This paper explores patterns of cross‐linguistic, intra‐linguistic and individual variation in the acceptability of sentences with extraction from islands, a classic object of attention of generative grammar. It asks which “competence” concept better fits the presented data. We contrast two alternative views: one that ascribes a multilingual competence to individual speakers, in the “rich competence” tradition of acquisition theory, and another one based on a “competence‐free” kind of model, which is framed as an instantiation of the minimalist approach to the language faculty. We conclude that the latter eliminativist approach is better suited to account for variation in the acceptability of island sentences.
{"title":"THEORETICAL A‐GRAMMATISM: THE CASE FOR AN ELIMINATIVIST MINIMALISM","authors":"Claudia Pañeda, Guillermo Lorenzo","doi":"10.1111/stul.12245","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/stul.12245","url":null,"abstract":"This paper explores patterns of cross‐linguistic, intra‐linguistic and individual variation in the acceptability of sentences with extraction from islands, a classic object of attention of generative grammar. It asks which “competence” concept better fits the presented data. We contrast two alternative views: one that ascribes a multilingual competence to individual speakers, in the “rich competence” tradition of acquisition theory, and another one based on a “competence‐free” kind of model, which is framed as an instantiation of the minimalist approach to the language faculty. We conclude that the latter eliminativist approach is better suited to account for variation in the acceptability of island sentences.","PeriodicalId":46179,"journal":{"name":"STUDIA LINGUISTICA","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-07-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141779289","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper tackles the issue of whether syntactic head movement exists in Japanese. Sato & Hayashi (2018) and Sato & Maeda (2021) propose that Verb‐Echo Answers (VEAs), an instance of fragment answers, in Japanese are derived via the so‐called Verb‐stranding TP‐Ellipsis (VTPE; i.e., TP‐ellipsis accompanied by verb‐raising to C), thereby claiming that head movement exists in Japanese as a syntactic operation. In response, this paper argues that pro and Argument Ellipsis (AE) in Japanese sufficiently account for the key observations presented in their works. Specifically, a careful examination of the discourse in each question‐answer pair reveals that the seemingly problematic scope patterns in VEAs do not call for the VTPE analysis. We also show that the unacceptability of voice mismatches in VEAs can be explained by a discourse‐based analysis within the Question Under Discussion framework. Further, we provide an extensive discussion on the alleged evidence against the pro/AE analysis concerning adjunct‐inclusive readings. We show that negative scope reversal effects, which Sato & Maeda (2021) argue occur in VTPE, do not occur between adjuncts and negation in the novel data. Given this, we discuss possible ways to account for the availability of adjunct‐inclusive readings in VEAs with no recourse to VTPE, and suggest avenues for future research. The proposed analyses of VEAs shed new light on intriguing aspects of ellipsis phenomena, which involve complex interactions between syntax, semantics, and pragmatics.
{"title":"Verb‐echo answers in Japanese do not call for syntactic head movement: Arguments for a pragmatic account*","authors":"Tomoya Tanabe, Ryoichiro Kobayashi","doi":"10.1111/stul.12241","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/stul.12241","url":null,"abstract":"This paper tackles the issue of whether syntactic head movement exists in Japanese. Sato & Hayashi (2018) and Sato & Maeda (2021) propose that <jats:italic>Verb‐Echo Answers</jats:italic> (VEAs), an instance of <jats:italic>fragment answers</jats:italic>, in Japanese are derived via the so‐called <jats:italic>Verb‐stranding TP‐Ellipsis</jats:italic> (VTPE; i.e., TP‐ellipsis accompanied by verb‐raising to C), thereby claiming that head movement exists in Japanese as a syntactic operation. In response, this paper argues that <jats:italic>pro</jats:italic> and <jats:italic>Argument Ellipsis</jats:italic> (AE) in Japanese sufficiently account for the key observations presented in their works. Specifically, a careful examination of the discourse in each question‐answer pair reveals that the seemingly problematic scope patterns in VEAs do not call for the VTPE analysis. We also show that the unacceptability of voice mismatches in VEAs can be explained by a discourse‐based analysis within the Question Under Discussion framework. Further, we provide an extensive discussion on the alleged evidence against the <jats:italic>pro</jats:italic>/AE analysis concerning adjunct‐inclusive readings. We show that negative scope reversal effects, which Sato & Maeda (2021) argue occur in VTPE, do not occur between adjuncts and negation in the novel data. Given this, we discuss possible ways to account for the availability of adjunct‐inclusive readings in VEAs with no recourse to VTPE, and suggest avenues for future research. The proposed analyses of VEAs shed new light on intriguing aspects of ellipsis phenomena, which involve complex interactions between syntax, semantics, and pragmatics.","PeriodicalId":46179,"journal":{"name":"STUDIA LINGUISTICA","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-07-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141744307","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
On the basis of Abe's (2016) proposal that in the case of an A‐chain, any member can be the target for pronunciation, I argue that Japanese passives may have the bottom copies of the produced A‐chains pronounced. When the passivized subjects appear to occupy their original θ‐positions, it is standardly claimed that the relevant word order is derived by scrambling other material sentence‐initially. Contrary to this claim, I demonstrate that there are cases, including those of what Miyagawa (1989) calls the causative‐passive construction, where the passivized subjects actually occupy their original θ‐positions. I then provide evidence that those passivized subjects undergo “covert” A‐movement, hence giving support to my bottom copy pronunciation analysis.
