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Teaching Anticommunism: Fred Schwarz and American postwar conservatism 教授反共产主义:弗雷德·施瓦茨与美国战后保守主义
IF 0.6 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-09-21 DOI: 10.1080/14682745.2022.2121357
Julianne Johnson
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引用次数: 0
A twentieth-century crusade: the Vatican’s battle to remake Christian Europe 二十世纪的十字军东征:梵蒂冈重塑基督教欧洲之战
IF 0.6 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-09-21 DOI: 10.1080/14682745.2022.2116779
Sean Scanlon
nomenon that has eroded some faithful away from the more established churches. Refreshingly, this section also has chapters on three important and yet often neglected subjects: the role of women in the church, ethnicity (and the way in which churches can be involved in resolving this major source of discord in many African countries), and— perhaps the most sensitive of the three—the Malawi churches’ united and forceful opposition to recognizing LGBTQ communities. The authors deserve much credit for highlighting this controversial issue. A notable absence in the book are two topics that deserve attention: the coexistence of Christianity and indigenous religious practices (which have survived nearly a century and a half of European cultural influence) and Islam (to which about 18 percent of Malawi’s population belongs). The old tension between Christian missionaries and Islam has persisted and has manifested itself clearly in the post-1994 era as wealthy Muslim countries have poured faith-based aid into Malawi, resulting in a rapid increase in the number of mosques and Islamic educational institutions, in proselytization, and in the general confidence of Muslims in Malawian national affairs. There is therefore justification for devoting some space to these issues even in a book that is specifically on church history. Despite these reservations, the publication of A Malawi Church History is very timely. This well-written book based on an extensive review of literature—most of which is published locally—is an indication of the advanced state of scholarship on religion in Malawi, and in this regard, it should guide researchers to possible topics for further exploration. Finally, this is the best university level textbook on Christianity in Malawi, and the authors and the ever-adventurous Mzuni Press have to be praised for this.
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引用次数: 2
Inspectors for peace: a history of the International Atomic Energy Agency 和平视察员:国际原子能机构的历史
IF 0.6 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-09-21 DOI: 10.1080/14682745.2022.2112010
Robin E. Möser
War context of the midto late twentieth century. He asserts that Kissinger’s later claim that the Sino-US thaw drove and justified US policy towards Pakistan was a partial truth. In fact, until late April 1971, when the Pakistani backchannel produced a Chinese invitation for a US envoy visit, the US policy was ‘characterized by inertia’ (p. 87). Somewhat more surprisingly, however, Pilkington does not engage with arguments made by fellow scholars Bass or Raghavan (particularly about the United States’ role in the war), and neither book is barely even mentioned. This, unfortunately, limits the sense that the author has engaged with the existing scholarship, and potentially undermines some of his claims to originality. The final chapter, bringing together the strands established in the preceding three sections, examines comparisons and – more tantalisingly – interconnections between US, British, and Canadian policy towards Pakistan and South Asia. I would have liked to have seen some of these ideas developed further – this chapter is quite brief – as they seem to provide a particularly unique perspective on the conflict, with potential significance for thinking not only about Western engagement with South Asia, but also the complexities of interrelations within one bloc of the Cold War. This chapter opens potential avenues for further investigation and particularly brings to mind Lorenz Lüthi’s recent reinterpretation of the Cold War as a series of regional, sub-systemic, and often overlapping or interconnected Cold Wars. Pilkington’s study hints at several Cold Wars: not just one involving US grand strategy, but also another within South Asia (and its foreign relations), and even more prominently, potentially another within the Western bloc, where – as he shows – independent issues (not necessarily alliance politics) drove United States, Canadian and British political elites. The West and the Birth of Bangladesh is a careful, detailed study of US, Canadian and British foreign-policy making, demonstrating that self-interest, rather than a more universalist sense of morality, frequently drives (Western) state decision-making. This is not necessarily a history for readers looking to extend their understanding of the war in East Pakistan, the nature of the accompanying humanitarian crisis (and debates about whether the Pakistan army’s actions constituted a genocide), or how Bangladesh achieved its independence. Rather, it is better suited to historians interested in Western foreign policy who are willing to take a deep dive into one specific case study.
