{"title":"The World Powers and Iran: Before, During, and After the Nuclear Deal By Banafsheh Keynoush. Palgrave Macmillan, 2022. 196 pages. $54.99, hardcover.","authors":"Mahmood Monshipouri","doi":"10.1111/mepo.12739","DOIUrl":"10.1111/mepo.12739","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46060,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Policy","volume":"31 3","pages":"163-166"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-05-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141012408","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict: Historical and Political PerspectivesBy M. Hakan Yavuz and Michael Gunter. Routledge, 2023. 462 pages. $54.99, paper.","authors":"Umut Uzer","doi":"10.1111/mepo.12742","DOIUrl":"10.1111/mepo.12742","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46060,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Policy","volume":"31 2","pages":"152-153"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2024-05-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141012476","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Struggle for Supremacy in the Middle East: Saudi Arabia and Iran By Simon Mabon. Cambridge University Press, 2023. 268 pages. $90, hardcover.","authors":"Guo Juanwugao","doi":"10.1111/mepo.12745","DOIUrl":"10.1111/mepo.12745","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46060,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Policy","volume":"31 2","pages":"154-157"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2024-05-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141012957","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study analyzes how ongoing conflicts in the Levant and the post-Soviet South Caucasus have upset the balance of relationships among Armenia, Azerbaijan, Iran, Israel, Turkey, and Russia—and how this could escalate into a major, cross-regional war. Azerbaijan's military victories of 2020 and 2023 over the Armenia-occupied, separatist republic of Nagorno-Karabakh have antagonized Iran, which has seen these gains, coupled with Baku's increasingly revanchist rhetoric, as a major threat to regional security. With Armenia left on its own by its Russian ally, and with Turkey's and Israel's backing of Azerbaijan, the Gaza war has driven Iran to see Baku as a dangerous “Israeli asset.” However, the Palestine conflict has also sparked a rift between Turkey and Israel, throwing into question Baku's strength. If the militarist rhetoric of Azerbaijani elites leads the state to invade its weakened neighbor Armenia, this will increase the potential for a military confrontation between the two Shiite nations of Azerbaijan and Iran, with Armenia, Turkey, Israel, and Russia likely to be dragged in.
{"title":"Unlikely Alliances: How the Wars in Karabakh And Gaza Shape Northwest Asian Security","authors":"Emil A. Souleimanov","doi":"10.1111/mepo.12741","DOIUrl":"10.1111/mepo.12741","url":null,"abstract":"<p>This study analyzes how ongoing conflicts in the Levant and the post-Soviet South Caucasus have upset the balance of relationships among Armenia, Azerbaijan, Iran, Israel, Turkey, and Russia—and how this could escalate into a major, cross-regional war. Azerbaijan's military victories of 2020 and 2023 over the Armenia-occupied, separatist republic of Nagorno-Karabakh have antagonized Iran, which has seen these gains, coupled with Baku's increasingly revanchist rhetoric, as a major threat to regional security. With Armenia left on its own by its Russian ally, and with Turkey's and Israel's backing of Azerbaijan, the Gaza war has driven Iran to see Baku as a dangerous “Israeli asset.” However, the Palestine conflict has also sparked a rift between Turkey and Israel, throwing into question Baku's strength. If the militarist rhetoric of Azerbaijani elites leads the state to invade its weakened neighbor Armenia, this will increase the potential for a military confrontation between the two Shiite nations of Azerbaijan and Iran, with Armenia, Turkey, Israel, and Russia likely to be dragged in.</p>","PeriodicalId":46060,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Policy","volume":"31 2","pages":"83-94"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2024-05-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/mepo.12741","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141017157","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Lessons learned from counterterrorism operations indicate that purely military solutions are doomed to fail, and Israel is primed to repeat many of these mistakes. The comparison between America's post-9/11 wars and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is not perfect: Al-Qaeda was in Afghanistan but was not native to the country, and the transnational ISIS emerged out of the chaos in Iraq and Syria. Hamas, by contrast, represents a resistance movement indigenous to Gaza. The militant group is deeply rooted in the political and social struggle for Palestinian self-determination, and its activities and support are motivated by desperate conditions on the ground. If Israel's assaults on Gaza in retaliation for the October 2023 Hamas bloodbath are to achieve enduring security, key questions arise, including whether the conflict will end with military occupation or political settlement. I argue that Israel should learn from the US strategic blunders in Afghanistan and Iraq. Absent a political solution, Israelis are likely to face terrorist assaults in the future. The military campaign may weaken or impair Hamas's infrastructure and power bases in Gaza, but without a plan for governance and development, Israel is likely to face the re-emergence of a broadly based resistance movement.
