Pub Date : 2021-09-05DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2021.1971506
Melody Crowder-Meyer
ABSTRACT Gender, race, and ethnicity shape the direction of Americans’ policy preferences. Do these traits also affect which issues Americans prioritize? I use open-ended responses about the most important problems facing the country to identify Americans’ policy priorities. I reveal that gender, ethnorace, and their intersections determine which issues Americans view as most important. Women are more likely than men to prioritize problems related to poverty and caregiving, but the specific issues women prioritize are also shaped by their ethnoracial identities. Many “women’s issues” might more accurately be described as Black, Hispanic, or white women’s issue priorities. Additionally, relative to Black and Hispanic men and women, white men and women are particularly unlikely to prioritize problems related to racism and discord, criminal justice, and immigration. On these issues, ethnorace drives prioritization largely unaffected by gender.
{"title":"How Gender, Race, Ethnicity, and Their Intersections Shape Americans’ Issue Priorities","authors":"Melody Crowder-Meyer","doi":"10.1080/1554477X.2021.1971506","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477X.2021.1971506","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Gender, race, and ethnicity shape the direction of Americans’ policy preferences. Do these traits also affect which issues Americans prioritize? I use open-ended responses about the most important problems facing the country to identify Americans’ policy priorities. I reveal that gender, ethnorace, and their intersections determine which issues Americans view as most important. Women are more likely than men to prioritize problems related to poverty and caregiving, but the specific issues women prioritize are also shaped by their ethnoracial identities. Many “women’s issues” might more accurately be described as Black, Hispanic, or white women’s issue priorities. Additionally, relative to Black and Hispanic men and women, white men and women are particularly unlikely to prioritize problems related to racism and discord, criminal justice, and immigration. On these issues, ethnorace drives prioritization largely unaffected by gender.","PeriodicalId":46116,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Women Politics & Policy","volume":"43 1","pages":"169 - 183"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2021-09-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47826629","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-03DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2021.1956563
C. Burns, J. Bowling
ABSTRACT The effects of gender on foreign policy decision-making is an understudied topic. While some research has examined the role of women chief executives in conflict, little research has looked at what role women defense and foreign affairs ministers play on outcomes. In this article, we examine the role that women chief executives, defense ministers, and foreign affairs ministers play in both conflictual and cooperative foreign policies. Specifically, we ask whether women foreign policy leaders are more likely to enact foreign policy decisions and whether they will be more extreme in their decisions. Past research posits that women leaders face a double-bind. Women must be both leader and woman while in office. We argue that this pressure will affect the decisions women make in foreign policy. We examine this relationship from 1980 to 2008 and find that women foreign policy leaders are different from men; they are more active in conflictual foreign policy and have more extreme cooperative foreign policy.
{"title":"Signaling Woman and Leader: Navigating the Double Bind as a Foreign Policy Decisionmaker","authors":"C. Burns, J. Bowling","doi":"10.1080/1554477X.2021.1956563","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477X.2021.1956563","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The effects of gender on foreign policy decision-making is an understudied topic. While some research has examined the role of women chief executives in conflict, little research has looked at what role women defense and foreign affairs ministers play on outcomes. In this article, we examine the role that women chief executives, defense ministers, and foreign affairs ministers play in both conflictual and cooperative foreign policies. Specifically, we ask whether women foreign policy leaders are more likely to enact foreign policy decisions and whether they will be more extreme in their decisions. Past research posits that women leaders face a double-bind. Women must be both leader and woman while in office. We argue that this pressure will affect the decisions women make in foreign policy. We examine this relationship from 1980 to 2008 and find that women foreign policy leaders are different from men; they are more active in conflictual foreign policy and have more extreme cooperative foreign policy.","PeriodicalId":46116,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Women Politics & Policy","volume":"42 1","pages":"332 - 351"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2021-09-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48682946","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-24DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2021.1946319
Camilla Reuterswärd
Latin America’s restrictive abortion policies underwent uneven change over the past few decades. While Mexico City, Uruguay and most recently, Argentina, decriminalized abortion and Chile and Colom...
{"title":"Fighting for Abortion Rights in Latin America: Social Movements, State Allies and Institutions","authors":"Camilla Reuterswärd","doi":"10.1080/1554477X.2021.1946319","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477X.2021.1946319","url":null,"abstract":"Latin America’s restrictive abortion policies underwent uneven change over the past few decades. While Mexico City, Uruguay and most recently, Argentina, decriminalized abortion and Chile and Colom...","PeriodicalId":46116,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Women Politics & Policy","volume":"42 1","pages":"373 - 375"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2021-07-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/1554477X.2021.1946319","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43256439","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-21DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2021.1946317
Brian Frederick
The topic of gender and its influence on running for political office has unleashed a wave of new scholarship in recent decades. As the number of women running for and winning elected office has in...
