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How Gender, Race, Ethnicity, and Their Intersections Shape Americans’ Issue Priorities 性别、种族、民族及其交集如何塑造美国人的优先议题
IF 1.1 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-09-05 DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2021.1971506
Melody Crowder-Meyer
ABSTRACT Gender, race, and ethnicity shape the direction of Americans’ policy preferences. Do these traits also affect which issues Americans prioritize? I use open-ended responses about the most important problems facing the country to identify Americans’ policy priorities. I reveal that gender, ethnorace, and their intersections determine which issues Americans view as most important. Women are more likely than men to prioritize problems related to poverty and caregiving, but the specific issues women prioritize are also shaped by their ethnoracial identities. Many “women’s issues” might more accurately be described as Black, Hispanic, or white women’s issue priorities. Additionally, relative to Black and Hispanic men and women, white men and women are particularly unlikely to prioritize problems related to racism and discord, criminal justice, and immigration. On these issues, ethnorace drives prioritization largely unaffected by gender.
摘要性别、种族和民族决定了美国人政策偏好的方向。这些特征是否也会影响美国人优先考虑哪些问题?我对美国面临的最重要问题采用开放式回答来确定美国人的政策重点。我揭示了性别、种族及其交叉点决定了美国人认为哪些问题最重要。女性比男性更有可能优先考虑与贫困和护理有关的问题,但女性优先考虑的具体问题也受到其种族身份的影响。许多“妇女问题”可以更准确地描述为黑人、西班牙裔或白人妇女问题的优先事项。此外,相对于黑人和西班牙裔男性和女性,白人男性和女性尤其不太可能优先考虑与种族主义和不和、刑事司法和移民有关的问题。在这些问题上,种族驱动的优先顺序在很大程度上不受性别影响。
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引用次数: 4
Signaling Woman and Leader: Navigating the Double Bind as a Foreign Policy Decisionmaker 女性和领导者的信号:作为外交政策决策者驾驭双重束缚
IF 1.1 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-09-03 DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2021.1956563
C. Burns, J. Bowling
ABSTRACT The effects of gender on foreign policy decision-making is an understudied topic. While some research has examined the role of women chief executives in conflict, little research has looked at what role women defense and foreign affairs ministers play on outcomes. In this article, we examine the role that women chief executives, defense ministers, and foreign affairs ministers play in both conflictual and cooperative foreign policies. Specifically, we ask whether women foreign policy leaders are more likely to enact foreign policy decisions and whether they will be more extreme in their decisions. Past research posits that women leaders face a double-bind. Women must be both leader and woman while in office. We argue that this pressure will affect the decisions women make in foreign policy. We examine this relationship from 1980 to 2008 and find that women foreign policy leaders are different from men; they are more active in conflictual foreign policy and have more extreme cooperative foreign policy.
性别对外交政策决策的影响是一个研究不足的话题。虽然一些研究考察了女性首席执行官在冲突中的作用,但很少有研究关注女性国防部长和外交部长在结果中的作用。在这篇文章中,我们考察了女性首席执行官、国防部长和外交部长在冲突和合作外交政策中所扮演的角色。具体而言,我们问女性外交政策领导人是否更有可能制定外交政策决定,以及她们的决定是否会更加极端。过去的研究认为,女性领导人面临双重困境。女性在职期间必须既是领导者又是女性。我们认为,这种压力将影响妇女在外交政策中做出的决定。我们研究了1980年至2008年的这种关系,发现女性外交政策领导人与男性不同;他们在冲突外交政策上更为积极,在合作外交政策上也更为极端。
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引用次数: 1
Fighting for Abortion Rights in Latin America: Social Movements, State Allies and Institutions 拉丁美洲争取堕胎权的斗争:社会运动、国家同盟和机构
IF 1.1 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-07-24 DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2021.1946319
Camilla Reuterswärd
Latin America’s restrictive abortion policies underwent uneven change over the past few decades. While Mexico City, Uruguay and most recently, Argentina, decriminalized abortion and Chile and Colom...
