This paper explores patterns of cross‐linguistic, intra‐linguistic and individual variation in the acceptability of sentences with extraction from islands, a classic object of attention of generative grammar. It asks which “competence” concept better fits the presented data. We contrast two alternative views: one that ascribes a multilingual competence to individual speakers, in the “rich competence” tradition of acquisition theory, and another one based on a “competence‐free” kind of model, which is framed as an instantiation of the minimalist approach to the language faculty. We conclude that the latter eliminativist approach is better suited to account for variation in the acceptability of island sentences.
{"title":"THEORETICAL A‐GRAMMATISM: THE CASE FOR AN ELIMINATIVIST MINIMALISM","authors":"Claudia Pañeda, Guillermo Lorenzo","doi":"10.1111/stul.12245","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/stul.12245","url":null,"abstract":"This paper explores patterns of cross‐linguistic, intra‐linguistic and individual variation in the acceptability of sentences with extraction from islands, a classic object of attention of generative grammar. It asks which “competence” concept better fits the presented data. We contrast two alternative views: one that ascribes a multilingual competence to individual speakers, in the “rich competence” tradition of acquisition theory, and another one based on a “competence‐free” kind of model, which is framed as an instantiation of the minimalist approach to the language faculty. We conclude that the latter eliminativist approach is better suited to account for variation in the acceptability of island sentences.","PeriodicalId":46179,"journal":{"name":"STUDIA LINGUISTICA","volume":"78 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-07-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141779289","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper tackles the issue of whether syntactic head movement exists in Japanese. Sato & Hayashi (2018) and Sato & Maeda (2021) propose that Verb‐Echo Answers (VEAs), an instance of fragment answers, in Japanese are derived via the so‐called Verb‐stranding TP‐Ellipsis (VTPE; i.e., TP‐ellipsis accompanied by verb‐raising to C), thereby claiming that head movement exists in Japanese as a syntactic operation. In response, this paper argues that pro and Argument Ellipsis (AE) in Japanese sufficiently account for the key observations presented in their works. Specifically, a careful examination of the discourse in each question‐answer pair reveals that the seemingly problematic scope patterns in VEAs do not call for the VTPE analysis. We also show that the unacceptability of voice mismatches in VEAs can be explained by a discourse‐based analysis within the Question Under Discussion framework. Further, we provide an extensive discussion on the alleged evidence against the pro/AE analysis concerning adjunct‐inclusive readings. We show that negative scope reversal effects, which Sato & Maeda (2021) argue occur in VTPE, do not occur between adjuncts and negation in the novel data. Given this, we discuss possible ways to account for the availability of adjunct‐inclusive readings in VEAs with no recourse to VTPE, and suggest avenues for future research. The proposed analyses of VEAs shed new light on intriguing aspects of ellipsis phenomena, which involve complex interactions between syntax, semantics, and pragmatics.
