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Editors’ introduction: The complexities of worlding international relations: perspectives from the margins 编者按:世界国际关系的复杂性:边缘视角
IF 2.2 4区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/00207020231173517
L. Swatuk, David R. Black
The world of International Relations (IR) has expanded far beyond its initial disciplinary boundaries. Originally defined as a complement to Political Science’s “within state” focus and with a clearly defined mission (how to explain inter-state behavior in order to understand and avoid war), today it is actually quite difficult to say with confidence what isn’t IR. Equally vexing is the question of how to study it or whether to study it at all. From the era of the so-called “Great Debates” to interparadigm debates, to more recent attempts to reconceptualize the discipline as “global IR” or “world IR,” to de-world it or “queer” it, it sometimes appears that critical scholars are engaged in an endless attempt to get the mainstream to pay attention. The mainstream may be defined as those scholars and practitioners of IR, Development Studies, and International Political Economy who pursue a state-centric framework of analysis whose bounded theoretical domain is the interactions among sovereign states in an anarchical world system. At best, this framework allows for other actors—corporations, financial institutions, civil society organizations, individuals—to be added in. But make no mistake, this is a world of states whose (dis)order is made by states acting in the “national interest.”
国际关系的世界已经远远超出了最初的学科界限。最初被定义为对政治学“国家内部”关注的补充,并有着明确的使命(如何解释国家间行为以理解和避免战争),如今,实际上很难自信地说出什么不是IR。同样令人烦恼的是,如何研究它,或者是否研究它。从所谓的“大辩论”时代到跨党派辩论,再到最近试图将该学科重新定义为“全球IR”或“世界IR”,再到去世界化或“酷儿”,有时批判性学者似乎在无休止地试图引起主流的关注。主流可以被定义为IR、发展研究和国际政治经济学的学者和实践者,他们追求以国家为中心的分析框架,其有限的理论领域是无政府世界体系中主权国家之间的互动。充其量,这个框架允许其他参与者——公司、金融机构、民间社会组织、个人——加入进来。但毫无疑问,这是一个由国家组成的世界,其秩序是由国家为“国家利益”制定的
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引用次数: 0
Occupied by non-violence: Exploring male Palestinian resistance activists’ use of strategic silences in (re)narrating the Palestinian struggle 被非暴力占领:探索巴勒斯坦男性抵抗活动家在(重新)叙述巴勒斯坦斗争中使用战略沉默
IF 2.2 4区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/00207020231166576
E. Swan
Liberal peacebuilding has had its fair share of critiques. Along with highlighting its neo-liberal and Western-centric foundations, scholars have also drawn attention to its disregard for Indigenous peace frameworks. Peacebuilding in Palestine is no exception. Based on ethnographic research in the West Bank, this paper examines Orientalist narratives of Palestinian men embedded within the liberal peacebuilding framework and highlights the way that men engaged in unarmed resistance have navigated this terrain through the adoption of public transcripts which (re)narrate the Palestinian story/experience. I argue that this adoption can be interpreted as an act of critical agency where the silencing of their own beliefs is turned on its head to empower and further their agenda and goals. In this way, representation, knowledge, and silence can be understood as not only tools of colonial control, but also tools for Indigenous resistance to Western discourses, narratives, and representations.
自由主义的和平建设受到了相当多的批评。除了强调其新自由主义和以西方为中心的基础外,学者们还提请注意其对土著和平框架的漠视。巴勒斯坦建设和平也不例外。本文以西岸的民族志研究为基础,研究了自由主义和平建设框架下巴勒斯坦人的东方学叙事,并强调了参与非武装抵抗的人通过采用(重新)叙述巴勒斯坦故事/经历的公开文本来导航这一地形的方式。我认为,这种采纳可以被解释为一种关键机构的行为,在这种行为中,他们对自己信仰的沉默被颠倒过来,以增强和推进他们的议程和目标。通过这种方式,再现、知识和沉默不仅可以被理解为殖民控制的工具,也可以被理解为土著抵抗西方话语、叙事和再现的工具。
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引用次数: 0
Silences in Canadian Foreign Policy Textbooks and Course Outlines 加拿大外交政策教材和课程大纲中的沉默
IF 2.2 4区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/00207020231172981
Heather A. Smith
In this article, I examine one book, seven edited volumes, and twenty-four Canadian Foreign Policy course outlines to assess the inclusion of women scholars, feminist research, Indigenous scholars, and Indigenous-themed research. As we will see, the degree to which “silences have been broken” is strikingly uneven. Indigenous scholars are rare in the field and the inclusion of work by Indigenous scholars is also rare. The extent of inclusion of women scholars in edited volumes is varied, as is the representation of women scholars in readings found in course outlines. Some texts and course outlines show that the silences have been broken. However, through whose work they include, some textbooks and course outlines suggest that the work of women scholars remains marginal to the field, that Indigenous content is of little relevance, and in some cases, the work of Indigenous and female scholars is neither heard nor seen.
