Pub Date : 2021-12-01DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2022.2007467
Stacey A. Greene, Yalidy Matos, Kira Sanbonmatsu
ABSTRACT Women candidates from underrepresented racial and ethnic groups must cast a wide net when attracting voter support to win elections. One aspect of their candidate profile is the ability to campaign explicitly as a “woman of color.” Despite increased media usage of the term women of color, few academic studies focus on whether and how this term resonates with voters. We analyze original survey data collected in 2020 to probe voter reaction to the women of color identity among self-identified Black women, Latinas, and white women. We evaluate whether women are aware of the term and analyze the importance they place on the election of women of color candidates. Finally, to understand the effectiveness in actual electoral contests, we conduct an experiment to determine if women’s evaluations of Kamala Harris are affected by a woman of color candidate frame.
{"title":"Women Voters and the Utility of Campaigning as “Women of Color”","authors":"Stacey A. Greene, Yalidy Matos, Kira Sanbonmatsu","doi":"10.1080/1554477X.2022.2007467","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477X.2022.2007467","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Women candidates from underrepresented racial and ethnic groups must cast a wide net when attracting voter support to win elections. One aspect of their candidate profile is the ability to campaign explicitly as a “woman of color.” Despite increased media usage of the term women of color, few academic studies focus on whether and how this term resonates with voters. We analyze original survey data collected in 2020 to probe voter reaction to the women of color identity among self-identified Black women, Latinas, and white women. We evaluate whether women are aware of the term and analyze the importance they place on the election of women of color candidates. Finally, to understand the effectiveness in actual electoral contests, we conduct an experiment to determine if women’s evaluations of Kamala Harris are affected by a woman of color candidate frame.","PeriodicalId":46116,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Women Politics & Policy","volume":"43 1","pages":"25 - 41"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2021-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48822981","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-29DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2022.2004846
Erin C. Cassese, Meredith Conroy, Dhrumil Mehta, Franchesca Nestor
ABSTRACT The 2020 Democratic presidential primary featured more female candidates than any prior race of its kind, presenting a unique opportunity to analyze media coverage of women running for this distinctively masculine office. In this article, we explore themes in trait coverage for female candidates in 2020. Using a natural language processing (NLP) approach, we analyze a sample of print and online media coverage of the Democratic primary field just prior to the Iowa Caucus. We find that trait coverage largely emphasized warmth and competence, with a tendency to criticize female candidates for displaying insufficient warmth. Comparing white women to women of color, we find coverage of Harris, but not Gabbard, emphasizes racial and gender identifiers. The themes emerging from our trait analysis suggest women candidates continue to face obstacles in the form of gendered and sometimes racialized media coverage on their paths to the presidency.
{"title":"Media Coverage of Female Candidates’ Traits in the 2020 Democratic Presidential Primary","authors":"Erin C. Cassese, Meredith Conroy, Dhrumil Mehta, Franchesca Nestor","doi":"10.1080/1554477X.2022.2004846","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477X.2022.2004846","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The 2020 Democratic presidential primary featured more female candidates than any prior race of its kind, presenting a unique opportunity to analyze media coverage of women running for this distinctively masculine office. In this article, we explore themes in trait coverage for female candidates in 2020. Using a natural language processing (NLP) approach, we analyze a sample of print and online media coverage of the Democratic primary field just prior to the Iowa Caucus. We find that trait coverage largely emphasized warmth and competence, with a tendency to criticize female candidates for displaying insufficient warmth. Comparing white women to women of color, we find coverage of Harris, but not Gabbard, emphasizes racial and gender identifiers. The themes emerging from our trait analysis suggest women candidates continue to face obstacles in the form of gendered and sometimes racialized media coverage on their paths to the presidency.","PeriodicalId":46116,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Women Politics & Policy","volume":"43 1","pages":"42 - 63"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2021-11-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42421763","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-26DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2022.2005388
Heather M. Hicks
ABSTRACT Research on race and gender in the media finds that stereotypes often influence the type of coverage that women and minority candidates receive during campaigns. However, much less is known about the specific stereotypes that women candidates of color face in the media. To understand the challenges and opportunities that women candidates of color encounter, political scientists must take a closer look at the way they are portrayed in the news. As a first step, I conduct a content analysis of Georgia’s 2018 Democratic gubernatorial primary, comparing the stereotypes used in campaign coverage of the two candidates – Stacey Abrams and Stacey Evans. I find that newspaper coverage of Stacey Abrams contained many more references to agentic stereotypes, like assertiveness, than coverage of Stacey Evans. Moreover, I find that agentic traits are more likely to be negative when applied to Stacey Abrams than to Stacey Evans.