{"title":"Verb‐echo answers in Japanese do not call for syntactic head movement: Arguments for a pragmatic account*","authors":"Tomoya Tanabe, Ryoichiro Kobayashi","doi":"10.1111/stul.12241","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/stul.12241","url":null,"abstract":"This paper tackles the issue of whether syntactic head movement exists in Japanese. Sato & Hayashi (2018) and Sato & Maeda (2021) propose that <jats:italic>Verb‐Echo Answers</jats:italic> (VEAs), an instance of <jats:italic>fragment answers</jats:italic>, in Japanese are derived via the so‐called <jats:italic>Verb‐stranding TP‐Ellipsis</jats:italic> (VTPE; i.e., TP‐ellipsis accompanied by verb‐raising to C), thereby claiming that head movement exists in Japanese as a syntactic operation. In response, this paper argues that <jats:italic>pro</jats:italic> and <jats:italic>Argument Ellipsis</jats:italic> (AE) in Japanese sufficiently account for the key observations presented in their works. Specifically, a careful examination of the discourse in each question‐answer pair reveals that the seemingly problematic scope patterns in VEAs do not call for the VTPE analysis. We also show that the unacceptability of voice mismatches in VEAs can be explained by a discourse‐based analysis within the Question Under Discussion framework. Further, we provide an extensive discussion on the alleged evidence against the <jats:italic>pro</jats:italic>/AE analysis concerning adjunct‐inclusive readings. We show that negative scope reversal effects, which Sato & Maeda (2021) argue occur in VTPE, do not occur between adjuncts and negation in the novel data. Given this, we discuss possible ways to account for the availability of adjunct‐inclusive readings in VEAs with no recourse to VTPE, and suggest avenues for future research. The proposed analyses of VEAs shed new light on intriguing aspects of ellipsis phenomena, which involve complex interactions between syntax, semantics, and pragmatics.","PeriodicalId":46179,"journal":{"name":"STUDIA LINGUISTICA","volume":"43 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-07-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141744307","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
On the basis of Abe's (2016) proposal that in the case of an A‐chain, any member can be the target for pronunciation, I argue that Japanese passives may have the bottom copies of the produced A‐chains pronounced. When the passivized subjects appear to occupy their original θ‐positions, it is standardly claimed that the relevant word order is derived by scrambling other material sentence‐initially. Contrary to this claim, I demonstrate that there are cases, including those of what Miyagawa (1989) calls the causative‐passive construction, where the passivized subjects actually occupy their original θ‐positions. I then provide evidence that those passivized subjects undergo “covert” A‐movement, hence giving support to my bottom copy pronunciation analysis.
根据 Abe（2016）的提议，即在 A 链的情况下，任何成员都可以是发音的目标，我认为日语被动语态可能会对所产生的 A 链的底层副本进行发音。当被动语态化的主语似乎占据了它们原来的θ-位置时，标准的说法是相关的词序是通过扰乱其他材料的句子初始得来的。与这一说法相反，我证明在有些情况下，包括宫川（1989）所说的因果被动结构，被动化的主语实际上占据了它们原来的θ-位置。然后，我提供了证据，证明这些被钝化的主语进行了 "隐蔽的 "A-移动，从而支持了我的底仿发音分析。
{"title":"Bottom Copy Pronunciation in Japanese Passives","authors":"Jun Abe","doi":"10.1111/stul.12242","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/stul.12242","url":null,"abstract":"On the basis of Abe's (2016) proposal that in the case of an A‐chain, any member can be the target for pronunciation, I argue that Japanese passives may have the bottom copies of the produced A‐chains pronounced. When the passivized subjects appear to occupy their original θ‐positions, it is standardly claimed that the relevant word order is derived by scrambling other material sentence‐initially. Contrary to this claim, I demonstrate that there are cases, including those of what Miyagawa (1989) calls the causative‐passive construction, where the passivized subjects actually occupy their original θ‐positions. I then provide evidence that those passivized subjects undergo “covert” A‐movement, hence giving support to my bottom copy pronunciation analysis.","PeriodicalId":46179,"journal":{"name":"STUDIA LINGUISTICA","volume":"8 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-07-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141744341","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper explores the syntactic variations of concord in sentences involving referential metonymy in English. Apart from the standard type in which syntactic agreement is shown between the metonymic NP and the verbs or pronouns that follow, this article also discusses and summarizes other types where there are various degrees of disagreement. Moreover, this paper formalizes the principles of Ruiz de Mendoza and Díez (2004) by introducing the metonymic function, and proposes simplification of these principles based on the notion of metonymy as a contingency. Finally, this paper discusses other possible factors – both contextual and non‐contextual – that may lead to these syntactic variations.