20世纪中后期的战争背景。他断言,基辛格后来声称中美关系解冻推动并证明了美国对巴基斯坦政策的合理性,这只是部分事实。事实上,直到1971年4月下旬,当巴基斯坦的秘密渠道发出中国邀请美国特使访问时,美国的政策“以惯性为特征”(第87页)。然而,更令人惊讶的是,皮尔金顿没有参与其他学者巴斯或拉格哈万的论点(特别是关于美国在战争中的角色),这两本书几乎都没有被提及。不幸的是,这限制了作者参与现有学术研究的感觉,并潜在地破坏了他对原创性的一些主张。最后一章汇集了前三节所建立的线索,考察了美国、英国和加拿大对巴基斯坦和南亚政策之间的比较和更诱人的相互联系。我很想看到这些观点进一步发展——这一章很简短——因为它们似乎提供了一个特别独特的视角来看待这场冲突,不仅对思考西方与南亚的接触,而且对思考冷战一个集团内部相互关系的复杂性具有潜在的意义。这一章为进一步研究开辟了可能的途径,特别是让人想起洛伦兹·勒斯最近将冷战重新解释为一系列区域的、子系统的、经常重叠或相互关联的冷战。皮尔金顿的研究暗示了几次冷战:不仅涉及美国的大战略,还涉及南亚(及其外交关系)的冷战,甚至更突出的是,可能在西方集团内部发生另一场冷战,正如他所表明的那样,独立问题(不一定是联盟政治)推动了美国、加拿大和英国的政治精英。《西方与孟加拉国的诞生》对美国、加拿大和英国的外交政策制定进行了细致而详尽的研究,证明了驱动(西方)国家决策的往往是自身利益,而不是更普遍的道德感。对于希望扩展对东巴基斯坦战争、随之而来的人道主义危机的本质(以及关于巴基斯坦军队的行为是否构成种族灭绝的辩论)或孟加拉国如何实现独立的读者来说,这并不一定是一部历史。相反,它更适合对西方外交政策感兴趣的历史学家,他们愿意深入研究一个具体的案例。
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引用次数: 2
The Tunisian request: Saharan fallout, US assistance and the making of the International Atomic Energy Agency 突尼斯的要求是:撒哈拉的放射性尘埃,美国的援助以及国际原子能机构的建立
IF 0.6 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-08-28 DOI: 10.1080/14682745.2022.2085252
A. Cooper
ABSTRACT Tunisia’s postcolonial leadership intervened in North African decolonisation and the Cold War arms race by monitoring fallout from French nuclear explosions in the Algerian Sahara. This article examines the international negotiations that facilitated Tunisian access to monitoring technology and Tunisian participation in nuclear weapons governance. When the International Atomic Energy Agency denied Tunisia’s request for technical assistance, Tunisian officials struck a deal with US diplomats, who cleared this arrangement with French counterparts. Radiation detection demonstrated the stakes of Tunisia’s intergovernmental relationships, enhanced Tunisia's leverage in nuclear-armed capitals, and revealed nuclear weapons' relevance to Tunisia's foreign policy.
