International Journal of Law Crime and Justice最新文献

For decades, researchers have studied hate crimes against racial/ethnic minorities in the United States and, to a much lesser extent, Western countries. However, Asian countries have received much less attention despite the growing prevalence of hate crime due to increased immigration. This study aims to explore factors associated with the fear of hate crime and compare their effects on students and workers among racial/ethnic minorities in South Korea. The results showed that 5% of respondents and their family/friends had experienced hate crimes; while 65.41% expressed fear of hate crime. Among students, older individuals and those of Chinese ethnicity were more likely to fear hate crime, while male students and long-term residents were less likely to. Among workers, male, Chinese, the married, those with higher income, and Korean citizens were less likely to fear hate crimes. These findings carry important implications for addressing hate crime among racial/ethnic minorities in Asian countries.

Under the Police Act 1996, Special Police Services (SPS) allow the police in England and Wales to partially cost recover for resources deployed to police events such as football, horse racing and music festivals. Historically, there have been numerous legal cases about SPS charges involving police forces and event organisers. Most recently Ipswich Town Football Club Company Limited vs. The Chief Constable of Suffolk Constabulary [2017] EWCA Civ 1484, resulted in clarification on points of law and a more restricted area within which police forces can charge for SPS. This qualitative research interviews police officers engaged in policing football, football club representatives and other key stakeholders involved in the SPS negotiation process. It finds that there are divisive approaches by both parties, which can result in compromising public safety. The notion of SPS being abolished is explored, despite potential benefits of this, further research is recommended to examine this further.

China's public security and Western police differ significantly in their approaches to law enforcement, administrative power, and institutional structure. The former operates within a centralized and hierarchical framework and is characterized by extensive powers. In this article, we examine the impact of the “Cracking Down Illegal Cards” campaign on judicial decisions initiated and led by the highest-level organization of China's public security authorities, the Ministry of Public Security. The findings reveal an increase in convictions and a rise in judicial arbitrariness resulting from this campaign. This underscores the importance of comprehending China's political-legal system and proposes ways to improve the role of public security in social management.

This study aims to reveal the spatial and temporal distribution characteristics of sexual crimes in Haining city and the spatial relationship between them and urban commercial service facilities, so as to provide decision-making reference for the prevention and treatment of sexual crimes. Based on the data of 311 sexual crimes in the case management system of public security organs and the POI data of urban functional facilities in the community policing system, using methods such as nearest neighbor index, nuclear density estimation and Geodetector, the data from January 2014 to September 2021 are analyzed. The formation of the spatial pattern of sexual crimes is the result of the multiple factors, especially the distribution of KTVs, Internet cafes, hotels and other commercial service facilities. Sexual crimes will increase significantly in areas with mixed facilities. We put forward countermeasures and suggestions for the effective development of sexual crime rectification work in Haining.

Whilst much is known about the psychosocial correlates of rape myth beliefs regarding female victims, much less research has investigated factors that underlie male rape myth beliefs. The aim of this study was therefore to examine the role of victim empathy and socio-demographics upon male rape myth beliefs. 303 UK adults aged 18 to 74 (M Age = 31.48) completed the Male Rape Myth Scale (MRMS) and the None-in-Three Victim Responsiveness Assessment (NI3: VRA), alongside assessing socio-demographic characteristics (age, gender, ethnicity, education). Results reveal gender and ethnicity differences in affective victim-empathy sub-scales and overall male rape myth beliefs. Regression analyses determined that age, gender, ethnicity, and affective victim-empathy were significant predictors of male rape myth attitudes. The results have important implications for understanding those who are likely to believe falsehoods pertaining to male survivors of sexual victimisation and highlight the need for targeted educational intervention programmes among the UK public, including in their role as jurors.

