army in April 1932; there, from 1936, he was promoted rapidly in the ranks during the campaigns of mass violence known as the Great Terror. During World War II, he served in military intelligence on the Fourth Ukrainian Front and attained the rank of lieutenant general. From 1945, he was moved from country to country to oversee security operations in territories newly annexed to, or increasingly under the influence of, the Soviet Union. He served as chief NKVD adviser in Soviet-occupied Germany (August 1946–August 1949) and Poland (June","PeriodicalId":45639,"journal":{"name":"KRITIKA-EXPLORATIONS IN RUSSIAN AND EURASIAN HISTORY","volume":"23 1","pages":"553 - 580"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48498304","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
in and It together recent debates in history, sociology, memory cultural and and draws on an impressive variety of a century and from to to In addition to the literature in Russian, it also draws on detailed and important German-language case studies that other Anglophone historians of have often neglected.
{"title":"War Monuments and the Transformation of Russian Memorial Culture in the Long 20th Century","authors":"Mischa Gabowitsch","doi":"10.1353/kri.2022.0048","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/kri.2022.0048","url":null,"abstract":"in and It together recent debates in history, sociology, memory cultural and and draws on an impressive variety of a century and from to to In addition to the literature in Russian, it also draws on detailed and important German-language case studies that other Anglophone historians of have often neglected.","PeriodicalId":45639,"journal":{"name":"KRITIKA-EXPLORATIONS IN RUSSIAN AND EURASIAN HISTORY","volume":"23 1","pages":"675 - 684"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44147804","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Women’s International Democratic Federation, the Global South and the Cold War is the first comprehensive study of the WIDF. The organization was founded in Paris, in 1945, and for decades, it had been cast as an agent of the Soviet Union. Among the reasons for this characterization were the role of the Komitet sovetskikh zhenshchin (Committee of Soviet Women, KSZh) in its creation and leadership, and its vocal criticism of US foreign policy and comparative leniency toward Soviet militarism. The US government went so far as to declare the Federation a “foreign agent,” to disband its US member organization, the Congress of American Women, and to place the WIDF under Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) surveillance. Historians, meanwhile, assumed that “organizations that were communist could not have been feminist”—whether state socialist ones like the KSZh or ones with leftist proclivities like the WIDF.1 It did not help that they avoided calling themselves “feminist,” believing that this signaled too narrow a focus on individual rights and equality of opportunity. In her intervention into the “rediscovery” (193) of the WIDF, Gradskova follows several recent developments in gender history. One of these has established that the Federation was a feminist organization and was far from monolithic in its ideas and membership.2 Another strand of research has been detailing the opportunities that participation in state socialist organizations
{"title":"Feminist in Actions if Not Name","authors":"Christine Varga-Harris","doi":"10.1353/kri.2022.0049","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/kri.2022.0049","url":null,"abstract":"The Women’s International Democratic Federation, the Global South and the Cold War is the first comprehensive study of the WIDF. The organization was founded in Paris, in 1945, and for decades, it had been cast as an agent of the Soviet Union. Among the reasons for this characterization were the role of the Komitet sovetskikh zhenshchin (Committee of Soviet Women, KSZh) in its creation and leadership, and its vocal criticism of US foreign policy and comparative leniency toward Soviet militarism. The US government went so far as to declare the Federation a “foreign agent,” to disband its US member organization, the Congress of American Women, and to place the WIDF under Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) surveillance. Historians, meanwhile, assumed that “organizations that were communist could not have been feminist”—whether state socialist ones like the KSZh or ones with leftist proclivities like the WIDF.1 It did not help that they avoided calling themselves “feminist,” believing that this signaled too narrow a focus on individual rights and equality of opportunity. In her intervention into the “rediscovery” (193) of the WIDF, Gradskova follows several recent developments in gender history. One of these has established that the Federation was a feminist organization and was far from monolithic in its ideas and membership.2 Another strand of research has