Pub Date : 2023-06-01DOI: 10.1353/kri.2023.a904391
Nataliya Kibita
The place and role of the Soviet passport and the passport system in shaping Soviet state and society have not escaped the attention of scholars.1 Albert Baiburin’s new monograph, The Soviet Passport, builds on the existing knowledge and, by placing the Soviet passport in the center of a historical and anthropological investigation, takes the discussion further. The Soviet Passport examines the evolution of the content of the Soviet passport and passport system from the Russian Empire until the post-Soviet period, explains how the Soviet passport system worked officially and unofficially, and discusses how the passport and its content affected people’s lives. The book consists of three sections. The first section is focused on the passport system as an instrument of social engineering. Here Baiburin discusses why the Bolsheviks, after having abolished the Russian passport system in November 1917, restored the passport in 1932. He shows that in many respects, the Soviet passport was similar to the Russian imperial one, and not only in content. Both aimed to control freedom of movement, strengthen the social structure, and ensure that the population paid its dues to the state (through taxes before 1917 and serfdom until 1861 and military or kolkhoz service after 1932). But the Soviet passport system differed from the pre-1917 Russian passport in that it was conceived as a tool of oppressive control and to conceal the economic failures of the Soviet
{"title":"Engineering Soviet Society with Passports","authors":"Nataliya Kibita","doi":"10.1353/kri.2023.a904391","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/kri.2023.a904391","url":null,"abstract":"The place and role of the Soviet passport and the passport system in shaping Soviet state and society have not escaped the attention of scholars.1 Albert Baiburin’s new monograph, The Soviet Passport, builds on the existing knowledge and, by placing the Soviet passport in the center of a historical and anthropological investigation, takes the discussion further. The Soviet Passport examines the evolution of the content of the Soviet passport and passport system from the Russian Empire until the post-Soviet period, explains how the Soviet passport system worked officially and unofficially, and discusses how the passport and its content affected people’s lives. The book consists of three sections. The first section is focused on the passport system as an instrument of social engineering. Here Baiburin discusses why the Bolsheviks, after having abolished the Russian passport system in November 1917, restored the passport in 1932. He shows that in many respects, the Soviet passport was similar to the Russian imperial one, and not only in content. Both aimed to control freedom of movement, strengthen the social structure, and ensure that the population paid its dues to the state (through taxes before 1917 and serfdom until 1861 and military or kolkhoz service after 1932). But the Soviet passport system differed from the pre-1917 Russian passport in that it was conceived as a tool of oppressive control and to conceal the economic failures of the Soviet","PeriodicalId":45639,"journal":{"name":"KRITIKA-EXPLORATIONS IN RUSSIAN AND EURASIAN HISTORY","volume":"51 4","pages":"681 - 686"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41315868","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-01DOI: 10.1353/kri.2023.a904384
M. Akulov
In November 1917, Der Neue Orient, the official organ of the German Intelligence Bureau for the East, published a piece in support of the national movements in revolutionary Russia. Along with the promotion of enfranchisement (Menschenrechte), the mobilization of the non-Russian peoples could, it hoped, engender geopolitical rearrangements altering for the better the course of events in the world and also Germany’s position in it. “The non-Russians [Fremdvölker] ... surround the actual area inhabited by the Great Russians as a mighty ring. Every attempt at expansion undertaken by the Russians would have to pass through the resistance of the people on the periphery of the federation.... The arm grabbing across the border will [thus] be permanently exposed to the risk of being severed from the Russian body.” Liberated, self-conscious, and politically empowered, the national autonomies and sovereignties (Verselbständigung) would absorb the shock of Russia’s imperial thrust before it acquired threatening proportions.1
1917年11月，德国东部情报局的官方机关报《东方新报》(Der Neue Orient)发表了一篇文章，支持革命俄国的民族运动。它希望，在促进公民权的同时，动员非俄罗斯民族可以引起地缘政治的重新安排，使世界事件的进程以及德国在其中的地位朝着更好的方向改变。“非俄罗斯人[Fremdvölker]……围绕着大俄罗斯人居住的地区，形成一个巨大的圆环。俄国人的每一次扩张企图都必须经过联邦外围人民的抵抗....越过边境的手臂将(因此)永远面临着与俄罗斯身体分离的风险。”解放，自我意识和政治权力，民族自治和主权(Verselbständigung)将吸收俄罗斯帝国的冲击之前，它获得威胁的比例