拉丁美洲的限制性堕胎政策在过去几十年中发生了不均衡的变化。墨西哥城、乌拉圭和最近的阿根廷将堕胎合法化,智利和哥伦比亚。。。
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引用次数: 7
Good Reasons to Run: Women and Political Candidacy 参选的好理由:女性与政治候选人
IF 1.1 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-07-21 DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2021.1946317
Brian Frederick
The topic of gender and its influence on running for political office has unleashed a wave of new scholarship in recent decades. As the number of women running for and winning elected office has in...
近几十年来,性别话题及其对竞选政治职位的影响引发了一波新的学术浪潮。随着女性竞选和赢得选举职位的人数增加……
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引用次数: 6
Gender Differences in Public Opinion: Values and Consequences 舆论中的性别差异:价值观及其后果
IF 1.1 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-07-21 DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2021.1946313
Laurel Elder
The gender gap is a long-standing feature of American public opinion. While the gap between the attitudes of women and men on most policies is not huge, it is consequential. It reflects the continu...
性别差距是美国公众舆论的一个长期特征。虽然男女在大多数政策上的态度差距不大,但这是必然的。它反映了持续的。。。
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引用次数: 0
“Women Deserve Better:” The Use of the Pro-Woman Frame in Anti-abortion Policies in U.S. States “女性应该得到更好的待遇:”美国各州反堕胎政策中亲女性框架的使用
IF 1.1 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2021.1925478
Amanda M. Roberti
ABSTRACT In US political discourse, anti-abortion framing traditionally focuses on the right to life of the fetus. However, a “pro-life, pro-woman” frame increasingly gained ground among anti-abortion advocates inside and outside of elected office throughout the turn of the 21st century. The pro-woman frame in contemporary anti-abortion discourse situates abortion as inherently harmful for women – both psychologically and physically – and insists that women deserve better than abortion. By introducing regulatory abortion bills that “educate” women about abortion or protect them from potential harm of abortion, anti-abortion lawmakers may claim they are advocates for women. Though social movement scholars document the shift in focus from the fetus to the woman in anti-abortion movement rhetoric, it is equally important to trace this frame transformation among anti-abortion legislators. To uncover the presence of the pro-woman frame, this article analyzes anti-abortion bills introduced in all 50 US states from 2008 to 2017. The findings indicate that the pro-woman frame is found throughout a majority of the bills, which marks a significant use and acceptance of the frame by US state legislators. This frame transformation represents a strategic tactic of anti-abortion legislators to soften political behavior and beliefs that are seen as hostile toward women, especially during a time where there is an unprecedented amount of anti-abortion bills introduced in the states.
摘要在美国政治话语中,反堕胎框架传统上侧重于胎儿的生命权。然而,在整个21世纪之交,“支持生命、支持妇女”的框架在民选办公室内外的反堕胎倡导者中越来越深入人心。当代反堕胎话语中的亲女性框架将堕胎视为对女性的内在伤害——无论是心理上还是身体上——并坚持认为女性应该得到比堕胎更好的待遇。通过引入监管堕胎法案,“教育”女性堕胎或保护她们免受堕胎的潜在伤害,反堕胎立法者可能会声称自己是女性的倡导者。尽管社会运动学者记录了反堕胎运动言论中焦点从胎儿向女性的转变,但追踪反堕胎立法者的这种框架转变同样重要。为了揭示亲女性框架的存在,本文分析了2008年至2017年美国50个州出台的反堕胎法案。调查结果表明,在大多数法案中都存在亲女性的框架,这标志着美国州立法者对该框架的大量使用和接受。这种框架转变代表了反堕胎立法者的一种战略策略,以软化被视为对女性怀有敌意的政治行为和信仰,尤其是在各州出台了数量空前的反堕胎法案的时候。
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引用次数: 5
Feminist and Anti-Feminist Identification in the 21st Century United States 21世纪美国的女性主义与反女性主义认同
IF 1.1 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2021.1929607
Laurel Elder, S. Greene, M. Lizotte
ABSTRACT Feminism and anti-feminism featured prominently in the 2016 presidential election. Hillary Clinton was the first female major party presidential candidate and self-identified as a feminist speaking openly about the challenges facing women. Clinton faced off against Donald Trump, who was on record making sexist statements and arguing that Clinton’s success was from playing the “woman card”. We ask several questions: who identifies as a feminist today and how is this different from who identified as a feminist in the previous generation? Who identifies as “anti-feminist”? Are anti-feminists simply a mirror reflection of feminists or is it a distinctive social identity? Finally, the study explores the meaning of these labels by looking at what feminists and anti-feminists believe in terms of public policy and attitudes about gender equality. Thus, this study provides insights into the state of modern feminism and antifeminism in contemporary American politics.