本文探讨了英语中涉及指代性隐喻的句子中的句法一致变化。除了隐喻 NP 与后面的动词或代词之间表现出句法一致的标准类型外，本文还讨论并总结了存在不同程度分歧的其他类型。此外，本文通过引入隐喻功能，正式确定了 Ruiz de Mendoza 和 Díez（2004 年）的原则，并根据隐喻是一种或然现象的概念，提出了简化这些原则的建议。最后，本文讨论了可能导致这些句法变化的其他可能因素（包括语境因素和非语境因素）。
{"title":"Syntactic Variations in Referential Metonymy","authors":"Zhen Wu","doi":"10.1111/stul.12243","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/stul.12243","url":null,"abstract":"This paper explores the syntactic variations of concord in sentences involving referential metonymy in English. Apart from the standard type in which syntactic agreement is shown between the metonymic NP and the verbs or pronouns that follow, this article also discusses and summarizes other types where there are various degrees of disagreement. Moreover, this paper formalizes the principles of Ruiz de Mendoza and Díez (2004) by introducing the metonymic function, and proposes simplification of these principles based on the notion of metonymy as a contingency. Finally, this paper discusses other possible factors – both contextual and non‐contextual – that may lead to these syntactic variations.","PeriodicalId":46179,"journal":{"name":"STUDIA LINGUISTICA","volume":"31 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-07-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141587892","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article provides a syntactic analysis of the inclusory plural pronominal construction in Fenno‐Swedish and Finnish. In this construction, a plural pronoun has a singular reading: vi …med Anna (literally “we …with Anna”) means ‘Anna and I’. In addition to the plural pronoun, the construction includes a comitative PP. Similar constructions can be found in several other languages, especially in the eastern parts of Europe which suggests it is an areal feature. The structural diversity of the construction in Fenno‐Swedish and Finnish seems to require an analysis that differs from previous analyses of other languages. Instead of a derivation involving movements, the study suggests that the analysis must employ an unvalued feature. In some well‐formed examples, the necessary movements would be far too complex for an appealing explanation. Additionally, the Fenno‐Swedish construction seems to allow an insight into a degree of development where the construction has not necessarily been fully grammaticalised.
{"title":"WE…WITH ANNA: THE INCLUSORY PLURAL PRONOMINAL CONSTRUCTION IN FINNISH AND FENNO‐SWEDISH*","authors":"Klaus Kurki","doi":"10.1111/stul.12233","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/stul.12233","url":null,"abstract":"This article provides a syntactic analysis of the inclusory plural pronominal construction in Fenno‐Swedish and Finnish. In this construction, a plural pronoun has a singular reading: <jats:italic>vi</jats:italic> …<jats:italic>med Anna</jats:italic> (literally “we …with Anna”) means ‘Anna and I’. In addition to the plural pronoun, the construction includes a comitative PP. Similar constructions can be found in several other languages, especially in the eastern parts of Europe which suggests it is an areal feature. The structural diversity of the construction in Fenno‐Swedish and Finnish seems to require an analysis that differs from previous analyses of other languages. Instead of a derivation involving movements, the study suggests that the analysis must employ an unvalued feature. In some well‐formed examples, the necessary movements would be far too complex for an appealing explanation. Additionally, the Fenno‐Swedish construction seems to allow an insight into a degree of development where the construction has not necessarily been fully grammaticalised.","PeriodicalId":46179,"journal":{"name":"STUDIA LINGUISTICA","volume":"202 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-06-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141510824","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In a seminal paper, Kiparsky & Kiparsky (1970) proposed a two‐way correspondence between presuppositionality of clauses and nominal structure. The proposal remains highly relevant to current research (a.o. Kastner 2015, Bochnak & Hanink 2022), despite the existence of counterexamples in both directions. In this paper, we examine Russian nominalized clauses to show that presuppositionality is indeed neither necessary nor sufficient for nominalization. However, instead of completely discarding the correspondence between presuppositionality and nominalization, we argue for a weaker “preference” hypothesis, whereby presuppositional, or discourse‐given, contexts are associated with a higher likelihood of nominalization compared to discourse‐new contexts. We provide support for the preference hypothesis based on four experimental studies, a forced‐choice and a givenness‐rating study using matrix negation as a proxy for givenness and a forced‐choice and a sentence completion study directly manipulating the discourse context. We suggest a tentative explanation for the preference hypothesis in terms of definiteness/familiarity marking.