{"title":"Weaponizing Self-Determination in 1918: Crimea as \"German Riviera\" and Tatar National State","authors":"M. Akulov","doi":"10.1353/kri.2023.a904384","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/kri.2023.a904384","url":null,"abstract":"In November 1917, Der Neue Orient, the official organ of the German Intelligence Bureau for the East, published a piece in support of the national movements in revolutionary Russia. Along with the promotion of enfranchisement (Menschenrechte), the mobilization of the non-Russian peoples could, it hoped, engender geopolitical rearrangements altering for the better the course of events in the world and also Germany’s position in it. “The non-Russians [Fremdvölker] ... surround the actual area inhabited by the Great Russians as a mighty ring. Every attempt at expansion undertaken by the Russians would have to pass through the resistance of the people on the periphery of the federation.... The arm grabbing across the border will [thus] be permanently exposed to the risk of being severed from the Russian body.” Liberated, self-conscious, and politically empowered, the national autonomies and sovereignties (Verselbständigung) would absorb the shock of Russia’s imperial thrust before it acquired threatening proportions.1","PeriodicalId":45639,"journal":{"name":"KRITIKA-EXPLORATIONS IN RUSSIAN AND EURASIAN HISTORY","volume":"24 1","pages":"505 - 544"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42747842","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-01DOI: 10.1353/kri.2023.a904383
Mikhail Dolbilov
{"title":"Royal Illness, Professionalized Loyalty: The Wife of Alexander II under Count Aleksandr Adlerberg's Care","authors":"Mikhail Dolbilov","doi":"10.1353/kri.2023.a904383","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/kri.2023.a904383","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45639,"journal":{"name":"KRITIKA-EXPLORATIONS IN RUSSIAN AND EURASIAN HISTORY","volume":"24 1","pages":"469 - 503"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42171459","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-01DOI: 10.1353/kri.2023.a904385
N. Chernyshova
The 2020 mass protests in Belarus have been remarkable for bringing to the fore a shared sense of national community that many scholars and observers thought missing among Belarusians. Belarus has been described as “a denationalized nation” and the most Soviet of the 15 republics, with a weak or indifferent sense of ethnic identity.1 Others, however, observe that the process of Belarusian identity formation is incomplete but ongoing, with several competing national identities, each drawing on different foundation myths.2 The Belarusian process of national renaissance during
{"title":"Between Soviet and Ethnic: Cultural Policies and National Identity Building in Soviet Belarus under Petr Masherau, 1965–80","authors":"N. Chernyshova","doi":"10.1353/kri.2023.a904385","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/kri.2023.a904385","url":null,"abstract":"The 2020 mass protests in Belarus have been remarkable for bringing to the fore a shared sense of national community that many scholars and observers thought missing among Belarusians. Belarus has been described as “a denationalized nation” and the most Soviet of the 15 republics, with a weak or indifferent sense of ethnic identity.1 Others, however, observe that the process of Belarusian identity formation is incomplete but ongoing, with several competing national identities, each drawing on different foundation myths.2 The Belarusian process of national renaissance during","PeriodicalId":45639,"journal":{"name":"KRITIKA-EXPLORATIONS IN RUSSIAN AND EURASIAN HISTORY","volume":"24 1","pages":"545 - 584"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48646093","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The tenure of L. A. Perovskii in the Ministry of the Interior (1841–52) witnessed a growing interest by the tsarist government in the collection of information about the Old Believers, the traditionalist Orthodox Christians who rejected the church reforms introduced under Patriarch Nikon in the 17th century. Perovskii’s policies have been well described by Thomas Marsden in his book on religious toleration in 19th-century Russia. Marsden sees Perovskii’s approach as marking a new stage in government policy toward the Schism. By stressing its political significance and depicting it as a potential threat to the security of the state, Perovskii laid the basis for the policies of his successor, D. G. Bibikov, who in 1853–55 embarked on a campaign of harsh repression of Old Belief.1 Marsden identifies three main areas in which Old Belief was found to be a political threat in the mid-19th century. First, in 1846 the priested Old Believers (popovtsy) established an episcopate in Austrian Belaia Krinitsa which could ordain priests for their community in Russia, thereby evading the restrictions on their acquisition of priests that had been imposed by the government of Nicholas I. Second, the community of priestless Old Believers (bezpopovtsy) based in the Preobrazhenskii Cemetery in Moscow was claimed to harbor antistatist elements who refused to pray for the tsar, while some of them even regarded the monarch as the Antichrist. And finally, in 1850 one of the fact-finding expeditions that Perovskii sent to the localities to collect information “discovered” in Iaroslavl ́ Province the sect of beguny (Runaways) or stranniki (Wanderers), whose identification of the tsar as Antichrist had led them to avoid all engagement with the state and its institutions, thereby committing acts that officialdom understandably