根据 Abe（2016）的提议，即在 A 链的情况下，任何成员都可以是发音的目标，我认为日语被动语态可能会对所产生的 A 链的底层副本进行发音。当被动语态化的主语似乎占据了它们原来的θ-位置时，标准的说法是相关的词序是通过扰乱其他材料的句子初始得来的。与这一说法相反，我证明在有些情况下，包括宫川（1989）所说的因果被动结构，被动化的主语实际上占据了它们原来的θ-位置。然后，我提供了证据，证明这些被钝化的主语进行了 "隐蔽的 "A-移动，从而支持了我的底仿发音分析。
{"title":"Bottom Copy Pronunciation in Japanese Passives","authors":"Jun Abe","doi":"10.1111/stul.12242","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/stul.12242","url":null,"abstract":"On the basis of Abe's (2016) proposal that in the case of an A‐chain, any member can be the target for pronunciation, I argue that Japanese passives may have the bottom copies of the produced A‐chains pronounced. When the passivized subjects appear to occupy their original θ‐positions, it is standardly claimed that the relevant word order is derived by scrambling other material sentence‐initially. Contrary to this claim, I demonstrate that there are cases, including those of what Miyagawa (1989) calls the causative‐passive construction, where the passivized subjects actually occupy their original θ‐positions. I then provide evidence that those passivized subjects undergo “covert” A‐movement, hence giving support to my bottom copy pronunciation analysis.","PeriodicalId":46179,"journal":{"name":"STUDIA LINGUISTICA","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-07-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141744341","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper explores the syntactic variations of concord in sentences involving referential metonymy in English. Apart from the standard type in which syntactic agreement is shown between the metonymic NP and the verbs or pronouns that follow, this article also discusses and summarizes other types where there are various degrees of disagreement. Moreover, this paper formalizes the principles of Ruiz de Mendoza and Díez (2004) by introducing the metonymic function, and proposes simplification of these principles based on the notion of metonymy as a contingency. Finally, this paper discusses other possible factors – both contextual and non‐contextual – that may lead to these syntactic variations.
本文探讨了英语中涉及指代性隐喻的句子中的句法一致变化。除了隐喻 NP 与后面的动词或代词之间表现出句法一致的标准类型外，本文还讨论并总结了存在不同程度分歧的其他类型。此外，本文通过引入隐喻功能，正式确定了 Ruiz de Mendoza 和 Díez（2004 年）的原则，并根据隐喻是一种或然现象的概念，提出了简化这些原则的建议。最后，本文讨论了可能导致这些句法变化的其他可能因素（包括语境因素和非语境因素）。
{"title":"Syntactic Variations in Referential Metonymy","authors":"Zhen Wu","doi":"10.1111/stul.12243","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/stul.12243","url":null,"abstract":"This paper explores the syntactic variations of concord in sentences involving referential metonymy in English. Apart from the standard type in which syntactic agreement is shown between the metonymic NP and the verbs or pronouns that follow, this article also discusses and summarizes other types where there are various degrees of disagreement. Moreover, this paper formalizes the principles of Ruiz de Mendoza and Díez (2004) by introducing the metonymic function, and proposes simplification of these principles based on the notion of metonymy as a contingency. Finally, this paper discusses other possible factors – both contextual and non‐contextual – that may lead to these syntactic variations.","PeriodicalId":46179,"journal":{"name":"STUDIA LINGUISTICA","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-07-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141587892","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper investigates three puzzles concerning scalar nu‐V constructions in Taiwan Mandarin: (a) a scalar nu‐V construction is incompatible with state/achievement verbs, irrespective of the presence of a quantity phrase; (b) when combined with activity verbs, the inclusion of a quantity phrase appears obligatory for scalar nu‐V constructions in an out‐of‐the‐blue context; (c) under appropriate contextual support, bare nouns and demonstrative phrases can replace the typically obligatory quantity phrases to form a grammatical scalar nu‐V construction with an activity verb. We argue that the solutions to these puzzles lie in three core meaning components of scalar nu‐V constructions: (a) scalar presupposition; (b) association with focus; (c) volitional requirement. Specifically, we propose that (a) scalar nu is a scalar verbal modifier that forms a verbal compound with its following verb; (b) scalar nu introduces a scalar presupposition (based on the scalar associate) and the volitional requirement in scalar nu‐V constructions. If our analysis is correct, it suggests that the scalarity of a construction may come from a verbal modifier (e.g., scalar nu) in the formation of a compound verb, thereby enhancing our understanding of the compositionality of compound verbs in natural language.