突尼斯后殖民时期的领导层通过监测法国在阿尔及利亚撒哈拉地区核爆炸的放射性尘埃,干预了北非的去殖民化和冷战军备竞赛。本文考察了促进突尼斯获得监测技术和突尼斯参与核武器治理的国际谈判。当国际原子能机构拒绝突尼斯的技术援助请求时,突尼斯官员与美国外交官达成了一项协议,后者又与法国外交官澄清了这一安排。辐射探测显示了突尼斯政府间关系的利害关系,增强了突尼斯在拥有核武器的首都的影响力,并揭示了核武器与突尼斯外交政策的相关性。
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引用次数: 1
Development through dispossession: coffee as mutual aid between Vietnam and East Germany 剥夺中的发展:咖啡作为越南和东德之间的相互援助
IF 0.6 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-08-28 DOI: 10.1080/14682745.2022.2100356
Christina Schwenkel
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引用次数: 0
‘We have to tread warily’: East Pakistan, India and the pitfalls of foreign intervention in the Cold War “我们必须谨慎行事”:东巴基斯坦、印度和外国干预冷战的陷阱
IF 0.6 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-08-28 DOI: 10.1080/14682745.2022.2102607
V. Prott
ABSTRACT This article examines the East Pakistan crisis of 1971 as a watershed moment in Cold War humanitarian politics. It argues that the absence of an effective international framework of multilateral foreign intervention or peacekeeping forced the key external actors to resort to covert forms of intervention, while publicly pledging adherence to non-interference in the domestic affairs of Pakistan. The article demonstrates that covert intervention by India, the United States and the United Nations not only undermined the credibility of the Cold War international system, but also fuelled the drift to the Indo-Pakistani war that ultimately ended the crisis.
摘要本文将1971年的东巴基斯坦危机视为冷战人道主义政治的分水岭。它认为,由于缺乏有效的多边外国干预或维持和平的国际框架,主要外部行为者不得不采取隐蔽形式的干预,同时公开承诺不干涉巴基斯坦内政。这篇文章表明,印度、美国和联合国的秘密干预不仅破坏了冷战国际体系的信誉,而且助长了最终结束危机的印巴战争。
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引用次数: 0
Dragon in the Golden Triangle: military operations of the people’s liberation army in Northern Burma, 1960–1961 金三角中的龙:1960–1961年人民解放军在缅甸北部的军事行动
IF 0.6 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-08-25 DOI: 10.1080/14682745.2022.2100355
C. Ngeow
ABSTRACT Towards the end of the Chinese Civil War, contingents of Chinese Nationalist Party/Kuomintang (KMT) soldiers escaped to an area of Burma that would later be known as the Golden Triangle. They expanded into a significant armed presence. Burma, the Republic of China, the People’s Republic of China, and the United States were subsequently embroiled in this decade-long KMT Issue. A joint Sino-Burmese military campaign between late 1960 and early 1961 finally ended the KMT Issue. This article, primarily based on PRC sources, reconstructs how the PRC understood, conceived, organised and evaluated this campaign.
摘要:在中国内战即将结束之际,中国国民党的一队士兵逃到了缅甸的一个地区,这个地区后来被称为金三角。他们扩大到一个重要的武装存在。缅甸、中华民国、中华人民共和国和美国随后卷入了这场长达十年的国民党问题。1960年末至1961年初的中缅联合军事行动最终结束了国民党问题。本文主要基于中国的资料,重建了中国如何理解、构想、组织和评估这场运动。
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引用次数: 0
Il ‘lodo Moro’: terrorismo e ragion di stato, 1969–1986 [The ‘lodo Moro’: terrorism and reason of state, 1969–1986] “洛多·莫罗”:恐怖主义与国家原因,1969–1986
IF 0.6 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-08-18 DOI: 10.1080/14682745.2022.2097589
John L. Harper