{"title":"Good Reasons to Run: Women and Political Candidacy","authors":"Brian Frederick","doi":"10.1080/1554477X.2021.1946317","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477X.2021.1946317","url":null,"abstract":"The topic of gender and its influence on running for political office has unleashed a wave of new scholarship in recent decades. As the number of women running for and winning elected office has in...","PeriodicalId":46116,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Women Politics & Policy","volume":"42 1","pages":"371 - 372"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2021-07-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/1554477X.2021.1946317","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45524205","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-21DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2021.1946313
Laurel Elder
The gender gap is a long-standing feature of American public opinion. While the gap between the attitudes of women and men on most policies is not huge, it is consequential. It reflects the continu...
{"title":"Gender Differences in Public Opinion: Values and Consequences","authors":"Laurel Elder","doi":"10.1080/1554477X.2021.1946313","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477X.2021.1946313","url":null,"abstract":"The gender gap is a long-standing feature of American public opinion. While the gap between the attitudes of women and men on most policies is not huge, it is consequential. It reflects the continu...","PeriodicalId":46116,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Women Politics & Policy","volume":"42 1","pages":"369 - 370"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2021-07-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/1554477X.2021.1946313","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42850118","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-03DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2021.1925478
Amanda M. Roberti
ABSTRACT In US political discourse, anti-abortion framing traditionally focuses on the right to life of the fetus. However, a “pro-life, pro-woman” frame increasingly gained ground among anti-abortion advocates inside and outside of elected office throughout the turn of the 21st century. The pro-woman frame in contemporary anti-abortion discourse situates abortion as inherently harmful for women – both psychologically and physically – and insists that women deserve better than abortion. By introducing regulatory abortion bills that “educate” women about abortion or protect them from potential harm of abortion, anti-abortion lawmakers may claim they are advocates for women. Though social movement scholars document the shift in focus from the fetus to the woman in anti-abortion movement rhetoric, it is equally important to trace this frame transformation among anti-abortion legislators. To uncover the presence of the pro-woman frame, this article analyzes anti-abortion bills introduced in all 50 US states from 2008 to 2017. The findings indicate that the pro-woman frame is found throughout a majority of the bills, which marks a significant use and acceptance of the frame by US state legislators. This frame transformation represents a strategic tactic of anti-abortion legislators to soften political behavior and beliefs that are seen as hostile toward women, especially during a time where there is an unprecedented amount of anti-abortion bills introduced in the states.
{"title":"“Women Deserve Better:” The Use of the Pro-Woman Frame in Anti-abortion Policies in U.S. States","authors":"Amanda M. Roberti","doi":"10.1080/1554477X.2021.1925478","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477X.2021.1925478","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In US political discourse, anti-abortion framing traditionally focuses on the right to life of the fetus. However, a “pro-life, pro-woman” frame increasingly gained ground among anti-abortion advocates inside and outside of elected office throughout the turn of the 21st century. The pro-woman frame in contemporary anti-abortion discourse situates abortion as inherently harmful for women – both psychologically and physically – and insists that women deserve better than abortion. By introducing regulatory abortion bills that “educate” women about abortion or protect them from potential harm of abortion, anti-abortion lawmakers may claim they are advocates for women. Though social movement scholars document the shift in focus from the fetus to the woman in anti-abortion movement rhetoric, it is equally important to trace this frame transformation among anti-abortion legislators. To uncover the presence of the pro-woman frame, this article analyzes anti-abortion bills introduced in all 50 US states from 2008 to 2017. The findings indicate that the pro-woman frame is found throughout a majority of the bills, which marks a significant use and acceptance of the frame by US state legislators. This frame transformation represents a strategic tactic of anti-abortion legislators to soften political behavior and beliefs that are seen as hostile toward women, especially during a time where there is an unprecedented amount of anti-abortion bills introduced in the states.","PeriodicalId":46116,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Women Politics & Policy","volume":"42 1","pages":"207 - 224"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2021-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/1554477X.2021.1925478","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48831916","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-03DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2021.1929607
Laurel Elder, S. Greene, M. Lizotte
ABSTRACT Feminism and anti-feminism featured prominently in the 2016 presidential election. Hillary Clinton was the first female major party presidential candidate and self-identified as a feminist speaking openly about the challenges facing women. Clinton faced off against Donald Trump, who was on record making sexist statements and arguing that Clinton’s success was from playing the “woman card”. We ask several questions: who identifies as a feminist today and how is this different from who identified as a feminist in the previous generation? Who identifies as “anti-feminist”? Are anti-feminists simply a mirror reflection of feminists or is it a distinctive social identity? Finally, the study explores the meaning of these labels by looking at what feminists and anti-feminists believe in terms of public policy and attitudes about gender equality. Thus, this study provides insights into the state of modern feminism and antifeminism in contemporary American politics.