{"title":"Intersectional Stereotyping in Media Coverage: The Case of Stacey Abrams Versus Stacey Evans in Georgia","authors":"Heather M. Hicks","doi":"10.1080/1554477X.2022.2005388","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477X.2022.2005388","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Research on race and gender in the media finds that stereotypes often influence the type of coverage that women and minority candidates receive during campaigns. However, much less is known about the specific stereotypes that women candidates of color face in the media. To understand the challenges and opportunities that women candidates of color encounter, political scientists must take a closer look at the way they are portrayed in the news. As a first step, I conduct a content analysis of Georgia’s 2018 Democratic gubernatorial primary, comparing the stereotypes used in campaign coverage of the two candidates – Stacey Abrams and Stacey Evans. I find that newspaper coverage of Stacey Abrams contained many more references to agentic stereotypes, like assertiveness, than coverage of Stacey Evans. Moreover, I find that agentic traits are more likely to be negative when applied to Stacey Abrams than to Stacey Evans.","PeriodicalId":46116,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Women Politics & Policy","volume":"43 1","pages":"95 - 106"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2021-11-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46673046","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-22DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2022.1996841
B. Reingold, Kerry L. Haynie, Kirsten Widner
In Race, Gender, and Political Representation, Beth Reingold, Kerry L. Haynie, and Kirsten Widner push scholars of gender and race/ethnicity politics to consider the ways in which standard approaches obscure and erase the experiences of women of color in office. Noting that most work in these two subfields adheres to a “single-axis” approach (i.e., studying “women” and “people of color” as monolithic groups), the authors advocate for a more intersectional approach to the study of representation, which acknowledges that race and gender are inextricably linked. The authors make the compelling case that we cannot really understand the consequences of women’s inclusion in political office without considering race, nor can we understand the consequences of the inclusion of people of color in office without considering gender. By explicitly considering the legislative behaviors of Blackwomen and Latinas (along with those of white men/women, Black men, and Latinos), Reingold, Haynie, and Widner center these legislators’ experiences to examine the constraints they face, their policy impact, and the factors underpinning their emergence in office. In doing so, the authors offer us a richer understanding of who speaks for which groups, how, and under what conditions. Throughout the book, the authors reveal shortcomings of failing to account for the influence of race-gender and forcefully argue that understanding the intersections of these identities offers us a deeper, and ultimately more accurate, understanding of political representation. The book’s first chapter lays out Reingold, Haynie, and Widner’s argument that an intersectional approach is necessary for our understanding of political representation. This chapter evaluates the current state of the gender and politics and race/ethnicity politics literature and elucidates why an intersectional approach is necessary for both fields. This chapter will challenge readers
{"title":"Authors’ Response to Book Review of Race, Gender, and Political Representation: Toward a More Intersectional Approach","authors":"B. Reingold, Kerry L. Haynie, Kirsten Widner","doi":"10.1080/1554477X.2022.1996841","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477X.2022.1996841","url":null,"abstract":"In Race, Gender, and Political Representation, Beth Reingold, Kerry L. Haynie, and Kirsten Widner push scholars of gender and race/ethnicity politics to consider the ways in which standard approaches obscure and erase the experiences of women of color in office. Noting that most work in these two subfields adheres to a “single-axis” approach (i.e., studying “women” and “people of color” as monolithic groups), the authors advocate for a more intersectional approach to the study of representation, which acknowledges that race and gender are inextricably linked. The authors make the compelling case that we cannot really understand the consequences of women’s inclusion in political office without considering race, nor can we understand the consequences of the inclusion of people of color in office without considering gender. By explicitly considering the legislative behaviors of Blackwomen and Latinas (along with those of white men/women, Black men, and Latinos), Reingold, Haynie, and Widner center these legislators’ experiences to examine the constraints they face, their policy impact, and the factors underpinning their emergence in office. In doing so, the authors offer us a richer understanding of who speaks for which groups, how, and under what conditions. Throughout the book, the authors reveal shortcomings of failing to account for the influence of race-gender and forcefully argue that understanding the intersections of these identities offers us a deeper, and ultimately more accurate, understanding of political representation. The book’s first chapter lays out Reingold, Haynie, and Widner’s argument that an intersectional approach is necessary for our understanding of political representation. This chapter evaluates the current state of the gender and politics and race/ethnicity politics literature and elucidates why an intersectional approach is necessary for both fields. This chapter will challenge readers","PeriodicalId":46116,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Women Politics & Policy","volume":"43 1","pages":"112 - 116"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2021-11-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44460793","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-24DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2021.1981095
Monica C. Schneider, Angela L. Bos, M. DiFilippo
ABSTRACT Role Congruity Theory (RCT) broadly suggests that when women step into leadership roles, they violate the expectations of their role as women. This article uses RCT to develop and directly test theories related to which types of gender stereotype role violations might cause voter bias toward women politicians. We argue and find that voter prejudice most likely results from an agentic incongruity–punishing a woman candidate who violates her gender role by displaying agentic, dominant traits such as being intimidating or arrogant. Backlash for this type of role violation is strong when the election context favors male stereotypical strengths.