Cold War Italy was a land of mysteries. There are still blind spots in our knowledge of the deadly bombings that were part of the right-wing ‘strategy of tension’ in the 1960s and 1970s. Commentators continue to debate aspects of the kidnapping and murder of Christian Democratic grandee Aldo Moro in 1978, and the reasons for the destruction of an Italian civil airliner with 81 people aboard near the island of Ustica in June 1980. Only recently have magistrates identified with some degree of certainty the mandanti – the behind-the-scenes sponsors – of the Bologna train station bombing that killed 85 in August 1980. In this absorbing multi-archival study, Valentine Lomellini seeks to resolve another persistent mystery in the history of Cold War Italy: as foreign minister in the 1970s, did Moro arrange a secret ‘lodo’ (a deal implying a pay-off of some kind) with the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) and/or other Palestinian nationalist groups, to spare Italy from attacks? As she points out, Moro was a member of the progressive wing of the Christian Democratic Party (DC) which saw Italy as a bridge between the West and the developing world and looked sympathetically on Palestinian nationalism. Lomellini places the Italian attitude towards the sharp escalation of attacks in the early 1970s – accompanied by (and connected to) internecine conflict within the Palestinian resistance – in the broader European context. She examines European states’ deals to allow terrorists to depart to Gaddafi’s Libya, or other Arab destinations, in return for the release of hostages. An important case in point was the Austrian government’s September 1973 deal with terrorists who had taken control of a train carrying Soviet Jewish emigrants. Lomellini begins her careful reconstruction of Italian events the same month, detailing an operation conducted by SID (Servizio informazioni difesa, Italian military intelligence) and Mossad that led to the arrest of five men (a Lebanese, an Algerian, a Syrian, an Iraqi, and a Libyan) planning to use Soviet-made missiles to shoot down an Israeli plane departing from Rome’s Fiumicino airport. When the Black September organisation threatened Italy with severe consequences if the five were not released, the Italian government secretly requested Libyan intercession, extending the deadline. In October, Italian diplomats in Cairo met with an official PLO representative who offered a deal whereby Italy would be spared from attacks if it allowed the PLO to take custody of the five and try them. Although the evidence provided by Lomellini is incomplete and circumstantial, it is at this point that Moro and his colleagues appear to have made a key decision: to rely on Libya rather than the PLO. Despite its suspicions of Libyan complicity with the five (one of whom was a Libyan national) and its efforts to promote the fortunes of the moderate elements of Al Fatah within the PLO, the Italian government recognised that the PLO was unable to
冷战时期的意大利是一片神秘之地。在我们对20世纪60年代和70年代作为右翼“紧张战略”的一部分的致命爆炸的了解中,仍然存在盲点。评论员们继续就1978年基督教民主党大党阿尔多·莫罗被绑架和谋杀的事件,以及1980年6月一架载有81人的意大利民航客机在乌斯提卡岛附近坠毁的原因展开辩论。直到最近,地方法官才在一定程度上确定了1980年8月造成85人死亡的博洛尼亚火车站爆炸案的幕后赞助者。在这部引人关注的多份档案研究中,瓦伦丁·洛梅里尼试图解开冷战时期意大利历史上另一个持久的谜团:作为20世纪70年代的外交部长,莫罗是否与巴勒斯坦解放组织(PLO)和/或其他巴勒斯坦民族主义团体安排了一个秘密的“lodo”(一种暗示某种形式的支付的交易),以使意大利免遭袭击?正如她所指出的,莫罗是基督教民主党(DC)进步派的一员,该党将意大利视为西方与发展中国家之间的桥梁,并对巴勒斯坦民族主义持同情态度。Lomellini将意大利对20世纪70年代早期袭击急剧升级的态度——伴随着巴勒斯坦抵抗运动内部的内讧(并与之相关)——放在更广泛的欧洲背景下。她研究了欧洲国家允许恐怖分子前往卡扎菲的利比亚或其他阿拉伯目的地,以换取人质释放的协议。一个重要的例子是奥地利政府在1973年9月与恐怖分子达成的协议,这些恐怖分子控制了一列载有苏联犹太移民的火车。