{"title":"The Castrates, the Specter of Pugachev, and Religious Policy under Nicholas I","authors":"Maureen Perrie","doi":"10.1353/kri.2023.0017","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/kri.2023.0017","url":null,"abstract":"The tenure of L. A. Perovskii in the Ministry of the Interior (1841–52) witnessed a growing interest by the tsarist government in the collection of information about the Old Believers, the traditionalist Orthodox Christians who rejected the church reforms introduced under Patriarch Nikon in the 17th century. Perovskii’s policies have been well described by Thomas Marsden in his book on religious toleration in 19th-century Russia. Marsden sees Perovskii’s approach as marking a new stage in government policy toward the Schism. By stressing its political significance and depicting it as a potential threat to the security of the state, Perovskii laid the basis for the policies of his successor, D. G. Bibikov, who in 1853–55 embarked on a campaign of harsh repression of Old Belief.1 Marsden identifies three main areas in which Old Belief was found to be a political threat in the mid-19th century. First, in 1846 the priested Old Believers (popovtsy) established an episcopate in Austrian Belaia Krinitsa which could ordain priests for their community in Russia, thereby evading the restrictions on their acquisition of priests that had been imposed by the government of Nicholas I. Second, the community of priestless Old Believers (bezpopovtsy) based in the Preobrazhenskii Cemetery in Moscow was claimed to harbor antistatist elements who refused to pray for the tsar, while some of them even regarded the monarch as the Antichrist. And finally, in 1850 one of the fact-finding expeditions that Perovskii sent to the localities to collect information “discovered” in Iaroslavl ́ Province the sect of beguny (Runaways) or stranniki (Wanderers), whose identification of the tsar as Antichrist had led them to avoid all engagement with the state and its institutions, thereby committing acts that officialdom understandably","PeriodicalId":45639,"journal":{"name":"KRITIKA-EXPLORATIONS IN RUSSIAN AND EURASIAN HISTORY","volume":"24 1","pages":"299 - 320"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48661369","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In recent years, we have seen a surge in research on Soviet cybernetics. Drawing on some earlier studies and Slava Gerovitch’s seminal From Newspeak to Cyberspeak, researchers have substantiated the role of cybernetics as a key element in late Soviet epistemology.1 During the Thaw, cybernetics became an “intellectual, technical, and institutional resource for innovation and change” and one of the cornerstones of socialist governance.2 Through the computerization of economic planning and the production process, the government hoped to enhance the quality of decision making in various fields. In architecture, cybernetic modeling became one means for planning and designing the new Soviet city.3 In the humanities, cybernetics was a vital component for establishing the “Soviet Empire of Signs” and for the introduction of statistical methods in linguistics, art, and historiography.4 In environmental studies, cybernetic methods were
近年来，我们看到对苏联控制论的研究激增。根据一些早期的研究和斯拉瓦·格罗维奇(Slava Gerovitch)的开创性著作《从新话到网络话》(From Newspeak to Cyberspeak)，研究人员证实了控制论在苏联晚期认识论中的关键作用在解冻时期，控制论成为“创新和变革的智力、技术和制度资源”，是社会主义治理的基石之一通过经济计划和生产过程的计算机化，政府希望提高各个领域的决策质量。在建筑方面，控制论模型成为规划和设计新苏联城市的一种手段在人文学科中，控制论是建立“苏维埃符号帝国”以及在语言学、艺术和史学中引入统计方法的重要组成部分在环境研究中，控制论方法是
{"title":"The Cultural and Political Imaginary of Cybernetic Socialism","authors":"Clemens Günther","doi":"10.1353/kri.2023.0018","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/kri.2023.0018","url":null,"abstract":"In recent years, we have seen a surge in research on Soviet cybernetics. Drawing on some earlier studies and Slava Gerovitch’s seminal From Newspeak to Cyberspeak, researchers have substantiated the role of cybernetics as a key element in late Soviet epistemology.1 During the Thaw, cybernetics became an “intellectual, technical, and institutional resource for innovation and change” and one of the cornerstones of socialist governance.2 Through the computerization of economic planning and the production process, the government hoped to enhance the quality of decision making in various fields. In architecture, cybernetic modeling became one means for planning and designing the new Soviet city.3 In the humanities, cybernetics was a vital component for establishing the “Soviet Empire of Signs” and for the introduction of statistical methods in linguistics, art, and historiography.4 In environmental studies, cybernetic methods were","PeriodicalId":45639,"journal":{"name":"KRITIKA-EXPLORATIONS IN RUSSIAN AND EURASIAN HISTORY","volume":"24 1","pages":"321 - 348"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44508188","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The kommunalka as a living arrangement particular to the Soviet Union appeals to researchers as much as it fascinates people who first come across this space with its complex rules and relationships. Its challenge to Western notions of private and public, the coexistence of fierce territoriality and intimate relationships in cramped quarters, which could elicit the whole range of emotions between inhabitants who often hailed from wildly diverging backgrounds and did not live together by choice, has turned the kommunalka into an allegory for the whole Soviet Union.1 As a metaphor, it has also been popular with scholars working on the multiethnic character of