{"title":"Gender Role Violations and Voter Prejudice: The Agentic Penalty Faced by Women Politicians","authors":"Monica C. Schneider, Angela L. Bos, M. DiFilippo","doi":"10.1080/1554477X.2021.1981095","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477X.2021.1981095","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Role Congruity Theory (RCT) broadly suggests that when women step into leadership roles, they violate the expectations of their role as women. This article uses RCT to develop and directly test theories related to which types of gender stereotype role violations might cause voter bias toward women politicians. We argue and find that voter prejudice most likely results from an agentic incongruity–punishing a woman candidate who violates her gender role by displaying agentic, dominant traits such as being intimidating or arrogant. Backlash for this type of role violation is strong when the election context favors male stereotypical strengths.","PeriodicalId":46116,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Women Politics & Policy","volume":"43 1","pages":"117 - 133"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2021-10-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42652700","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-21DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2022.1984143
Sarina Rhinehart, Matthew J. Geras, J. Hayden
ABSTRACT We explore how institutional design, whether a position is elected or appointed, influences women’s representation in state executive leadership positions, including cabinet secretaries and heads of bureaucratic agencies. We expect this relationship is conditional on if the position addresses a stereotypically feminine or masculine policy area. As women are less politically ambitious and perceive electoral disadvantages in running for masculine positions, we expect the pool of women willing to accept an appointed masculine position is greater than those willing to run for elected office. However, for feminine positions, women may perceive their gender as an advantage and are more willing to run. Using original data of state executive leaders, we find women are more likely to serve in elected than appointed feminine positions, but the opposite is true for masculine positions. This article provides insight into how institutional decisions can impact the presence of underrepresented groups in government.
{"title":"Appointees versus Elected Officials: The Implications of Institutional Design on Gender Representation in Political Leadership","authors":"Sarina Rhinehart, Matthew J. Geras, J. Hayden","doi":"10.1080/1554477X.2022.1984143","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477X.2022.1984143","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT We explore how institutional design, whether a position is elected or appointed, influences women’s representation in state executive leadership positions, including cabinet secretaries and heads of bureaucratic agencies. We expect this relationship is conditional on if the position addresses a stereotypically feminine or masculine policy area. As women are less politically ambitious and perceive electoral disadvantages in running for masculine positions, we expect the pool of women willing to accept an appointed masculine position is greater than those willing to run for elected office. However, for feminine positions, women may perceive their gender as an advantage and are more willing to run. Using original data of state executive leaders, we find women are more likely to serve in elected than appointed feminine positions, but the opposite is true for masculine positions. This article provides insight into how institutional decisions can impact the presence of underrepresented groups in government.","PeriodicalId":46116,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Women Politics & Policy","volume":"43 1","pages":"152 - 168"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2021-10-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43700149","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-02DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2021.1946312
F. Pereira
ABSTRACT Personalized proportional representation systems elect fewer women than other systems. This paper uses individual-level survey data and leverages state-level variation in campaign expenditures and number of candidates to assess three main explanations for the phenomenon. The first proposes that voters become less likely to elect women because men are more visible, since they have more access to campaign resources. The second proposes that voters rely on prejudice against women in complex electoral environments. The third explanation argues that the presence of co-partisan competition allows voters to substitute men for women. The evidence at the individual-level in Brazil supports the three perspectives, while the analyses at the district-level provide support for the co-partisan substitution hypothesis. The findings present new evidence that features of electoral systems interact with voters’ perceptions in ways that affect the electoral chances of women candidates.
{"title":"Prejudice, Information, and the Vote for Women in Personalized PR Systems: Evidence from Brazil","authors":"F. Pereira","doi":"10.1080/1554477X.2021.1946312","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477X.2021.1946312","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Personalized proportional representation systems elect fewer women than other systems. This paper uses individual-level survey data and leverages state-level variation in campaign expenditures and number of candidates to assess three main explanations for the phenomenon. The first proposes that voters become less likely to elect women because men are more visible, since they have more access to campaign resources. The second proposes that voters rely on prejudice against women in complex electoral environments. The third explanation argues that the presence of co-partisan competition allows voters to substitute men for women. The evidence at the individual-level in Brazil supports the three perspectives, while the analyses at the district-level provide support for the co-partisan substitution hypothesis. The findings present new evidence that features of electoral systems interact with voters’ perceptions in ways that affect the electoral chances of women candidates.","PeriodicalId":46116,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Women Politics & Policy","volume":"42 1","pages":"297 - 313"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2021-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/1554477X.2021.1946312","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42602707","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-02DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2021.1955234
Caroline Slegten, Bruno Heyndels
ABSTRACT Party leaders, acting as gatekeepers, have a direct impact on politicians’ careers. The fact that this leadership is often male has been identified as a source of discrimination against female candidates. We analyze such sex-biased party politics in formation of party lists. Recently, candidates’ list ranking in (semi-) open list systems has been shown to depend on their electoral performance) in the previous election. Using electoral data from the 2006 and 2012 local elections in Flanders we study whether and to what extent such a reward system is sex neutral. We find the party leadership in the semi-open list system to reward (punish) male and female candidates with equal electoral performance differently. Female candidates’ list ranking in 2012 is more sensitive to their electoral performance than that of male candidates. Importantly, the sex of the local party leader and party ideology, are found to affect the sex differences in electoral remuneration.