{"title":"Feminist and Anti-Feminist Identification in the 21st Century United States","authors":"Laurel Elder, S. Greene, M. Lizotte","doi":"10.1080/1554477X.2021.1929607","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477X.2021.1929607","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Feminism and anti-feminism featured prominently in the 2016 presidential election. Hillary Clinton was the first female major party presidential candidate and self-identified as a feminist speaking openly about the challenges facing women. Clinton faced off against Donald Trump, who was on record making sexist statements and arguing that Clinton’s success was from playing the “woman card”. We ask several questions: who identifies as a feminist today and how is this different from who identified as a feminist in the previous generation? Who identifies as “anti-feminist”? Are anti-feminists simply a mirror reflection of feminists or is it a distinctive social identity? Finally, the study explores the meaning of these labels by looking at what feminists and anti-feminists believe in terms of public policy and attitudes about gender equality. Thus, this study provides insights into the state of modern feminism and antifeminism in contemporary American politics.","PeriodicalId":46116,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Women Politics & Policy","volume":"42 1","pages":"243 - 259"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2021-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/1554477X.2021.1929607","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47755765","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-03DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2021.1929599
Gabriela Okundaye, Marijke Breuning
ABSTRACT Do donor states reward recipient states for signaling a commitment to expanding the role of women in political decision making? Previous studies show that women are associated with positive outcomes for peace duration and governance. We theorize that donor states reward recipient states that make a commitment to women’s empowerment in political decision making and test our hypotheses using data on the distribution of US foreign aid to recipient states. We find that recipient states that adopt legislative quotas and include more women in their parliaments receive more aid, although a female head of government is not associated with more aid.
{"title":"Is the Expansion of Women’s Access to Political Leadership Rewarded? Evidence from the Allocation of US Foreign Aid","authors":"Gabriela Okundaye, Marijke Breuning","doi":"10.1080/1554477X.2021.1929599","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477X.2021.1929599","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Do donor states reward recipient states for signaling a commitment to expanding the role of women in political decision making? Previous studies show that women are associated with positive outcomes for peace duration and governance. We theorize that donor states reward recipient states that make a commitment to women’s empowerment in political decision making and test our hypotheses using data on the distribution of US foreign aid to recipient states. We find that recipient states that adopt legislative quotas and include more women in their parliaments receive more aid, although a female head of government is not associated with more aid.","PeriodicalId":46116,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Women Politics & Policy","volume":"42 1","pages":"225 - 242"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2021-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/1554477X.2021.1929599","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49054393","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-03DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2021.1928546
Ricardo Gamboa, Mauricio Morales
ABSTRACT This research note analyzes the effect of a candidate gender quota in Open-List Proportional Systems and its interaction with electoral spending. Focusing on the Chilean parliamentary elections of 2017, our evidence shows, first, that the quota law was effective in promoting the representation of women, but, second, the differences in the electoral performance between men and women grew considerably nevertheless. We argue that this result was due mainly to gender inequality in access to resources to finance electoral campaigns. Third, we found that this inequality exists only for candidates who are challenging incumbents, but not for the incumbents themselves: incumbent women are as competitive as men.
{"title":"Candidate Gender Quotas and Campaign Spending in Open-List Proportional Representation Systems: The Case of Chile","authors":"Ricardo Gamboa, Mauricio Morales","doi":"10.1080/1554477X.2021.1928546","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477X.2021.1928546","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This research note analyzes the effect of a candidate gender quota in Open-List Proportional Systems and its interaction with electoral spending. Focusing on the Chilean parliamentary elections of 2017, our evidence shows, first, that the quota law was effective in promoting the representation of women, but, second, the differences in the electoral performance between men and women grew considerably nevertheless. We argue that this result was due mainly to gender inequality in access to resources to finance electoral campaigns. Third, we found that this inequality exists only for candidates who are challenging incumbents, but not for the incumbents themselves: incumbent women are as competitive as men.","PeriodicalId":46116,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Women Politics & Policy","volume":"42 1","pages":"260 - 271"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2021-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/1554477X.2021.1928546","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45945090","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-03DOI: 10.1080/1554477x.2021.1960008
{"title":"About the Contributors","authors":"","doi":"10.1080/1554477x.2021.1960008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477x.2021.1960008","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46116,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Women Politics & Policy","volume":"42 1","pages":"272 - 273"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2021-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46302251","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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