{"title":"NOMINALIZED CLAUSES AND DISCOURSE‐GIVENNESS: EXPERIMENTAL EVIDENCE FROM RUSSIAN*","authors":"Mikhail Knyazev, Ekaterina Rudaleva","doi":"10.1111/stul.12232","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/stul.12232","url":null,"abstract":"In a seminal paper, Kiparsky & Kiparsky (1970) proposed a two‐way correspondence between presuppositionality of clauses and nominal structure. The proposal remains highly relevant to current research (a.o. Kastner 2015, Bochnak & Hanink 2022), despite the existence of counterexamples in both directions. In this paper, we examine Russian nominalized clauses to show that presuppositionality is indeed neither necessary nor sufficient for nominalization. However, instead of completely discarding the correspondence between presuppositionality and nominalization, we argue for a weaker “preference” hypothesis, whereby presuppositional, or discourse‐given, contexts are associated with a higher likelihood of nominalization compared to discourse‐new contexts. We provide support for the preference hypothesis based on four experimental studies, a forced‐choice and a givenness‐rating study using matrix negation as a proxy for givenness and a forced‐choice and a sentence completion study directly manipulating the discourse context. We suggest a tentative explanation for the preference hypothesis in terms of definiteness/familiarity marking.","PeriodicalId":46179,"journal":{"name":"STUDIA LINGUISTICA","volume":"44 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-05-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140926186","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article provides evidence from Arabic (namely Modern Standard Arabic and Jordanian Arabic) that ɸ‐Agree with an element which undergoes a phonological deletion at PF, i.e., a pro, results in the occurrence of a ɸ‐inflection of the goal on the relevant probe. This occurrence is imposed by the effects of a suggested interface condition, named as The Agree Identification Condition, which requires a phonologically null goal to be ɸ‐identified through a co‐varying ɸ‐inflection on its probe. Such an analysis directly accounts for the intriguing observation that ɸ‐inflections in Arabic do not occur on heads (e.g., verbs and prepositions) when the latter ɸ‐agree with an overt DP. Additionally, this article shows that the effects of this condition do not arise when the Agree relation occurs between a probe and an unpronounced goal which is a member of a movement chain. When one link of the chain (e.g., the higher copy) is overt, no ɸ‐inflection of the goal would appear on the probe. This suggests that when a probe ɸ‐agrees with a goal which constitutes one link of a movement chain, the Agree relation holds between the probe and the whole chain.
{"title":"ɸ‐Agree with silent goals and the theory of interface effects*","authors":"Marwan Jarrah, Mutasim Al‐Deaibes, Yazeed Hammouri","doi":"10.1111/stul.12229","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/stul.12229","url":null,"abstract":"This article provides evidence from Arabic (namely Modern Standard Arabic and Jordanian Arabic) that ɸ‐Agree with an element which undergoes a phonological deletion at PF, i.e., a pro, results in the occurrence of a ɸ‐inflection of the goal on the relevant probe. This occurrence is imposed by the effects of a suggested interface condition, named as <jats:italic>The Agree Identification Condition</jats:italic>, which requires a phonologically null goal to be ɸ‐identified through a co‐varying ɸ‐inflection on its probe. Such an analysis directly accounts for the intriguing observation that ɸ‐inflections in Arabic do not occur on heads (e.g., verbs and prepositions) when the latter ɸ‐agree with an overt DP. Additionally, this article shows that the effects of this condition do not arise when the Agree relation occurs between a probe and an unpronounced goal which is a member of a movement chain. When one link of the chain (e.g., the higher copy) is overt, no ɸ‐inflection of the goal would appear on the probe. This suggests that when a probe ɸ‐agrees with a goal which constitutes one link of a movement chain, the Agree relation holds between the probe and the whole chain.","PeriodicalId":46179,"journal":{"name":"STUDIA LINGUISTICA","volume":"4 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-03-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140155188","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
As technology and civilisation progress, the communication of technical data is gradually shifting away from the domain of specialists in the field. Automotive technology, the subject of the research project described below, can be seen as an example of this. Motor vehicles, regardless of their power sources, are consolidating its position as the second most expensive type of consumer goods after real estate. It is just one of the reasons for its importance. Vehicles with one, two or more engines have always had to be as efficient as possible. This also applies to the communication processes involved. This state of affairs entails the avoidance of redundant messages and the use of technical terms that lead to all participants in the communication process wanting to call the same thing by a given technical word. What this means is the existence of a vocabulary that is as uniform as possible, lemmatised in technical dictionaries and accepted by specialists in the field. The following article refers to a study in which an attempt was made to check how the target situation outlined above compares with the actual situation, i.e. the current state of affairs. In the context of the translation process, an analysis was made not only of the translations, but also of the process that led to their production. This gave the translator a central position.
