Canadian Public Administration-Administration Publique Du Canada最新文献

First Nations are important regional development actors, and yet their development ambitions and goals have often been ignored or poorly understood by settler governments. Since 2004, the Canadian federal government has supported First Nations governments and Tribal Councils to develop Comprehensive Community Plans (CCPs)—community planning documents that are meant to set priorities and guide development in the medium to long term. This study employs a quantitative content analysis of all publicly available CCPs and related strategic planning documents in British Columbia in order to understand development priorities and in doing so, reveals a mismatch between the interests of First Nations and settler governments.

This article traces the theoretical foundations, evolution, and limitations of Gender-Based Analysis Plus (GBA+), which is the Government of Canada's primary framework for attending to diversity and inclusion in public policy. We argue that GBA+ is, in its current form, inadequate to guide ambitious and transformative policy in the post-pandemic years given four interlocking issues: (1) a weak integration of intersectionality; (2) insufficient attention to the power structures and socio-political context undergirding social relations and policymaking; (3) an instrumental understanding of policy; and (4) a misreading of identity. Drawing on feminist, intersectional and post-structuralist methods, we adjust the GBA+ framework with the aim of addressing the conceptual shortcomings identified in our analysis. Ultimately, we demonstrate how a more explicit engagement with notions of intersectionality, power and policy's instrumental and productive aspects can enrich the ways we think about public policy as both a mechanism and a venue for transformative change.

Little research has been done about the street-level bureaucracy phenomenon from the standpoint of the consequences of professionals' activity on the organization. How can street-level bureaucracy help to influence a department's structure? Can we draw a parallel between street-level bureaucracy and hybridity? This study focuses on these phenomena within Quebec's Department of Municipal Affairs and Housing. The authors observe that a set of factors is contributing to ensure a certain weight to this street-level bureaucracy, mainly comprised of professional staff, which induces phenomena of structural and institutional hybridity.

This article provides a reply to Leah West's article The Perilous Prerogative. In this reply, I argue against West's contention that the Canadian military no longer has prerogative authority to conduct foreign signals intelligence. I demonstrate that the Communication Security Establishment Act has not entirely displaced the prerogative for foreign signals intelligence in a military context. Next, I examine West's argument that the Canadian military requires a statutory framework to conduct human intelligence. I conclude that West makes a compelling case, but that Parliament should proceed with caution before granting the military an authority to collect intelligence on Canadian foreign fighters.

For years, Canadian refugee status determination (RSD) procedures have faced significant administrative capacity issues. Arguing that the RSD system was attracting “unfounded” claims and becoming inefficient, the Harper government pursued rights-restrictive reforms. Is there a connection between applicants' procedural rights and the efficiency of Canadian RSD? This article outlines and empirically tests arguments for and against restricting refugee applicants' procedural rights to enhance efficiency. Examining macro-level trends in applications and micro-level adjudicator-specific routines, it presents evidence against the notion that rights-restrictive measures save adjudicators time. The article also shows that procedural rights can foster efficient RSD practices when applicants and adjudicators have access to competent legal counsel.

Policy professionals play an important role in political and administrative systems. However, the exact configuration and distribution of such personnel within agencies remains largely unknown. Early works noted the creation of small dedicated “policy shops” in many governments after 1960 where many policy professionals were located. Studies in Canada and elsewhere subsequently confirmed this organizational form but questions such as how many professionals are employed and where these units are located within existing departmental structures remain opaque. In this article, we provide an organizational mapping of professional policy personnel in the Ontario Public Service (OPS). We find that four major personnel distribution patterns exist within the OPS with only some analysts and professionals working in “classical” policy shops. These findings underscore the need to re-evaluate the organization and staffing of professional policy analysts in government in order to better account for the kinds of work policy professionals do in modern administrations.

The value of elected school board trustees has been a topic of debate. Several provinces in Canada have already eliminated them, with Manitoba currently considering abolishing them as well. Whether this is supported—or opposed—by the public is somewhat unknown. This research note reports the results of a survey of Ontario residents. We find that while two-thirds of respondents support retaining trustees, there are factors that pull people more towards favouring their elimination. Support for trustees is significantly lower for males, younger respondents, and those on the political right.

The National Security and Intelligence Committee of Parliamentarians (NSICOP) has twice reviewed the intelligence activities of CAF/DND and recommended the government provide explicit legislative authority for those activities. In “Defence intelligence and the Crown prerogative in Canada,” Philippe Lagassé rebukes NSICOP's argument and defends the continued reliance on the Crown prerogative. This article proposes that the critiques raised by Lagassé minimize the importance of the legal and operational concerns raised by NSICOP and do not reflect the legal history of Canadian intelligence activities. It also introduces the argument that the DND/CAF may no longer rely on the Crown prerogative for signals intelligence.