{"title":"Lessons for Israel's Gaza War In America's Strategic Blunders","authors":"Mahmood Monshipouri","doi":"10.1111/mepo.12744","DOIUrl":"10.1111/mepo.12744","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Lessons learned from counterterrorism operations indicate that purely military solutions are doomed to fail, and Israel is primed to repeat many of these mistakes. The comparison between America's post-9/11 wars and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is not perfect: Al-Qaeda was in Afghanistan but was not native to the country, and the transnational ISIS emerged out of the chaos in Iraq and Syria. Hamas, by contrast, represents a resistance movement indigenous to Gaza. The militant group is deeply rooted in the political and social struggle for Palestinian self-determination, and its activities and support are motivated by desperate conditions on the ground. If Israel's assaults on Gaza in retaliation for the October 2023 Hamas bloodbath are to achieve enduring security, key questions arise, including whether the conflict will end with military occupation or political settlement. I argue that Israel should learn from the US strategic blunders in Afghanistan and Iraq. Absent a political solution, Israelis are likely to face terrorist assaults in the future. The military campaign may weaken or impair Hamas's infrastructure and power bases in Gaza, but without a plan for governance and development, Israel is likely to face the re-emergence of a broadly based resistance movement.</p>","PeriodicalId":46060,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Policy","volume":"31 2","pages":"3-18"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2024-05-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141018693","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article analyzes the vicious cycle of Israel's control of water resources in Jordan and the Palestinian territories, the development of a one-state reality in the region, and geopolitical changes driven by the Israeli occupation and the war in Gaza. Israel no longer suffers from water shortages, but its domination of Palestine and the conflict sparked by Hamas have increased the yawning water deficit. This has played a role in the decades-long move away from the two-state solution promised by the Oslo peace process. This article examines regional security through the lens of water resources. It shows that Jordan is left with few options but to accept its dependence on Israel and muddle through. In addition, the Palestinian territories, which face not just Israeli military rule but also the expansion of settlements, experience major water shortages. The article concludes that the increasing water hegemony reduces Israeli incentives for a comprehensive peace with the Palestinians that could resolve the resource crisis and enable two states to live side by side.
{"title":"Israeli Hydro-Hegemony and the Gaza War","authors":"Peter Seeberg","doi":"10.1111/mepo.12740","DOIUrl":"10.1111/mepo.12740","url":null,"abstract":"<p>This article analyzes the vicious cycle of Israel's control of water resources in Jordan and the Palestinian territories, the development of a one-state reality in the region, and geopolitical changes driven by the Israeli occupation and the war in Gaza. Israel no longer suffers from water shortages, but its domination of Palestine and the conflict sparked by Hamas have increased the yawning water deficit. This has played a role in the decades-long move away from the two-state solution promised by the Oslo peace process. This article examines regional security through the lens of water resources. It shows that Jordan is left with few options but to accept its dependence on Israel and muddle through. In addition, the Palestinian territories, which face not just Israeli military rule but also the expansion of settlements, experience major water shortages. The article concludes that the increasing water hegemony reduces Israeli incentives for a comprehensive peace with the Palestinians that could resolve the resource crisis and enable two states to live side by side.</p>","PeriodicalId":46060,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Policy","volume":"31 2","pages":"33-46"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2024-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/mepo.12740","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141054393","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
While the ambivalence among Middle Eastern states about the war in Ukraine stems from multiple sources, Russian influence is a significant, if underappreciated, factor. Several of these countries see Moscow as an external balancer and hedge against the possibility of a broader US pullback from the region. At the same time, Russia maintains significant coercive capabilities thanks to its military presence in Syria and burgeoning strategic partnership with Iran. Many aspiring regional powers are also sympathetic to Moscow's calls for an international order less centered on the West. This article analyzes these concerns and perceptions, and it shows how they have shaped the way states in the region have responded to the invasion of Ukraine. Broadly speaking, these states see it as a peripheral concern—especially following the outbreak of war between Israel and Hamas in October 2023—though one that could destabilize the region by stoking inflation or further emboldening Iran. While they are wary of confronting Moscow or facing regional instability, many also directly benefit from Russia's economic decoupling from the West. These countries share President Vladimir Putin's assessment that the war in Ukraine is inaugurating a new age more friendly to middle powers.