在这篇文章中,我研究了一本书、七卷编辑本和二十四本加拿大外交政策课程大纲,以评估女性学者、女权主义研究、土著学者和土著主题研究的包容性。正如我们将看到的,“沉默被打破”的程度是惊人的不均衡。土著学者在该领域很少见,土著学者的作品也很少见。女性学者在编辑卷中的收录程度各不相同,在课程大纲中的读物中女性学者的代表性也各不相同。一些课文和课程大纲显示沉默已经被打破。然而,通过他们的工作,一些教科书和课程大纲表明,女学者的工作对该领域来说仍然微不足道,土著内容几乎没有意义,在某些情况下,土著和女性学者的工作既听不见也看不见。
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引用次数: 0
“Wot ‘Bout Me?”: Punk, Africa, and theorizing International Relations “Wot'Bout Me?”:朋克、非洲和国际关系理论
IF 2.2 4区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/00207020231163059
Kevin C Dunn
This essay offers a narrative history, though certainly not definitive, of punk in South Africa. Rather than an ethnographic study or a history of popular culture, the essay places this narrative firmly within the academic fields of Political Science, International Relations, and International Political Economy. The story of punk in South Africa also illustrates the tensions and contradictions within the multiple, complex circuits and processes in play in formal and informal realms of everyday life that are central to, but often ignored, by the field of International Relations. The narrative of punk in South Africa is offered as a corrective to the disciplines’ Western-centrism and places people at the centre of scholarly analysis.
这篇文章提供了南非朋克的叙事历史,虽然肯定不是决定性的。这篇文章不是民族志研究或流行文化史,而是将这种叙述牢牢地放在政治学、国际关系和国际政治经济学的学术领域内。南非朋克的故事也说明了日常生活中正式和非正式领域中多重复杂的回路和过程中的紧张和矛盾,这是国际关系领域的核心,但往往被忽视。南非朋克的叙述是为了纠正这些学科的西方中心主义,并将人置于学术分析的中心。
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引用次数: 0
The “secret war”: Silence, testimony, and wartime sexual violence “秘密战争”:沉默、证词和战时性暴力
IF 2.2 4区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/00207020231168900
Erin Baines, Ketty Anyeko
Breaking the silence around wartime sexual violence is often understood as paramount to ending it. Many survivors feel compelled to publicly testify to prevent future harms, contest denial, and hold perpetrators to account. Yet, testimony is not always spoken, and silence should not be elided with powerlessness. In this article, we conceptualize the space in-between silence and voice as a form of multi-modal testimony that is given to protect, sustain, and reimagine relationships. We consider this in relation to the efforts of Adok, a woman abducted and forced into marriage by a rebel group in northern Uganda. Following her escape and return home with two children, Adok faced what is described as the “secret war”: ongoing structural and lateral violence. Her efforts to hold the father of her children to account attests to the “secret war,” and calls for a collective response to protect the future of her children.
