Middle East Policy最新文献

With the Israeli war on Gaza raging, the Palestinian national movement must overcome divides that have weakened the cause. This study delves into the ramifications of divisive discourse on factionalism in Palestine, focusing on the dynamic between Hamas and Fatah. To do so, it investigates the effects of polarization on the sense of collective consciousness among university students in the occupied territories. Through a questionnaire designed to elicit the perspectives of these young adults, this research sheds light on the extent to which rhetoric employed to provoke or incite aggressive behavior has affected cohesion in Palestinian politics and society, as well as individuals’ beliefs in the possibility of a national movement. The article finds that in all of these facets, young adults have a high degree of cynicism and see divisive discourse reducing faith in institutions and leaders, causing rifts among friends and neighbors, and even leading them to think about emigrating. While the study was conducted before the Israel-Hamas war that began in October 2023, which may force some compromise between factions, the survey results indicate the immense amount of work required to unify the movement.

This article explores sovereign wealth fund investments by Gulf Cooperation Council member states in China's equity market. Using data from Chinese stock exchanges, we analyze patterns of shareholding over two decades, across different sectors and among distinct funds, and compare them to their non-Gulf counterparts. We reveal a gradual upward trajectory in both the scale and diversity of investments by Gulf funds, indicating growing engagement with the Chinese equity market. We anticipate a continuation of current trends, albeit with larger volumes and potential expansions into technological and emerging sectors that align with Gulf interests. We project that the deepening financial linkages between China and the Gulf could give rise to a mini petro-yuan system operating under the dominance of the American dollar. This does not presage a transformation in China-Gulf relations but should be understood within the increasing complexity of their broader economic ties. The article is part of a special issue examining the responses of Gulf countries to rising Sino-American competition, edited by Andrea Ghiselli, Anoushiravan Ehteshami, and Enrico Fardella.

This article explores the relationship between international-relations theories and Cold War and post-Cold War historical dynamics in the Middle East, in particular the Gulf. It first identifies the theoretical approaches that have been applied or that have failed to be applied to the region's changing geopolitics, then delves into Cold War history and its impact on the Middle East and the Gulf by examining the crucial changes to the Gulf security system sparked by developments in the 1970s and the Iran-Iraq War of 1980–1988. The article next investigates the extent to which the interplay of post-Cold War regional conflicts and key events, from the Iraq wars of 1991 and 2003 to the Arab Spring, have impacted the Gulf subregional system. The final part scrutinizes the shifting intra- and extraregional Gulf politics and how theoretically informed approaches inspired by international political economy can accommodate these geopolitical changes. The article is part of a special issue examining the responses of Gulf countries to rising Sino-American competition, edited by Andrea Ghiselli, Anoushiravan Ehteshami, and Enrico Fardella.

This article examines the evolution of China's policy toward the Persian Gulf, linking its contemporary strategies to its historical principles of diplomacy, particularly those rooted in Maoism. It first outlines a conceptual framework that connects China's Gulf policies to the enduring Maoist tradition in its foreign policy. The analysis then delves into Mao Zedong's theory of intermediate zones and its influence on China's strategic posture in the Middle East from the mid-20^th century to today. The focus shifts to the increasing importance of the region, especially the Gulf, in the current iteration of China's intermediate-zones strategy. Situating China's policies within the context of Mao's anti-hegemonic stance and the concept of intermediate zones provides a nuanced perspective on the Chinese approach to the Middle East. The authors argue that China's longstanding anti-hegemonic strategy has hindered the development of a more independent and assertive regional policy. However, they suggest that the recent intensification of the Sino-American rivalry, the perceived decline in US regional influence, and the “new centrality” of the Persian Gulf may prompt China to adopt a more proactive role in the region, moving beyond its traditional strategy of active defense. This article is part of a special issue examining the responses of Gulf countries to rising Sino-American competition, edited by Andrea Ghiselli, Anoushiravan Ehteshami, and Enrico Fardella.

This article analyzes Iraq's response to evolving US-China relations, focusing on its foreign-policy objectives of ending isolation, strengthening security, and fostering economic growth. Iraq seeks American support to attain these goals, aspiring to reintegrate into the international system and bolster its defense mechanisms. Simultaneously, Baghdad perceives China and its Belt and Road Initiative as instrumental to economic recovery. Despite these aspirations, Iraq encounters impediments that stem from its external environment and domestic politics. As a relatively feeble power, Iraq grapples with limited economic, political, and diplomatic influence, which constrains its ability to effectively respond to shifts in the Sino-US rivalry. In addition, the country engages in incoherent foreign behavior due to consociationalism and the nonstate armed groups that operate outside of the state`s orbit. The analysis concludes that Iraq's responses to US-China tensions are reactive, not proactive; circumstantial, not strategic. This article is part of a special issue on the responses of Gulf countries to rising Sino-American competition, edited by Andrea Ghiselli, Anoushiravan Ehteshami, and Enrico Fardella.

China has become increasingly active in the Middle East over the past decade, both economically and politically. Its strategy aims to expand its reach and influence, while warily avoiding the region's chronic instability. The Gulf states and Israel have sought to leverage China's economic growth and global influence to advance their interests. This article explores the strategies of key Gulf countries, Israel, and Iran toward China in their efforts to manage the fast-changing regional dynamics. It first examines their economic ties with Beijing and then discusses their political relations. The analysis also reviews how the intensifying superpower competition between the United States and China is shaping both the region and the foreign policies of its constitutive states. This article is part of a special issue on the responses of Gulf countries to rising Sino-American competition, edited by Andrea Ghiselli, Anoushiravan Ehteshami, and Enrico Fardella.

Since Iraq's invasion of Kuwait in the 1990s, the United States has played the role of security guarantor in the Gulf, and despite prevailing concerns of American retrenchment, it retains a strong military footprint across the region. But China's emergence as a major player in the Gulf—with its geopolitical ambitions, thirst for foreign oil, and attractive offer of business and investment with a “look the other way” policy on human rights—has stoked fears about the eclipse of American power. While the Gulf remains of strategic importance to the US global strategy, Washington's readjustment of its regional goals suggests that it is recalibrating. Drawing on the literature of foreign policy change, this analysis uses three case studies to examine Washington's recalibration toward the Gulf under the Biden presidency: US engagement with the Iran nuclear deal, US defense agreements with the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), and US-GCC tech relations, specifically tensions with China over the use of Huawei technology. This article is part of a special issue on the responses of Gulf countries to rising Sino-American competition, edited by Andrea Ghiselli, Anoushiravan Ehteshami, and Enrico Fardella.

Although East Asia remains the center of the US-China rivalry, other regions are emerging to play key roles. After years of somewhat peaceful coexistence and even a degree of cooperation between Washington and Beijing, the Gulf, with its deep ties to both sides, undoubtedly has become one of them. This new situation creates challenges for all the parties involved, from the two great powers to the regional actors looking for new ways to reposition themselves. This article introduces the contours of the debate taking place among the studies in this special issue, dedicated to the exploration of the Persian Gulf subregion and US-China relations. It first discusses the position of the Gulf as a barometer of the evolving global power dynamics. The focus then shifts to outlining the implications of the end of American unipolarity for Beijing's and Washington's West Asia policies. Finally, it explores the challenges and opportunities of this systemic shift for the Gulf states. The article is part of a special issue examining the responses of Gulf countries to rising Sino-American competition, edited by Andrea Ghiselli, Anoushiravan Ehteshami, and Enrico Fardella.