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Fanny Bessard: Caliphs and Merchants: Cities and Economies of Power in the Near East (700–950). (Oxford Studies in Byzantium.) xxviii, 360 pp. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2020. £90. ISBN 978 0 19 885582 8. 范妮·贝萨德:《哈里发与商人:近东的城市与权力经济》(700–950)。(拜占庭的牛津研究。)xxviii,360页。牛津:牛津大学出版社,2020年。90亿英镑978 0 19 885582 8。
IF 0.4 3区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-02-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0041977x22000490
J. Nawas
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引用次数: 0
Alice Collett (ed.):Translating Buddhism: Historical and Contextual Perspectives. x, 292 pp. Albany, New York: SUNY Press, 2021. ISBN 978 1 4384 8293 4. Alice Collett主编:翻译佛教:历史与语境视角。x, 292页。Albany, New York: SUNY Press, 2021。Isbn 978 1 4384 8293
IF 0.4 3区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-02-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0041977X22000349
L. Doney
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引用次数: 0
The Alan capital *Magas: A preliminary identification of its location 艾伦人的首都*Magas:对其位置的初步确定
IF 0.4 3区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-02-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0041977X22000453
John Latham-Sprinkle
Abstract This article proposes that *Magas, capital city of the North Caucasian Kingdom of Alania, can be identified with the gorodishche (hillfort) of Il'ichevsk, in Krasnodar Krai in the modern Russian Federation. The Kingdom of Alania was the most powerful polity in the North Caucasus in the tenth and eleventh centuries; however, the location of its capital has never been satisfactorily established. This article reviews the evidence of written sources on *Magas – notably Masʿūdī, Juvayni, Rashid al-Din, and the Yuan-Shi – and identifies four criteria which can be used to identify the site of *Magas. These are its occupation between the tenth and thirteenth centuries; the influence of the Alan kings over it; its massive fortifications; and its capture by the Mongols in 1239–40. All of these features can be identified at Il'ichevsk, in contrast to previously proposed sites of *Magas.
摘要本文提出,*Magas,北高加索阿拉尼亚王国的首都,可以与现代俄罗斯联邦克拉斯诺达尔边疆区的Il’ichevsk的gorodishche(山丘堡)相提并论。阿拉尼亚王国是十世纪和十一世纪北高加索地区最强大的政体;然而,其首都的位置从未得到令人满意的确定。这篇文章回顾了关于*Magas的书面来源的证据,特别是Masʿ́dī、Juvayni、Rashid al-Din和元始,并确定了四个可用于识别*Magas遗址的标准。这些是它在十世纪到十三世纪之间的占领;阿兰国王对它的影响;其庞大的防御工事;1239-40年被蒙古人占领。所有这些特征都可以在Il’ichevsk发现,与之前提出的*Magas遗址形成鲜明对比。
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引用次数: 0
BSO volume 85 issue 1 Cover and Front matter BSO第85卷第1期封面和封面问题
IF 0.4 3区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-02-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0041977x2200057x
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引用次数: 0
Geoffrey Sampson: Voices from Early China: The Odes Demystified. 445 pp. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars’ Press, 2020. £67.99. ISBN 978 1 5275 5212 8. 杰弗里·桑普森:《中国早期之声:揭秘颂歌》。445页。纽卡斯尔泰恩河畔:剑桥学者出版社,2020年。£67.99。Isbn 978 1 5275 5212
IF 0.4 3区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-02-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0041977X21000392
Yunfan Lai, Johann-Mattis List
author’s suggestion that the nomads did not engage in any agricultural activities (e.g. pp. 27–8) should be carefully reconsidered. The author devotes many pages to discussing in detail marriage negotiations between Turkish and Tang ruling houses, pointing out that no successful marital relationships were established. However, the Tang ruler tried to adopt the daughter of the second Turkish ruler, Kapgan Kagan, who defected from the Turkish Empire to Tang, and marry her to the third ruler, Bilgä Kagan. Mentioning this historical fact would have enriched the author’s discussion of this topic. Furthermore, the author upholds the position according to which the status of the ruler bestowing the wife is superior to the status of the ruler being granted a spouse (p. 56). A few years later, however, Uyghur and Tibetan rulers are known to have married Tang princesses, although they held more power than