{"title":"On the scalarity of nu‐V constructions in Taiwan Mandarin","authors":"Yi‐Hsun Chen, C.‐T. Tim Chou, Po Ju Shen","doi":"10.1111/stul.12244","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/stul.12244","url":null,"abstract":"This paper investigates three puzzles concerning scalar nu‐V constructions in Taiwan Mandarin: (a) a scalar nu‐V construction is incompatible with state/achievement verbs, irrespective of the presence of a quantity phrase; (b) when combined with activity verbs, the inclusion of a quantity phrase appears obligatory for scalar nu‐V constructions in an out‐of‐the‐blue context; (c) under appropriate contextual support, bare nouns and demonstrative phrases can replace the typically obligatory quantity phrases to form a grammatical scalar nu‐V construction with an activity verb. We argue that the solutions to these puzzles lie in three core meaning components of scalar nu‐V constructions: (a) scalar presupposition; (b) association with focus; (c) volitional requirement. Specifically, we propose that (a) scalar nu is a scalar verbal modifier that forms a verbal compound with its following verb; (b) scalar nu introduces a scalar presupposition (based on the scalar associate) and the volitional requirement in scalar nu‐V constructions. If our analysis is correct, it suggests that the scalarity of a construction may come from a verbal modifier (e.g., scalar nu) in the formation of a compound verb, thereby enhancing our understanding of the compositionality of compound verbs in natural language.","PeriodicalId":46179,"journal":{"name":"STUDIA LINGUISTICA","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2024-07-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141660749","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article provides a syntactic analysis of the inclusory plural pronominal construction in Fenno‐Swedish and Finnish. In this construction, a plural pronoun has a singular reading: vi …med Anna (literally “we …with Anna”) means ‘Anna and I’. In addition to the plural pronoun, the construction includes a comitative PP. Similar constructions can be found in several other languages, especially in the eastern parts of Europe which suggests it is an areal feature. The structural diversity of the construction in Fenno‐Swedish and Finnish seems to require an analysis that differs from previous analyses of other languages. Instead of a derivation involving movements, the study suggests that the analysis must employ an unvalued feature. In some well‐formed examples, the necessary movements would be far too complex for an appealing explanation. Additionally, the Fenno‐Swedish construction seems to allow an insight into a degree of development where the construction has not necessarily been fully grammaticalised.