摘要女权主义和反女权主义在2016年总统选举中占据突出地位。希拉里·克林顿是第一位主要政党的女性总统候选人,她自称是一位女权主义者,公开谈论女性面临的挑战。克林顿与唐纳德·特朗普对峙,后者公开发表性别歧视言论,并辩称克林顿的成功来自于打“女性牌”。我们问了几个问题:今天谁是女权主义者,这与上一代女权主义者有何不同?谁认为自己是“反女权主义者”?反女权主义者只是女权主义者的镜像,还是一种独特的社会身份?最后,本研究通过观察女权主义者和反女权主义者在公共政策和对性别平等的态度方面的看法,探讨了这些标签的含义。因此,本研究为当代美国政治中的现代女权主义和反女权主义提供了见解。
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引用次数: 5
Is the Expansion of Women’s Access to Political Leadership Rewarded? Evidence from the Allocation of US Foreign Aid 女性获得政治领导机会的扩大是否有回报?来自美国对外援助分配的证据
IF 1.1 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2021.1929599
Gabriela Okundaye, Marijke Breuning
ABSTRACT Do donor states reward recipient states for signaling a commitment to expanding the role of women in political decision making? Previous studies show that women are associated with positive outcomes for peace duration and governance. We theorize that donor states reward recipient states that make a commitment to women’s empowerment in political decision making and test our hypotheses using data on the distribution of US foreign aid to recipient states. We find that recipient states that adopt legislative quotas and include more women in their parliaments receive more aid, although a female head of government is not associated with more aid.
摘要捐助国是否会奖励承诺扩大妇女在政治决策中作用的受援国?先前的研究表明,妇女与和平时期和治理的积极成果有关。我们的理论是,捐助国奖励在政治决策中致力于赋予妇女权力的受援国,并使用美国对外援助分配给受援国的数据来检验我们的假设。我们发现,采用立法配额并在议会中包括更多女性的受援国获得了更多的援助,尽管女性政府首脑与更多的援助无关。
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引用次数: 2
Candidate Gender Quotas and Campaign Spending in Open-List Proportional Representation Systems: The Case of Chile 开放名单比例代表制中的候选人性别配额和竞选支出:以智利为例
IF 1.1 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2021.1928546
Ricardo Gamboa, Mauricio Morales
ABSTRACT This research note analyzes the effect of a candidate gender quota in Open-List Proportional Systems and its interaction with electoral spending. Focusing on the Chilean parliamentary elections of 2017, our evidence shows, first, that the quota law was effective in promoting the representation of women, but, second, the differences in the electoral performance between men and women grew considerably nevertheless. We argue that this result was due mainly to gender inequality in access to resources to finance electoral campaigns. Third, we found that this inequality exists only for candidates who are challenging incumbents, but not for the incumbents themselves: incumbent women are as competitive as men.
摘要本研究报告分析了公开名单比例制度中候选人性别配额的影响及其与选举支出的相互作用。以2017年智利议会选举为重点,我们的证据表明,首先,配额法在提高妇女代表性方面是有效的,但其次,尽管如此,男性和女性在选举中的表现差异仍大幅扩大。我们认为,这一结果主要是由于在获得竞选资金方面的性别不平等。第三,我们发现这种不平等只存在于挑战现任者的候选人身上,而不存在于现任者本身:现任女性和男性一样具有竞争力。
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引用次数: 3
About the Contributors 关于投稿人
IF 1.1 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/1554477x.2021.1960008
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引用次数: 0
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Journal of Women Politics & Policy
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