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Iran's Trade with Neighbors: Sanctions’ Impact and the Alternatives 伊朗与邻国的贸易:制裁的影响和替代方案
IF 0.5 4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-12-09 DOI: 10.1111/mepo.12663
Mahjoob Zweiri, Nael Abusharar

This article investigates whether sanctions have changed or influenced Iran's trade patterns, focusing on neighboring countries. The study concentrates first on the United Arab Emirates (UAE), considered Iran's main regional partner. We hypothesize that the sanctions should have had a negative impact on Iran's trade with the UAE, as the latter cooperated with US policies toward the Islamic Republic. By contrast, sanctions were likely to positively influence its trade with Qatar. Indeed, the research shows that Iranian trade with Qatar increased significantly after 2017, while its trade with the UAE declined as a result of the measures adopted toward Iranian businesses in Dubai. However, the results also indicate that despite the UAE's anti-Iranian stance, the country still constitutes a major trading partner for the Islamic Republic, which is trying to mitigate the paralyzing impact of sanctions by developing trade relations with Qatar and other countries, such as Turkey.

本文以伊朗周边国家为研究对象,探讨制裁是否改变或影响了伊朗的贸易模式。这项研究首先关注的是被认为是伊朗主要地区伙伴的阿拉伯联合酋长国。我们假设制裁应该对伊朗与阿联酋的贸易产生负面影响,因为后者与美国对伊斯兰共和国的政策合作。相比之下,制裁可能会对其与卡塔尔的贸易产生积极影响。事实上,研究表明,2017年之后,伊朗与卡塔尔的贸易大幅增加,而由于对迪拜伊朗企业采取的措施,伊朗与阿联酋的贸易下降。然而,调查结果也表明,尽管阿联酋持反伊朗立场,但该国仍然是伊朗的主要贸易伙伴,伊朗正试图通过发展与卡塔尔和土耳其等其他国家的贸易关系,来减轻制裁带来的瘫痪影响。
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引用次数: 0
Defending Iran: From Revolutionary Guards to Ballistic Missiles, by Gawdat Bahgat and Anoushiravan Ehteshami. Cambridge University Press, 2021. 288 pages. $29.99, paper. 捍卫伊朗:从革命卫队到弹道导弹,作者:Gawdat Bahgat和Anoushiravan Ehteshami。剑桥大学出版社,2021年。288页。29.99美元,纸。
IF 0.5 4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-12-09 DOI: 10.1111/mepo.12666
Ahmed S. Hashim
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引用次数: 1
Toward Stable Civil-Military Relations in Sudan 迈向苏丹稳定的军民关系
IF 0.5 4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-12-08 DOI: 10.1111/mepo.12659
Majak D'Agoôt

The most dramatic of military interventions is the coup d’état, and the cyclical melodrama of putsches in Sudan has placed the country on a violent path. Perhaps a major reason for an irascible officer corps to plot coups is the lack of an effective contract binding the armed forces and society. This is keeping a chokehold on the country's progress, limiting its potential. In search of a better answer, revisiting the past cycle of military interventions is critically important. The recurrent mass actions and fleeting democratic transitions have exposed the bungling civilian leadership and defined the sociology in which Sudan's civil-military alchemy has fermented or gone bust. However, if the country had any concord among the military, the political leadership, and society, the risk of domestic military interventions would have been reduced, limiting the scourge of the power grab.

最具戏剧性的军事干预是苏丹的政变,而苏丹周期性的政变闹剧让这个国家走上了暴力的道路。也许一个暴躁的军官团体策划政变的主要原因是缺乏有效的合同来约束武装部队和社会。这阻碍了这个国家的进步,限制了它的潜力。为了寻找更好的答案,回顾过去的军事干预周期至关重要。反复发生的群众行动和短暂的民主过渡暴露了笨拙的文职领导,并定义了苏丹军民炼金术发酵或破产的社会学。然而,如果这个国家在军队、政治领导层和社会之间有任何和谐,国内军事干预的风险就会降低,从而限制了夺取权力的祸害。
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引用次数: 0
Iran: Historical Context And Latest Developments 伊朗:历史背景和最新发展
IF 0.5 4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-12-08 DOI: 10.1111/mepo.12664
Richard J. Schmierer, Barbara Slavin, Ali Alfoneh, Alex Vatanka
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引用次数: 0
Sanctions, Deterrence, Regime Change: A New Look at US-Iran Relations 制裁、威慑、政权更迭:美伊关系新视角
IF 0.5 4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-12-07 DOI: 10.1111/mepo.12661
Mahmood Monshipouri, Giorgio Davide Boggio