就在同月,洛梅利尼开始仔细地重现意大利发生的事件,详细描述了由意大利军事情报部门和摩萨德执行的一次行动,这次行动逮捕了五名男子(一名黎巴嫩人、一名阿尔及利亚人、一名叙利亚人、一名伊拉克人和一名利比亚人),他们计划用苏联制造的导弹击落一架从罗马菲乌米奇诺机场起飞的以色列飞机。当“黑色九月”组织威胁意大利称,如果不释放这五人,意大利将面临严重后果时,意大利政府秘密请求利比亚进行调解,延长了最后期限。10月,意大利外交官在开罗会见了巴解组织的一名官方代表,后者提出了一项协议,即如果意大利允许巴解组织拘留这五人并对他们进行审判,意大利将免受袭击。尽管Lomellini提供的证据是不完整和间接的,但正是在这一点上,Moro和他的同事们似乎做出了一个关键的决定:依靠利比亚而不是巴解组织。尽管意大利政府怀疑利比亚与这五人(其中一人是利比亚国民)串通一气,并努力在巴解组织内部促进法塔赫温和派的发展,但意大利政府认识到,巴解组织无法控制像“黑色九月”这样的极端组织,因此不能指望巴解组织履行协议。到10月底,五人中的两人(包括利比亚人)被释放,乘坐SID飞机飞往的黎波里,而其余三人则受到审判,后来于1974年2月获释。1973年12月17日,两伙阿拉伯恐怖分子在菲乌米奇诺机场的停机坪上袭击了一架泛美航空公司的客机,造成30人死亡,意大利与的黎波里之间的谅解(其确切性质尚不清楚)还没有干涸。一架载有人质的汉莎航空客轮被送往大马士革,然后是科威特,在那里人质被释放,劫机者被暂时拘留。这次袭击是利比亚军队一手策划的
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引用次数: 1
Resurgence of the Cold War state of mind: the debate on constitutional tolerance of socialism vis-à-vis the emerging left in Turkey (1967–1971) 冷战思维状态的复苏:对社会主义宪法宽容的辩论-à-vis土耳其新兴左派(1967-1971)
IF 0.6 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-08-10 DOI: 10.1080/14682745.2022.2100354
Haydar Seçkin Çelik
ABSTRACT Turkey witnessed the unprecedented awakening of leftist politics after acceptance of the 1961 Constitution. The Constitution’s provisions on subjects like freedom of thought and social and economic rights enabled the existence of leftist politics in the political arena and prepared the grounds for the policies they would advocate. However, since the US-Soviet rivalry polarised the Middle East, President Sunay’s 1967 statement indicating that the Constitution was closed to socialism, despite prominent jurists’ counterclaims, coupled with some high-ranking commanders’ anti-leftist outburst demonstrated a resurgence of the Cold War state of mind in Turkey.
土耳其在接受1961年宪法后,经历了前所未有的左翼政治觉醒。《宪法》中关于思想自由、社会和经济权利等主题的规定,使左派政治得以在政治舞台上存在,并为他们所主张的政策奠定了基础。然而,由于美苏竞争使中东两极分化,尽管著名法学家提出了反诉,但苏内总统1967年的声明表明宪法对社会主义是封闭的,加上一些高级指挥官的反左派爆发,表明了冷战心态在土耳其的复苏。
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引用次数: 0
Selling White Australia: the Asian visits fund and assimilation as a foundational concept in Australian Cold War public diplomacy 出售白澳:亚洲访问基金与同化作为澳大利亚冷战公共外交的基本概念
IF 0.6 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-08-01 DOI: 10.1080/14682745.2022.2059072
S. Brawley, Mathew Radcliffe
ABSTRACT The ‘Asian Visits Fund’ was the Australian Government’s first Cold War people-to-people public diplomacy programme. Standing in the Fund’s way was Australia’s racially restrictive immigration programme. A central feature of the scheme, therefore, was to present a vision of a non-racial Australia through the new national ideology of Assimilation. The treatment of indigenous Australians was showcased as one way to highlight Assimilation and debunk broader claims of racism. Ultimately, however, the Asian Visits Fund was unable to alter the negative perception of Australia’s immigration policy. It was the last major initiative aimed at selling the unsellable ‘White Australia Policy’.
“亚洲访问基金”是澳大利亚政府在冷战时期设立的首个民间公共外交项目。阻碍该基金的是澳大利亚的种族限制性移民计划。因此,该计划的一个中心特点是通过同化这一新的国家意识形态,提出一个不分种族的澳大利亚的远景。对澳大利亚土著居民的待遇被展示为强调同化和揭穿更广泛的种族主义主张的一种方式。然而,亚洲访问基金最终无法改变人们对澳大利亚移民政策的负面看法。这是最后一次旨在推销无法推销的“白澳政策”的重大举措。
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引用次数: 0
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Cold War History
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