been detailing the opportunities that participation in state socialist organizations","PeriodicalId":45639,"journal":{"name":"KRITIKA-EXPLORATIONS IN RUSSIAN AND EURASIAN HISTORY","volume":"23 1","pages":"685 - 689"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46222952","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Soviet secret police made a habit of photographing their targets and visually capturing what was meant to be evidence of their crimes. “The improvement of photography opens up a diversity of new opportunities for its use in criminal investigation, both for the fixation of a crime scene and for undertaking the most complicated investigation, otherwise impossible to realize by other means,” states a 1935 textbook on Soviet criminalistics.1 Soviet police manuals carefully elaborated the use of photography in crime investigation, instructing how to produce photographs of criminals and how to capture scenes and traces of crime: murdered body, arson, firearm traces, blood, sperm, footprints, cigarette butts, and so on. Police photo labs produced mug shots of suspects in custody, while field officers took photos of crime scenes and criminal evidence in addition to relevant shots in Committee for State Security (KGB) prisons and courts.2 The KGB also used photography
{"title":"KGB Photography Experimentation: Turning Religion into Organized Crime","authors":"Tatiana Vagramenko","doi":"10.1353/kri.2022.0040","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/kri.2022.0040","url":null,"abstract":"The Soviet secret police made a habit of photographing their targets and visually capturing what was meant to be evidence of their crimes. “The improvement of photography opens up a diversity of new opportunities for its use in criminal investigation, both for the fixation of a crime scene and for undertaking the most complicated investigation, otherwise impossible to realize by other means,” states a 1935 textbook on Soviet criminalistics.1 Soviet police manuals carefully elaborated the use of photography in crime investigation, instructing how to produce photographs of criminals and how to capture scenes and traces of crime: murdered body, arson, firearm traces, blood, sperm, footprints, cigarette butts, and so on. Police photo labs produced mug shots of suspects in custody, while field officers took photos of crime scenes and criminal evidence in addition to relevant shots in Committee for State Security (KGB) prisons and courts.2 The KGB also used photography","PeriodicalId":45639,"journal":{"name":"KRITIKA-EXPLORATIONS IN RUSSIAN AND EURASIAN HISTORY","volume":"23 1","pages":"493 - 522"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46109140","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In late 2020, newspapers across America published worrying reports about ongoing Russian attacks on the United States.1 The narrative was confusing. No soldier fired a gun. No missile was launched. No spy was dragged away in handcuffs. Some of the forces involved did not even bear national markings. Instead, American citizens were informed that “Cozy Bear” slipped around the defenses of Solar Winds and compromised FireEye. Most of the relevant details were closely guarded national security secrets, but even the publicly available details were too complex for most to understand. Nevertheless, reporters and government officials had a language with which to communicate these events to readers. This was hacking, or a cyberattack, or a “violation of cybersecurity,” or an instance of “information warfare.”2 The notion of cyberthreats
{"title":"Cybernetics and Surveillance: The Secret Police Enter the Computer Age","authors":"Joshua A. Sanborn","doi":"10.1353/kri.2022.0044","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/kri.2022.0044","url":null,"abstract":"In late 2020, newspapers across America published worrying reports about ongoing Russian attacks on the United States.1 The narrative was confusing. No soldier fired a gun. No missile was launched. No spy was dragged away in handcuffs. Some of the forces involved did not even bear national markings. Instead, American citizens were informed that “Cozy Bear” slipped around the defenses of Solar Winds and compromised FireEye. Most of the relevant details were closely guarded national security secrets, but even the publicly available details were too complex for most to understand. Nevertheless, reporters and government officials had a language with which to communicate these events to readers. This was hacking, or a cyberattack, or a “violation of cybersecurity,” or an instance of “information warfare.”2 The notion of cyberthreats","PeriodicalId":45639,"journal":{"name":"KRITIKA-EXPLORATIONS IN RUSSIAN AND EURASIAN HISTORY","volume":"23 1","pages":"605 - 628"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41691743","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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