{"title":"Sex-B(i)ased List Promotion: The Effect of Previous Electoral Performance","authors":"Caroline Slegten, Bruno Heyndels","doi":"10.1080/1554477X.2021.1955234","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477X.2021.1955234","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Party leaders, acting as gatekeepers, have a direct impact on politicians’ careers. The fact that this leadership is often male has been identified as a source of discrimination against female candidates. We analyze such sex-biased party politics in formation of party lists. Recently, candidates’ list ranking in (semi-) open list systems has been shown to depend on their electoral performance) in the previous election. Using electoral data from the 2006 and 2012 local elections in Flanders we study whether and to what extent such a reward system is sex neutral. We find the party leadership in the semi-open list system to reward (punish) male and female candidates with equal electoral performance differently. Female candidates’ list ranking in 2012 is more sensitive to their electoral performance than that of male candidates. Importantly, the sex of the local party leader and party ideology, are found to affect the sex differences in electoral remuneration.","PeriodicalId":46116,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Women Politics & Policy","volume":"42 1","pages":"314 - 331"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2021-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46244951","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-02DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2021.1958667
Nicholas Pyeatt, Alixandra B. Yanus
ABSTRACT Extant research on gender, context, and representation in the United States reveals women remain underrepresented as candidates, winners, and throughout political institutions. To better understand the sources of these gender gaps, greater consideration must be given to strategic entry decisions in primary elections. We study this question using aggregate data from state legislative primaries from 2001–2015. We find compelling evidence that women’s probability of entry and victory in primary contests is affected by district political context – especially women-friendliness and religiosity. These results support the strategic entry hypothesis and provide further evidence that the most significant barriers to the representation of women in American political institutions precede electoral politics.
{"title":"Gender, Entry, and Victory in State Legislative Primary Elections","authors":"Nicholas Pyeatt, Alixandra B. Yanus","doi":"10.1080/1554477X.2021.1958667","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477X.2021.1958667","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Extant research on gender, context, and representation in the United States reveals women remain underrepresented as candidates, winners, and throughout political institutions. To better understand the sources of these gender gaps, greater consideration must be given to strategic entry decisions in primary elections. We study this question using aggregate data from state legislative primaries from 2001–2015. We find compelling evidence that women’s probability of entry and victory in primary contests is affected by district political context – especially women-friendliness and religiosity. These results support the strategic entry hypothesis and provide further evidence that the most significant barriers to the representation of women in American political institutions precede electoral politics.","PeriodicalId":46116,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Women Politics & Policy","volume":"42 1","pages":"352 - 368"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2021-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43216157","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-28DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2021.1976593
Mikel Norris
ABSTRACT Previous research on differences in male and female leadership attribute consensus formation to female leadership styles. However, I argue that consensus in the context of chief justice leadership is more akin to male forms of leadership. Proceeding from Meier and O’Toole’s theory of public management, I argue in this article that female chief justices should value consensus less than other duties and responsibilities. I test hypotheses using a survey of current and former state high court justices. The results show that female justices greatly devalue consensus and are more likely to place importance on interactions with state legislatures.
{"title":"Beyond Consensus: Gender, Chief Justices, and Leadership on State Supreme Courts","authors":"Mikel Norris","doi":"10.1080/1554477X.2021.1976593","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477X.2021.1976593","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Previous research on differences in male and female leadership attribute consensus formation to female leadership styles. However, I argue that consensus in the context of chief justice leadership is more akin to male forms of leadership. Proceeding from Meier and O’Toole’s theory of public management, I argue in this article that female chief justices should value consensus less than other duties and responsibilities. I test hypotheses using a survey of current and former state high court justices. The results show that female justices greatly devalue consensus and are more likely to place importance on interactions with state legislatures.","PeriodicalId":46116,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Women Politics & Policy","volume":"43 1","pages":"134 - 151"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2021-09-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42337980","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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