{"title":"WE…WITH ANNA: THE INCLUSORY PLURAL PRONOMINAL CONSTRUCTION IN FINNISH AND FENNO‐SWEDISH*","authors":"Klaus Kurki","doi":"10.1111/stul.12233","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/stul.12233","url":null,"abstract":"This article provides a syntactic analysis of the inclusory plural pronominal construction in Fenno‐Swedish and Finnish. In this construction, a plural pronoun has a singular reading: <jats:italic>vi</jats:italic> …<jats:italic>med Anna</jats:italic> (literally “we …with Anna”) means ‘Anna and I’. In addition to the plural pronoun, the construction includes a comitative PP. Similar constructions can be found in several other languages, especially in the eastern parts of Europe which suggests it is an areal feature. The structural diversity of the construction in Fenno‐Swedish and Finnish seems to require an analysis that differs from previous analyses of other languages. Instead of a derivation involving movements, the study suggests that the analysis must employ an unvalued feature. In some well‐formed examples, the necessary movements would be far too complex for an appealing explanation. Additionally, the Fenno‐Swedish construction seems to allow an insight into a degree of development where the construction has not necessarily been fully grammaticalised.","PeriodicalId":46179,"journal":{"name":"STUDIA LINGUISTICA","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-06-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141510824","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article investigates the morpho‐syntactic marking of main polar questions, which is achieved across Italo‐Romance by crosslinguistically different strategies. I argue that the interpretation of main polar questions is related to the activation of a dedicated functional head that encodes the relevant formal feature within the left‐periphery. In particular, I explore the possibility that the process of clause typing in unembedded yes/no questions is linked in Italo‐Romance to the activation of a functional projection located in the right periphery of the CP‐layer, which I call Polarity Phrase. This hypothesis relies on the intuition that negation and affirmation can be reduced to a more abstract category encoding the open polarity of the sentence, which can be underspecified for either negative or positive value.
{"title":"CLAUSE TYPING IN MAIN POLAR QUESTIONS: EVIDENCE FROM ITALO‐ROMANCE","authors":"N. Munaro","doi":"10.1111/stul.12239","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/stul.12239","url":null,"abstract":"This article investigates the morpho‐syntactic marking of main polar questions, which is achieved across Italo‐Romance by crosslinguistically different strategies. I argue that the interpretation of main polar questions is related to the activation of a dedicated functional head that encodes the relevant formal feature within the left‐periphery. In particular, I explore the possibility that the process of clause typing in unembedded yes/no questions is linked in Italo‐Romance to the activation of a functional projection located in the right periphery of the CP‐layer, which I call Polarity Phrase. This hypothesis relies on the intuition that negation and affirmation can be reduced to a more abstract category encoding the open polarity of the sentence, which can be underspecified for either negative or positive value.","PeriodicalId":46179,"journal":{"name":"STUDIA LINGUISTICA","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-06-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141386923","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper is the first to explore tonal phonotactics in the world's natural languages. Zhangzhou Southern Min is theoretically assumed to have 7320 possible syllables but more than 71% of them are not empirically attested. Each lexical tone is logically possible to generate 915 syllables; however, the attested number only ranges from 98 syllables under tone 8 to 392 under tone 1. This study bases on a large corpus to explore how individual tones behave in the formation of attestable syllables, in what way tonal phonotactics occur and what mechanisms have trigged phonotactic constraints from both synchronic and diachronic factors. This study substantially stretches and advances our knowledge of tonal phonotactics as an important phonology phenomenon in this language. The exploration is supposed to serve as a model for thorough investigations of tonal phonotactics in Sinitic languages, shedding important light on the generalization of areal characteristics in Asia that possess rich and complex tonal contrasts. The study also contributes vital linguistics data to the typology of phonotactics in human languages, while enlightening a research direction of using experimental methods to model phonotactic restrictions in speakers' mental grammar and language practice.
{"title":"Tonal Phonotactics in Southern Min","authors":"Yishan Huang","doi":"10.1111/stul.12235","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/stul.12235","url":null,"abstract":"This paper is the first to explore tonal phonotactics in the world's natural languages. Zhangzhou Southern Min is theoretically assumed to have 7320 possible syllables but more than 71% of them are not empirically attested. Each lexical tone is logically possible to generate 915 syllables; however, the attested number only ranges from 98 syllables under tone 8 to 392 under tone 1. This study bases on a large corpus to explore how individual tones behave in the formation of attestable syllables, in what way tonal phonotactics occur and what mechanisms have trigged phonotactic constraints from both synchronic and diachronic factors. This study substantially stretches and advances our knowledge of tonal phonotactics as an important phonology phenomenon in this language. The exploration is supposed to serve as a model for thorough investigations of tonal phonotactics in Sinitic languages, shedding important light on the generalization of areal characteristics in Asia that possess rich and complex tonal contrasts. The study also contributes vital linguistics data to the typology of phonotactics in human languages, while enlightening a research direction of using experimental methods to model phonotactic restrictions in speakers' mental grammar and language practice.","PeriodicalId":46179,"journal":{"name":"STUDIA LINGUISTICA","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-05-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141098741","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper conducted a corpus‐driven study on the syntactic and semantic features of the first verb and the to‐infinitive in the “V‐to‐V” construction. It was found that the syntactic combination strength of the “V‐to‐V” construction and the semantic contribution of the first verb are in general negatively correlated. The “V‐to‐V” construction can, therefore, be classified into three types: (1) Hypotactic clause complex of expansion, where the two verbs in the “V‐to‐V” construction construe the two processes, with weak syntactic combination and high semantic contribution of the first verb; (2) Single verbal group, where the two verbs construe one process with the first verb being auxiliary, with strong syntactic combination and low semantic contribution of the first verb; (3) Hypotactic clause complex of projection, where the two verbs construe two processes, with flexible syntactic combination and high semantic contribution of the first verb. Such correlation can thus form a cline from hypotactic clause complex of expansion through hypotactic clause complex of projection to single verbal groups.