Over the past four decades, the United States has managed its foreign policy toward Iran through a combination of sanctions, diplomatic incentives, and threats of military intervention. This approach has come down to two choices: war or sanctions. Clearly, sanctions have deprived Iran of access to foreign investment in its oil and energy sectors, caused many oil companies to withdraw from Iran, and dramatically reduced Iran's oil revenue. However, sanctions have had a more damaging effect on ordinary people than on the targeted leaders of the country. Sanctions have neither altered Iran's foreign-policy conduct nor led to regime change. Before Iran is completely pushed into the arms of China and Russia, the third option—diplomacy with a potentially new regime—deserves attention. The next few years will likely answer the question of how these difficult and explosive US-Iranian relations will be managed: through diplomacy, ongoing sanctions, or by escalatory deterrence.

在过去的四十年里,美国通过制裁、外交激励和军事干预威胁的组合来管理其对伊朗的外交政策。这种方法可以归结为两种选择:战争或制裁。显然,制裁剥夺了伊朗在石油和能源领域获得外国投资的机会,导致许多石油公司撤出伊朗,并大大减少了伊朗的石油收入。然而,制裁对普通民众的破坏性影响大于对该国目标领导人的破坏性影响。制裁既没有改变伊朗的外交政策,也没有导致政权更迭。在伊朗完全投入中国和俄罗斯的怀抱之前,第三种选择——与一个潜在的新政权进行外交——值得关注。未来几年可能会回答如何处理这些困难和爆炸性的美伊关系的问题:通过外交,持续的制裁,还是升级的威慑。
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引用次数: 0
US Foreign Policy in the Eastern Mediterranean: Power Politics and Ideology Under the Sun, by Spyridon N. Litsas. Springer, 2020. 221 pages. $119.99, paper. 《美国在东地中海的外交政策:阳光下的权力政治与意识形态》,作者:Spyridon N. Litsas。施普林格,2020年。221页。119.99美元,纸。
IF 0.5 4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-11-28 DOI: 10.1111/mepo.12665
Şevki Kıralp
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引用次数: 0
The Evolution of Environmentalism in Turkey 土耳其环境保护主义的演变
IF 0.5 4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-11-28 DOI: 10.1111/mepo.12660
Sertif Demir

Environmental problems, caused by and affecting human life, are multifaceted and often interconnected with social and economic factors, and they do not recognize political borders. Like other countries, Turkey has faced severe environmental problems over the last six decades. The state's environmental policy and behavior has been shaped by a combination of economic necessity, international discourse, the EU membership process, and growing national and local awareness. This article analyzes the evolution of environmentalism in Turkey, first by tracing the evolution of environmental sentiment and the expansion of green politics, in general and in Turkey specifically. The study then focuses on the prospects and challenges of environmentalist policy and practices. Turkey has understood the importance of environmental protection and its unwanted impacts on all species, including humans. However, it is still under pressure to boost economic growth to meet the current generation's needs. Climate action is further challenged by the patriarchal state structure and influential interest groups. Therefore, the government tries to find the best way for environmental action to coexist with divergent policy preferences among many stakeholders.

由人类生活引起和影响人类生活的环境问题是多方面的,往往与社会和经济因素相互联系,它们不承认政治边界。和其他国家一样,土耳其在过去60年里也面临着严重的环境问题。国家的环境政策和行为是由经济需要、国际舆论、欧盟成员资格进程以及不断增长的国家和地方意识共同塑造的。本文分析了环境主义在土耳其的演变,首先追溯了环境情绪的演变和绿色政治的扩张,总的来说,特别是在土耳其。然后,研究重点是环境保护主义政策和实践的前景和挑战。土耳其了解环境保护的重要性及其对包括人类在内的所有物种的有害影响。然而,中国仍面临着推动经济增长以满足当代人需求的压力。气候行动还受到父权制国家结构和有影响力的利益集团的进一步挑战。因此,政府试图在众多利益相关者的政策偏好不同的情况下,找到环境行动共存的最佳方式。
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引用次数: 0
Christians in Kuwait: A Challenge for Political Tolerance 科威特基督徒:对政治宽容的挑战
IF 0.5 4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-11-28 DOI: 10.1111/mepo.12657
Faisal Mukhyat Abu Sulaib