the Tang Dynasty. Even during the Turkish Empire, as the author mentions, there was an agreement for the marriage of the Turkish ruler’s daughter and a Chinese prince (pp. 62–3). If one is to accept the author’s interpretation, then the candidates for the marriage negotiation should have been replaced once the power balance between the rulers changed. This reviewer finds that further careful examination of the above historical facts is required in order to accept this author’s theory. In his discussion of the writing process of the Old Turkish inscriptions, the author suggests that a part of the text was added only later to the stele (p. 138). The author, however, does not point out any evidential traces on the stone monuments themselves. If some lines had been curved later by other writers, then their script shape, size, line distances and so on would have shown different characteristics. In addition, the writers of the later text probably calculated its length according to the limited remaining free space. Providing a clear solution to the above questions would make the author’s discussion of Old Turkish inscriptions worth considering. His discussion indicates, however, that the inscriptions remain privileged objects of research for future studies.
作者关于游牧民族不从事任何农业活动的建议(例如第27-8页)应该仔细重新考虑。作者用大量篇幅详细论述了突厥与唐王朝之间的婚姻谈判,指出突厥与唐王朝之间并没有建立成功的婚姻关系。然而,唐朝统治者试图收养从土耳其帝国叛逃到唐朝的第二任土耳其统治者卡根·卡根的女儿,并将她嫁给第三位统治者Bilgä卡根。提到这一历史事实将丰富作者对这一主题的讨论。此外,作者坚持认为,给予妻子的统治者的地位高于给予配偶的统治者的地位(第56页)。然而,几年后,维吾尔族和藏族统治者与唐朝公主结婚,尽管他们比唐朝拥有更多的权力。正如作者所提到的,即使在土耳其帝国时期,土耳其统治者的女儿与一位中国王子的婚姻也有协议(第62-3页)。如果接受作者的解释,那么一旦统治者之间的权力平衡发生变化,婚姻谈判的候选人就应该被替换。这位评论家发现,为了接受这位作者的理论,需要对上述历史事实进行进一步的仔细检查。在讨论古土耳其铭文的书写过程时,作者认为部分文字是后来才添加到石碑上的(第138页)。然而,作者并没有在石碑上指出任何证据痕迹。如果有些线条后来被其他作家弯曲了,那么他们的文字形状、大小、线条距离等就会显示出不同的特征。此外,后期文本的作者可能根据有限的剩余自由空间来计算其长度。为上述问题提供一个明确的解决方案,将使笔者对古土耳其文的讨论值得思考。然而,他的讨论表明,这些铭文仍然是未来研究的特权对象。
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引用次数: 0
BSO volume 85 issue 1 Cover and Back matter BSO第85卷第1期封面和封底
IF 0.4 3区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-02-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0041977x22000568
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引用次数: 0
Nathan Wasserman and Elyze Zomer: Akkadian Magic Literature, Old Babylonian and Old Assyrian Incantations: Corpus–Context–Praxis. (Leipziger Altorientalistische Studien 12.) Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2022. Nathan Wasserman和Elyze Zomer:《阿卡德魔法文学,古巴比伦和古亚述咒语:语料库-语境-实践》。(Leipziger alorientalistische study 12)威斯巴登:哈拉索维茨,2022年。
IF 0.4 3区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-02-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0041977X22000404
M. Geller
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引用次数: 0
Yasin Dutton: Early Islam in Medina. Mālik and His Muwaṭṭa’. viii, 153 pp. London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2021. £85. ISBN 978 1 3502 6186 0. 亚辛·达顿:麦地那的早期伊斯兰教。马利克和他的Muwaṭaviii,153页,伦敦:布鲁姆斯伯里学院,2021年。85英镑为978 1 3502 6186 0英镑。
IF 0.4 3区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-02-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0041977x22000520
C. Salah
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引用次数: 0
of a Commentator: ā ā and the Rhetoric of Muslim 评论员:毛利与穆斯林的修辞
IF 0.4 3区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-02-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0041977X22000519
A. Sabra
Arabic edition is “199” (p. 14); “Iraquis” (p. 22); and the adverbial “sometimes” for the adjectival “sometime” (p. 54). Overall, however, the aim of an accessible and faithful introduction to this important figure is admirably accomplished. The inclusion of historically interesting poets like Ibn Ḥamdīs in the series is very welcome. The field of premodern Arabic literary studies has a long way to go to properly historicize premodern aesthetic projects and ideologies and Ibn Hamdis brings us closer to that goal, especially as both specialists from adjacent fields as well as interested readers without a deep background in the period, now have a quick read that offers significant insight into a unique figure in Arabic literary history.