{"title":"A CORPUS‐DRIVEN STUDY OF THE CORRELATION BETWEEN THE SYNTACTIC COMBINATION STRENGTH AND THE SEMANTIC CONTRIBUTION IN THE ENGLISH “V‐TO‐V” CONSTRUCTION","authors":"Yalin Zhang, Qingshun He","doi":"10.1111/stul.12234","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/stul.12234","url":null,"abstract":"This paper conducted a corpus‐driven study on the syntactic and semantic features of the first verb and the to‐infinitive in the “V‐to‐V” construction. It was found that the syntactic combination strength of the “V‐to‐V” construction and the semantic contribution of the first verb are in general negatively correlated. The “V‐to‐V” construction can, therefore, be classified into three types: (1) Hypotactic clause complex of expansion, where the two verbs in the “V‐to‐V” construction construe the two processes, with weak syntactic combination and high semantic contribution of the first verb; (2) Single verbal group, where the two verbs construe one process with the first verb being auxiliary, with strong syntactic combination and low semantic contribution of the first verb; (3) Hypotactic clause complex of projection, where the two verbs construe two processes, with flexible syntactic combination and high semantic contribution of the first verb. Such correlation can thus form a cline from hypotactic clause complex of expansion through hypotactic clause complex of projection to single verbal groups.","PeriodicalId":46179,"journal":{"name":"STUDIA LINGUISTICA","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-05-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141118451","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In a seminal paper, Kiparsky & Kiparsky (1970) proposed a two‐way correspondence between presuppositionality of clauses and nominal structure. The proposal remains highly relevant to current research (a.o. Kastner 2015, Bochnak & Hanink 2022), despite the existence of counterexamples in both directions. In this paper, we examine Russian nominalized clauses to show that presuppositionality is indeed neither necessary nor sufficient for nominalization. However, instead of completely discarding the correspondence between presuppositionality and nominalization, we argue for a weaker “preference” hypothesis, whereby presuppositional, or discourse‐given, contexts are associated with a higher likelihood of nominalization compared to discourse‐new contexts. We provide support for the preference hypothesis based on four experimental studies, a forced‐choice and a givenness‐rating study using matrix negation as a proxy for givenness and a forced‐choice and a sentence completion study directly manipulating the discourse context. We suggest a tentative explanation for the preference hypothesis in terms of definiteness/familiarity marking.
{"title":"NOMINALIZED CLAUSES AND DISCOURSE‐GIVENNESS: EXPERIMENTAL EVIDENCE FROM RUSSIAN*","authors":"Mikhail Knyazev, Ekaterina Rudaleva","doi":"10.1111/stul.12232","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/stul.12232","url":null,"abstract":"In a seminal paper, Kiparsky & Kiparsky (1970) proposed a two‐way correspondence between presuppositionality of clauses and nominal structure. The proposal remains highly relevant to current research (a.o. Kastner 2015, Bochnak & Hanink 2022), despite the existence of counterexamples in both directions. In this paper, we examine Russian nominalized clauses to show that presuppositionality is indeed neither necessary nor sufficient for nominalization. However, instead of completely discarding the correspondence between presuppositionality and nominalization, we argue for a weaker “preference” hypothesis, whereby presuppositional, or discourse‐given, contexts are associated with a higher likelihood of nominalization compared to discourse‐new contexts. We provide support for the preference hypothesis based on four experimental studies, a forced‐choice and a givenness‐rating study using matrix negation as a proxy for givenness and a forced‐choice and a sentence completion study directly manipulating the discourse context. We suggest a tentative explanation for the preference hypothesis in terms of definiteness/familiarity marking.","PeriodicalId":46179,"journal":{"name":"STUDIA LINGUISTICA","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-05-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140926186","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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