The study presented here seeks to determine whether Kuwaiti Christians feel politically and socially integrated, isolated, or even threatened in Kuwait society, as well as to explore their political attitudes and primary social demands. At the same time, the study examines the attitudes and tolerance of Kuwaiti Muslims toward the Christian minority. To that end, two questionnaires were distributed to Christians and Muslims. The results suggest that Christians feel integrated into Kuwaiti society rather than isolated or persecuted. Other results suggest that they are also interested in participating in parliamentary elections and think they should have a quota of seats in the Kuwaiti parliament and a Christian minister in the government. The study also reveals that Kuwaiti Muslims harbor a high level of intolerance toward the Christian minority, which should be a red flag for Kuwaiti government and society.

本文提出的研究旨在确定科威特基督徒在科威特社会中是否感到政治和社会一体化、孤立甚至受到威胁,并探讨他们的政治态度和主要社会需求。同时,该研究调查了科威特穆斯林对基督教少数派的态度和宽容程度。为此目的,向基督徒和穆斯林分发了两份调查表。结果表明,基督徒感到融入了科威特社会,而不是孤立或受迫害。其他结果表明,他们也有兴趣参加议会选举,认为他们应该在科威特议会中有一定的席位,并在政府中有一名基督教部长。该研究还显示,科威特穆斯林对基督教少数群体高度不宽容,这对科威特政府和社会来说应该是一个危险信号。
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引用次数: 0
Islam and the Arab Revolutions: The Ulama Between Democracy and Autocracy by Usaama al-Azami. Oxford University Press, 2022. 392 pages. $70, hardcover. 《伊斯兰教与阿拉伯革命:介于民主与专制之间的乌拉玛》作者:乌萨马·阿扎米。牛津大学出版社,2022年。392页。70美元,精装书。
IF 0.5 4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-11-28 DOI: 10.1111/mepo.12668
A.R. Joyce
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引用次数: 0
Popular Resistance against Israeli Territorial Expropriation: Beita as a Model 民众反抗以色列侵占领土:以贝塔为例
IF 0.5 4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-11-28 DOI: 10.1111/mepo.12656
Oqab Jabali

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict dates back to the early 1930s. The most crucial factor that prolongs it and prevents any glimmer of hope is Israel's insistence on displacing the Palestinians from their lands and implanting Israeli citizens in their place. Motivated by inference theory, this study aims at investigating the latest wave of popular civil resistance against territorial expropriation in the town of Beita. The study shows that territorial confiscation is carried out systematically by Israeli settlers, aided by the army. It also shows that Beita's nonviolent approach to resistance enhances its legitimacy domestically and internationally and encourages a wider base of grassroots participation. Beita has always employed popular types of civil resistance, such as weekly protests and night-confusion tactics at Jabal Sabih, to defend itself and expel settlers. Despite the high price Beita has paid and the settlers’ evacuation of the outpost, the Israeli military has turned the site into a base. The conclusion is that popular civil resistance has the potential to challenge occupiers in a powerful way.

巴以冲突可以追溯到20世纪30年代初。最关键的因素是以色列坚持要把巴勒斯坦人赶出他们的土地,并把以色列公民安置在他们的地方。在推论理论的启发下,本研究旨在调查北塔镇最近一波反对土地征用的民间抵抗运动。这项研究表明,以色列定居者在军队的协助下有系统地进行领土没收。它还表明,北塔的非暴力抵抗方式增强了其在国内和国际上的合法性,并鼓励了更广泛的基层参与。贝塔一直采用流行的民间抵抗方式,比如每周一次的抗议和在Jabal Sabih的夜间混乱战术,来保卫自己和驱逐定居者。尽管贝塔付出了高昂的代价,定居者也撤离了这个前哨站,以色列军方还是把这里变成了一个基地。结论是,民众的民间抵抗有可能以一种强有力的方式挑战占领者。
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Middle East Policy
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