阿拉伯文版本为“199”(第14页);“伊拉克人”(第22页);副词“sometimes”代替形容词“sometimes”(第54页)。然而,总的来说,对这个重要人物的一个容易理解和忠实的介绍的目的是令人钦佩地实现了。在这个系列中加入伊本Ḥamdīs等历史上有趣的诗人是非常受欢迎的。前现代阿拉伯文学研究领域要正确地将前现代美学项目和意识形态历史化还有很长的路要走,而伊本·哈姆迪斯让我们更接近这个目标,尤其是来自邻近领域的专家和对这一时期没有深厚背景的感兴趣的读者,现在可以快速阅读,对阿拉伯文学史上一个独特的人物提供重要的见解。
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引用次数: 0
On the terminology designating the Zoroastrians of Iran and their language 关于指定伊朗琐罗亚斯德教及其语言的术语
IF 0.4 3区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-02-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0041977X22000313
Saloumeh Gholami
Abstract This paper* examines how Zoroastrians designate themselves (internal/self-designations), and how they are designated by others (external designations). Focusing on the term Gabr/Gavr as the external denotation for Zoroastrians and the term Gabrī/Gavrūnī as the designation for their language, it argues that these terms, once common in Western scholarship as well as among non-Zoroastrian Iranians, have become obsolete due to their pejorative undertones. However, they have recently been revived by some scholars, who justify such use with reference to the alleged etymology of Gabr as meaning “man” and by the fact that even some Zoroastrians use Gavr/Gavrūn and Gavrī/Gavrūnī as an internal designation for themselves and their language. This paper critically examines these views and argues that neither the etymology nor the internal self-designation justifies the use of these terms and proposes the term Zoroastrian Darī as the more appropriate designation of the language of the Zoroastrians of Iran.
摘要本文探讨了琐罗亚斯德教如何指定自己(内部/自我指定),以及他们如何被他人指定(外部指定)。重点关注Gabr/Gavr一词作为琐罗亚斯德教徒的外部指称,Gabrī/Gavrīnī一词是他们语言的名称,它认为这些术语曾经在西方学术界和非琐罗亚斯德派伊朗人中很常见,但由于其贬义意味,已经过时了。然而,一些学者最近又重新提出了这种说法,他们认为Gabr的词源是“人”的意思,甚至一些琐罗亚斯德教徒也将Gavr/Gavrān和Gavrī/Gavrīn作为自己和语言的内部名称。本文批判性地研究了这些观点,认为无论是词源学还是内部自我命名都不证明使用这些术语是合理的,并提出琐罗亚斯德教Darī一词作为伊朗琐罗亚斯德教语言的更合适的命名。
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BULLETIN OF THE SCHOOL OF ORIENTAL AND AFRICAN STUDIES-UNIVERSITY OF LONDON
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