{"title":"Das Allgemeine und das Individuelle beim Übersetzen von technischen Fachtexten: ausgewählte Ergebnisse eines Forschungsprojekts","authors":"Łukasz Solarz","doi":"10.19195/0137-1169.42.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.19195/0137-1169.42.5","url":null,"abstract":"As technology and civilisation progress, the communication of technical data is gradually shifting away from the domain of specialists in the field. Automotive technology, the subject of the research project described below, can be seen as an example of this. Motor vehicles, regardless of their power sources, are consolidating its position as the second most expensive type of consumer goods after real estate. It is just one of the reasons for its importance. Vehicles with one, two or more engines have always had to be as efficient as possible. This also applies to the communication processes involved. This state of affairs entails the avoidance of redundant messages and the use of technical terms that lead to all participants in the communication process wanting to call the same thing by a given technical word. What this means is the existence of a vocabulary that is as uniform as possible, lemmatised in technical dictionaries and accepted by specialists in the field. The following article refers to a study in which an attempt was made to check how the target situation outlined above compares with the actual situation, i.e. the current state of affairs. In the context of the translation process, an analysis was made not only of the translations, but also of the process that led to their production. This gave the translator a central position.","PeriodicalId":46179,"journal":{"name":"STUDIA LINGUISTICA","volume":" 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-12-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139144622","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Phraseological units, characterised by their opaque meaning, are the subject of multiple theoretical works. The following article adds to this discussion by providing another interesting example. It analyses the case of the Arabic phraseological unit ‘open sesame’ from the “Ali Baba and the Forty Thievesˮ folk tale, permeating into French, Italian, Polish, Turkish and Japanese – languages distant both linguistically and culturally. In each of the analysed languages, we can find the so-called absolute equivalents of the unit in question. Their analysis shows how a phraseological unit of a meaning rooted in a foreign culture enters a language that initially did not connote sesame with a ‘treasury’. Interestingly, the analysed unit became understandable enough to be re-used in other cultural sources, such as names of public places, or even to enter the target language dictionaries. However, as the corpus analysis suggests, the popularity of the unit in question varies between languages, being the most popular in Italian and the least in Japanese.
{"title":"« Sésame, ouvre-toi » : internationalisme phraséologique à contenu universel","authors":"Paweł Golda, Olcay Karabag, Joanna Ryszka","doi":"10.19195/0137-1169.42.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.19195/0137-1169.42.2","url":null,"abstract":"Phraseological units, characterised by their opaque meaning, are the subject of multiple theoretical works. The following article adds to this discussion by providing another interesting example. It analyses the case of the Arabic phraseological unit ‘open sesame’ from the “Ali Baba and the Forty Thievesˮ folk tale, permeating into French, Italian, Polish, Turkish and Japanese – languages distant both linguistically and culturally. In each of the analysed languages, we can find the so-called absolute equivalents of the unit in question. Their analysis shows how a phraseological unit of a meaning rooted in a foreign culture enters a language that initially did not connote sesame with a ‘treasury’. Interestingly, the analysed unit became understandable enough to be re-used in other cultural sources, such as names of public places, or even to enter the target language dictionaries. However, as the corpus analysis suggests, the popularity of the unit in question varies between languages, being the most popular in Italian and the least in Japanese.","PeriodicalId":46179,"journal":{"name":"STUDIA LINGUISTICA","volume":" 30","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-12-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139144368","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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