{"title":"The Middle East and the Ukraine War: Between Fear and Opportunity","authors":"Jeffrey Mankoff","doi":"10.1111/mepo.12738","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/mepo.12738","url":null,"abstract":"<p>While the ambivalence among Middle Eastern states about the war in Ukraine stems from multiple sources, Russian influence is a significant, if underappreciated, factor. Several of these countries see Moscow as an external balancer and hedge against the possibility of a broader US pullback from the region. At the same time, Russia maintains significant coercive capabilities thanks to its military presence in Syria and burgeoning strategic partnership with Iran. Many aspiring regional powers are also sympathetic to Moscow's calls for an international order less centered on the West. This article analyzes these concerns and perceptions, and it shows how they have shaped the way states in the region have responded to the invasion of Ukraine. Broadly speaking, these states see it as a peripheral concern—especially following the outbreak of war between Israel and Hamas in October 2023—though one that could destabilize the region by stoking inflation or further emboldening Iran. While they are wary of confronting Moscow or facing regional instability, many also directly benefit from Russia's economic decoupling from the West. These countries share President Vladimir Putin's assessment that the war in Ukraine is inaugurating a new age more friendly to middle powers.</p>","PeriodicalId":46060,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Policy","volume":"31 2","pages":"47-66"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2024-04-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141287011","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Munther Saeedi, Oqab Jabali, Muath Ishtaiyeh, Abed Alkhaleq Esa, Mohammad Dabous
With the Israeli war on Gaza raging, the Palestinian national movement must overcome divides that have weakened the cause. This study delves into the ramifications of divisive discourse on factionalism in Palestine, focusing on the dynamic between Hamas and Fatah. To do so, it investigates the effects of polarization on the sense of collective consciousness among university students in the occupied territories. Through a questionnaire designed to elicit the perspectives of these young adults, this research sheds light on the extent to which rhetoric employed to provoke or incite aggressive behavior has affected cohesion in Palestinian politics and society, as well as individuals’ beliefs in the possibility of a national movement. The article finds that in all of these facets, young adults have a high degree of cynicism and see divisive discourse reducing faith in institutions and leaders, causing rifts among friends and neighbors, and even leading them to think about emigrating. While the study was conducted before the Israel-Hamas war that began in October 2023, which may force some compromise between factions, the survey results indicate the immense amount of work required to unify the movement.