{"title":"Close Quarters: Dealing with Difference in the (Post-)Soviet Realm","authors":"Maike Lehmann","doi":"10.1353/kri.2023.0021","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/kri.2023.0021","url":null,"abstract":"The kommunalka as a living arrangement particular to the Soviet Union appeals to researchers as much as it fascinates people who first come across this space with its complex rules and relationships. Its challenge to Western notions of private and public, the coexistence of fierce territoriality and intimate relationships in cramped quarters, which could elicit the whole range of emotions between inhabitants who often hailed from wildly diverging backgrounds and did not live together by choice, has turned the kommunalka into an allegory for the whole Soviet Union.1 As a metaphor, it has also been popular with scholars working on the multiethnic character of","PeriodicalId":45639,"journal":{"name":"KRITIKA-EXPLORATIONS IN RUSSIAN AND EURASIAN HISTORY","volume":"24 1","pages":"391 - 402"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45064970","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"\"A Sixth Part of the World\": The Career of a Spatial Metaphor in Russia and the Soviet Union (1837–2021)","authors":"F. Schenk","doi":"10.1353/kri.2023.0019","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/kri.2023.0019","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45639,"journal":{"name":"KRITIKA-EXPLORATIONS IN RUSSIAN AND EURASIAN HISTORY","volume":"24 1","pages":"349 - 380"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42443996","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
According to conventional views, minorities became an issue in world politics only after the establishment of nation-states in East-Central Europe in the aftermath of World War I. Nonetheless, most recent scholarship tends to question the extent to which empires can “think” like nation-states— that is, pursue national consolidation via standardization of its diverse populations.1 Those newly formed governments in the region, meanwhile, are more often conceptualized as, using Roger Brubaker’s definition, nationalizing states, essentially “ethnically heterogeneous [states] yet conceived as nation-states.”2 In this theoretical debate, the Soviet Union
{"title":"The Making of Minorities on Europe's Periphery","authors":"Olena Palko","doi":"10.1353/kri.2023.0026","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/kri.2023.0026","url":null,"abstract":"According to conventional views, minorities became an issue in world politics only after the establishment of nation-states in East-Central Europe in the aftermath of World War I. Nonetheless, most recent scholarship tends to question the extent to which empires can “think” like nation-states— that is, pursue national consolidation via standardization of its diverse populations.1 Those newly formed governments in the region, meanwhile, are more often conceptualized as, using Roger Brubaker’s definition, nationalizing states, essentially “ethnically heterogeneous [states] yet conceived as nation-states.”2 In this theoretical debate, the Soviet Union","PeriodicalId":45639,"journal":{"name":"KRITIKA-EXPLORATIONS IN RUSSIAN AND EURASIAN HISTORY","volume":"24 1","pages":"445 - 450"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44116914","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
No less than by revolution, Russian history is haunted by the specter of roads not taken. Historians of late imperial Russia might seek to avoid teleological shadows cast by 1917, but the denouement of revolutionary collapse and violent civil war inevitably looms on the horizon of all attempts to explain what became of the Great Reforms. Why did the 1860s apparently fail to deliver the promise, cherished by Russian liberals, of a law-bound, constitutional order underpinned by individual rights and representative government, which would integrate the peasantry and the non-Russians into a cohesive and stable society and withstand the dislocations of rapid modernization and ultimately of World War I? And what did liberals themselves make of the opportunities afforded to them during the turbulent decades before 1917? Were they the hapless victims of historical forces beyond their control or the authors of their own political failure? Taken together, David Feest’s Ordnung schaffen, Stefan B. Kirmse’s
{"title":"Liberalism and the Law in Late Imperial Russia","authors":"D. Beer","doi":"10.1353/kri.2023.0023","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/kri.2023.0023","url":null,"abstract":"No less than by revolution, Russian history is haunted by the specter of roads not taken. Historians of late imperial Russia might seek to avoid teleological shadows cast by 1917, but the denouement of revolutionary collapse and violent civil war inevitably looms on the horizon of all attempts to explain what became of the Great Reforms. Why did the 1860s apparently fail to deliver the promise, cherished by Russian liberals, of a law-bound, constitutional order underpinned by individual rights and representative government, which would integrate the peasantry and the non-Russians into a cohesive and stable society and withstand the dislocations of rapid modernization and ultimately of World War I? And what did liberals themselves make of the opportunities afforded to them during the turbulent decades before 1917? Were they the hapless victims of historical forces beyond their control or the authors of their own political failure? Taken together, David Feest’s Ordnung schaffen, Stefan B. Kirmse’s","PeriodicalId":45639,"journal":{"name":"KRITIKA-EXPLORATIONS IN RUSSIAN AND EURASIAN HISTORY","volume":"24 1","pages":"412 - 424"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41653313","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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