Knowledge, attitudes and beliefs of police officers are important in shaping public opinion on the death penalty. However, there is a paucity of research in the Caribbean on police officers’ attitudes towards the death penalty and thus insufficient police scholarship on this topical issue. More specifically, there is a noticeable sparseness of scholarship on the death penalty using police recruits as proxies for such studies. As a result of this lacuna, the current study examined attitudes of police recruits towards the death penalty using a mixed-method approach to gather data on attitudes towards the death penalty as well as alternatives to the death penalty. Questionnaires were distributed to one hundred and seven individuals undergoing police recruit training at the Police Academy in Trinidad and Tobago. The data were distilled by gender, education level, marital status, and age range to determine attitudes towards the death penalty among the recruit population. The findings revealed: (1) high levels of support for the death penalty, (2) the death penalty is the most appropriate sentence for persons found guilty of murder, and (3) life imprisonment without the possibility of parole as the best alternative sentencing option to the death penalty. Three themes (consistent application of the death penalty, life imprisonment without parole, and murder only) emanated from the qualitative component of the instrument and these are discussed.

The purpose of this research is to examine the effect of family climate and childhood trauma on individuals with involvement in crime compared to individuals with no involvement in crime. The data were collected using a sociodemographic information form, the Family Climate Scale (FCS), and the Childhood Trauma Questionnaire (CTQ). FCS cognitive cohesion subscale scores were significantly lower in the case group than in the control group, while CTQ emotional abuse, physical neglect, emotional neglect, sexual abuse, and overprotection subscale, and total CTQ scores were significantly higher. Within that context, we recommend that interventions targeting the families of children and young people and other adults with whom they are in contact be prioritized in endeavors to prevent child delinquency and also chronic criminality persisting in adulthood.

Our study analyzes data from the Corporate Prosecution Registry of the University of Virginia School of Law and Duke University School of Law. This registry provides information on federal organizational prosecutions in the United States, including detailed information about every federal organizational prosecution since 2001, as well as deferred and non-prosecution agreements with organizations since 1990. We examine a subset of corporate violators, namely those who allegedly committed five types of fraud, namely, accounting fraud, mail fraud and wire fraud prosecutions, health care fraud, securities fraud, and tax fraud. We utilize the framework of bounded rationality of decision making to hypothesize that prosecutors are influenced by internal and external factors that affect the total penalties ultimately levied on corporate violators. Specifically, our results indicate that corporate penalties are significantly more likely to be lower when U.S. Department of Justice sections are involved in the prosecution and the company's country of incorporation has a Free Trade Agreement with the U.S. but significantly more likely to be higher when the violator is a U.S. public company.

Police use of force is a critical area of concern, in Canada, North America, and globally. Drawing on in-depth interviews with 40 Indigenous community members, this article provides insight into direct and vicarious experiences with police use of force. The research illustrates that most Indigenous respondents have experienced police use of force—either directly, vicariously, or both. Most of the experiences with police use of force involved physical types of encounters. In many cases, individuals were injured but did not receive medical attention. The findings underscore the variety of ways Indigenous peoples have experienced police use of force and how these encounters have had negative long-term impacts. Policy implications such as stronger accountability and reporting mechanisms for documenting use of force as well as the implementation of body-worn cameras for police are examined.

This paper questions whether the law is equipped to respond to the range of behaviours that characterise domestic abuse, especially those behaviours that are associated with coercion and control and, in particular, the disclosure of private sexual images to this end. A willingness to recognise notions of intimate terrorism and coercive control as an integral part of this gendered harm has now been embedded in our legislative regime through the enactment of s.76 Serious Crime Act. Alongside, s.33 Criminal Justice and Courts Act 2015 has criminalised so-called ‘revenge porn’ through prohibiting the disclosure of intimate sexual images. In this paper, I argue that neither of these offences truly reflect the experiences of women and both involve barriers to justice. In particular, I argue that, where coercion and the disclosure of private sexual images/threats to disclose the same, or other demeaning images coincide, the legal framework is particularly ill-equipped to respond.