{"title":"The Impact of Factional Discourse On the Palestinian National Cause","authors":"Munther Saeedi, Oqab Jabali, Muath Ishtaiyeh, Abed Alkhaleq Esa, Mohammad Dabous","doi":"10.1111/mepo.12737","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/mepo.12737","url":null,"abstract":"<p>With the Israeli war on Gaza raging, the Palestinian national movement must overcome divides that have weakened the cause. This study delves into the ramifications of divisive discourse on factionalism in Palestine, focusing on the dynamic between Hamas and Fatah. To do so, it investigates the effects of polarization on the sense of collective consciousness among university students in the occupied territories. Through a questionnaire designed to elicit the perspectives of these young adults, this research sheds light on the extent to which rhetoric employed to provoke or incite aggressive behavior has affected cohesion in Palestinian politics and society, as well as individuals’ beliefs in the possibility of a national movement. The article finds that in all of these facets, young adults have a high degree of cynicism and see divisive discourse reducing faith in institutions and leaders, causing rifts among friends and neighbors, and even leading them to think about emigrating. While the study was conducted before the Israel-Hamas war that began in October 2023, which may force some compromise between factions, the survey results indicate the immense amount of work required to unify the movement.</p>","PeriodicalId":46060,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Policy","volume":"31 2","pages":"19-32"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2024-04-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141287014","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article explores sovereign wealth fund investments by Gulf Cooperation Council member states in China's equity market. Using data from Chinese stock exchanges, we analyze patterns of shareholding over two decades, across different sectors and among distinct funds, and compare them to their non-Gulf counterparts. We reveal a gradual upward trajectory in both the scale and diversity of investments by Gulf funds, indicating growing engagement with the Chinese equity market. We anticipate a continuation of current trends, albeit with larger volumes and potential expansions into technological and emerging sectors that align with Gulf interests. We project that the deepening financial linkages between China and the Gulf could give rise to a mini petro-yuan system operating under the dominance of the American dollar. This does not presage a transformation in China-Gulf relations but should be understood within the increasing complexity of their broader economic ties. The article is part of a special issue examining the responses of Gulf countries to rising Sino-American competition, edited by Andrea Ghiselli, Anoushiravan Ehteshami, and Enrico Fardella.
本文探讨了海湾合作委员会成员国主权财富基金在中国股票市场的投资情况。利用中国证券交易所的数据,我们分析了二十年来不同行业和不同基金的持股模式,并将其与非海湾国家的基金进行了比较。我们发现,海湾地区基金的投资规模和投资多样性都呈逐步上升趋势,这表明它们对中国股票市场的参与度越来越高。我们预计目前的趋势将继续下去,尽管投资规模会更大,并有可能扩展到符合海湾国家利益的技术和新兴领域。我们预计,中国与海湾地区不断深化的金融联系可能会催生一个在美元主导下运行的小型石油人民币体系。这并不预示着中国与海湾地区的关系会发生转变,但应在两国更广泛的经济联系日益复杂的背景下加以理解。本文是由 Andrea Ghiselli、Anoushiravan Ehteshami 和 Enrico Fardella 编辑的海湾国家应对中美竞争特刊的一部分。
{"title":"The Past, Present, and Future of Gulf Sovereign Wealth Fund Investments in China","authors":"Mai Alfarhan, Mohammed Alsudairi","doi":"10.1111/mepo.12736","DOIUrl":"10.1111/mepo.12736","url":null,"abstract":"<p>This article explores sovereign wealth fund investments by Gulf Cooperation Council member states in China's equity market. Using data from Chinese stock exchanges, we analyze patterns of shareholding over two decades, across different sectors and among distinct funds, and compare them to their non-Gulf counterparts. We reveal a gradual upward trajectory in both the scale and diversity of investments by Gulf funds, indicating growing engagement with the Chinese equity market. We anticipate a continuation of current trends, albeit with larger volumes and potential expansions into technological and emerging sectors that align with Gulf interests. We project that the deepening financial linkages between China and the Gulf could give rise to a mini petro-yuan system operating under the dominance of the American dollar. This does not presage a transformation in China-Gulf relations but should be understood within the increasing complexity of their broader economic ties. The article is part of a special issue examining the responses of Gulf countries to rising Sino-American competition, edited by Andrea Ghiselli, Anoushiravan Ehteshami, and Enrico Fardella.</p>","PeriodicalId":46060,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Policy","volume":"31 1","pages":"66-87"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2024-03-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/mepo.12736","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140235126","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Andrew Steinfeld, Dan Arbell, Nadia Bilbassy-Charters, Jamal Nusseibeh, Gina Abercrombie-Winstanley
{"title":"Information and War: A Case Study in Gaza","authors":"Andrew Steinfeld, Dan Arbell, Nadia Bilbassy-Charters, Jamal Nusseibeh, Gina Abercrombie-Winstanley","doi":"10.1111/mepo.12735","DOIUrl":"10.1111/mepo.12735","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46060,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Policy","volume":"31 1","pages":"3-18"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2024-03-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/mepo.12735","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140266551","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}