Middle East Policy最新文献

China has become increasingly active in the Middle East over the past decade, both economically and politically. Its strategy aims to expand its reach and influence, while warily avoiding the region's chronic instability. The Gulf states and Israel have sought to leverage China's economic growth and global influence to advance their interests. This article explores the strategies of key Gulf countries, Israel, and Iran toward China in their efforts to manage the fast-changing regional dynamics. It first examines their economic ties with Beijing and then discusses their political relations. The analysis also reviews how the intensifying superpower competition between the United States and China is shaping both the region and the foreign policies of its constitutive states. This article is part of a special issue on the responses of Gulf countries to rising Sino-American competition, edited by Andrea Ghiselli, Anoushiravan Ehteshami, and Enrico Fardella.

Since Iraq's invasion of Kuwait in the 1990s, the United States has played the role of security guarantor in the Gulf, and despite prevailing concerns of American retrenchment, it retains a strong military footprint across the region. But China's emergence as a major player in the Gulf—with its geopolitical ambitions, thirst for foreign oil, and attractive offer of business and investment with a “look the other way” policy on human rights—has stoked fears about the eclipse of American power. While the Gulf remains of strategic importance to the US global strategy, Washington's readjustment of its regional goals suggests that it is recalibrating. Drawing on the literature of foreign policy change, this analysis uses three case studies to examine Washington's recalibration toward the Gulf under the Biden presidency: US engagement with the Iran nuclear deal, US defense agreements with the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), and US-GCC tech relations, specifically tensions with China over the use of Huawei technology. This article is part of a special issue on the responses of Gulf countries to rising Sino-American competition, edited by Andrea Ghiselli, Anoushiravan Ehteshami, and Enrico Fardella.

Although East Asia remains the center of the US-China rivalry, other regions are emerging to play key roles. After years of somewhat peaceful coexistence and even a degree of cooperation between Washington and Beijing, the Gulf, with its deep ties to both sides, undoubtedly has become one of them. This new situation creates challenges for all the parties involved, from the two great powers to the regional actors looking for new ways to reposition themselves. This article introduces the contours of the debate taking place among the studies in this special issue, dedicated to the exploration of the Persian Gulf subregion and US-China relations. It first discusses the position of the Gulf as a barometer of the evolving global power dynamics. The focus then shifts to outlining the implications of the end of American unipolarity for Beijing's and Washington's West Asia policies. Finally, it explores the challenges and opportunities of this systemic shift for the Gulf states. The article is part of a special issue examining the responses of Gulf countries to rising Sino-American competition, edited by Andrea Ghiselli, Anoushiravan Ehteshami, and Enrico Fardella.

The dynamics of the relationship between the United States and China have been shifting. This has prompted changes in strategic calculus and policy adoption by the friends and foes of each side. Iran, given its decades-long links with China, has made several. First, it has deepened its ties with the Asian power beyond collaboration in business and trade. Second, it has revised its policies in the Gulf region to be a part of what it sees as China's network of influence, hoping to better position itself in a multilateral global order. Third, it has been seeking opportunities to project power through showing off its military capabilities in Ukraine. This article examines these strategic responses and concludes that Iran has been pursuing an agenda in line with the world vision of its senior leaders. The end goal for Tehran is to gain more power and relevance in the global strategic calculus. This analysis is part of a special issue examining the responses of Gulf countries to rising Sino-American competition, edited by Andrea Ghiselli, Anoushiravan Ehteshami, and Enrico Fardella.

With its thriving economy, well-crafted policies, diverse and lively multicultural society, and advanced infrastructure, the United Arab Emirates plays a significant role in the Middle East. It has become strategically and economically important to both the United States and China, and both countries have established strong strategic partnerships with the Gulf state. As the UAE is a small yet ambitious state, both powers are crucial to its strategy for maintaining security and diversifying its economy. Thus, to secure its interests, the UAE has adopted a strategy of balancing its relationships with Washington and Beijing. This article examines the strategy and aims to predict its direction in light of the increasing competition and rivalry between the two global powers. The analysis is part of a special issue examining the responses of Gulf countries to rising Sino-American competition, edited by Andrea Ghiselli, Anoushiravan Ehteshami, and Enrico Fardella.

This essay contextualizes the 2023 Israel-Hamas war within a century-old legal history of Palestinian dispossession that has been facilitated through the violation and misuse of international law. It argues that Hamas's attacks of October 7 were not simply driven by sanguinary hatred of Jews, as some commentators have suggested. Instead, the war crimes were motivated by the Palestinians’ disillusionment with an international system that has consistently denied them their right to self-determination. This has been exacerbated by Israel's criminalization of nonviolent resistance. Such historical perspective illuminates the underlying causes not just of the present war but of the broader Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

This essay argues that the recent protests in Iran, ostensibly driven by the Woman, Life, Freedom movement, are a symbol of a far greater dissatisfaction with arbitrary rule, corruption, and incompetence. While compulsory veiling was the immediate cause, the main drivers are the ailing economy and the decline in public services. Given the depth and breadth of street protests and the ongoing civil disobedience, the Islamic Republic simply cannot return to business as usual. At the same time, the regime is incapable of reinventing itself. It faces political and socioeconomic constraints and a mix of demographic and environmental challenges, among others. As for whether outside pressure can help protesters, the West must balance its championing of the movement with its pursuit of diplomatic engagement on Iran's nuclear program. And Iran is now getting more international assistance by looking eastward to China and Russia. With the government and security forces willing to use violence against protesters, civil disobedience may be the only method to systematically challenge the ruling order.

The 9/11 attacks prompted the development of an international nuclear security regime. States are expected to adopt legislation and institutionalize measures to ensure cooperation among stakeholders and create their own national nuclear security regimes. This article evaluates the steps taken by Turkey, a newcomer in nuclear energy. It argues that while Ankara has acted in line with its traditional conception of security, this is not enough. The inadequate cooperation and coordination among stakeholders, and the insufficient development of a security culture specifically oriented to nuclear energy, leave the country vulnerable. The analysis explains the vulnerabilities and incomplete tasks, and proposes actions necessary for Turkey to create a sound national nuclear security regime.