打破对战时性暴力的沉默通常被认为是结束性暴力的首要任务。许多幸存者觉得有必要公开作证,以防止未来的伤害,质疑否认,并追究肇事者的责任。然而,证词并不总是被说出,沉默不应被无能为力所掩盖。在这篇文章中,我们将沉默和声音之间的空间概念化为一种多模态证词的形式,用于保护、维持和重新想象关系。我们认为这与Adok的努力有关,Adok是一名妇女,在乌干达北部被一个反叛团体绑架并强迫结婚。在逃离并带着两个孩子回家后,阿多克面临着所谓的“秘密战争”:持续的结构性和横向暴力。她要求孩子父亲承担责任的努力证明了这场“秘密战争”,并呼吁采取集体行动保护孩子的未来。
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引用次数: 0
Decolonizing International Relations and Development Studies: What’s in a buzzword? 非殖民化国际关系与发展研究:流行语里有什么?
IF 2.2 4区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/00207020231166588
Maïka Sondarjee, N. Andrews
Over the past decade, there has been a new “decolonial turn,” albeit less related than before to land and political independence. “To decolonize” is now associated with something less tangible and often under-defined. We argue that scholars, especially Western ones, should avoid depoliticizing the expression “decolonizing” by using it as a buzzword. Scholars and policymakers should use the expression only if it is closely related to the political meaning ascribed to it by Global South and Indigenous activists and scholars. Decoloniality is a political project of human emancipation through collective struggles, entailing at least the following: 1) abolishing racial hierarchies within the hetero-patriarchal and capitalist world order, 2) dismantling the geopolitics of knowledge production, and 3) rehumanizing our relationships with Others and nature. We conclude that there is a need for epistemic humility and that Western scholars and institutions must refrain from using the word too freely.
在过去的十年里,出现了一种新的“非殖民化转向”,尽管与土地和政治独立的关系比以前少了。“去殖民化”现在与一些不太具体的东西联系在一起,而且往往定义不明确。我们认为,学者,尤其是西方学者,应该避免将“去殖民化”作为一个流行词来使用,从而使其非政治化。学者和政策制定者只有在与全球南方和土著活动家和学者赋予的政治意义密切相关时才应该使用该表达。去殖民化是一项通过集体斗争实现人类解放的政治工程,至少包括以下内容:1)废除异性父权和资本主义世界秩序中的种族等级制度,2)拆除知识生产的地缘政治,以及3)使我们与他人和自然的关系重新人性化。我们的结论是,我们需要认识上的谦逊,西方学者和机构必须避免过于随意地使用这个词。
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引用次数: 4
Book Review: Israel’s Moment: International Support for and Opposition to Establishing the Jewish State, 1945-1949 书评:《以色列的时刻:国际社会对建立犹太国家的支持和反对,1945-1949》
IF 2.2 4区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/00207020231163066
J. Cunningham
tices with air defence systems necessarily will apply to AI weapons with offensive capabilities. The normative and ethical implications of autonomous air defence systems, designed to identify overhead threats and strike in response, may differ from those related to AI-powered systems that can identify and engage their targets with limited human involvement. While the air defence systems examined in this book have resulted in human casualties and certainly do inform perceptions of meaningful human control in an era of enhanced weapons autonomy, states and their citizens may feel differently about systems that were deliberately designed for offensive purposes. Thus, it remains unclear whether norms derived from practices with automated defence systems will necessarily apply to the AI-powered weapons systems of the future. Finally, the authors’ claim that international norms regarding the use of AI-powered weapons have already emerged before the full extent of AWS has even been realized may strike some readers as fatalistic. If legalistic, formal norms are fundamentally insufficient and procedural norms have already begun emerging in ways that erode meaningful human control, what can be done to set restrictions on the development and proliferation of these weapons? Ultimately, Bode and Huelss’ Autonomous Weapons Systems and International Norms makes a timely and important contribution to the fields of International Relations and International Security Studies at a time when global interest in AI and its military applications is growing. This book provides a comprehensive overview of the literature on international norms and employs rich, detailed case studies to analyze the evolution of norms surrounding AI-powered weapons, making it important reading for those interested in international norms and emerging technologies.
防空系统的规则必然适用于具有进攻能力的人工智能武器。自主防空系统旨在识别头顶威胁并采取应对措施,其规范和伦理影响可能与人工智能系统相关的规范和伦理影响不同,人工智能系统可以在有限的人为参与下识别和打击目标。虽然本书所研究的防空系统造成了人员伤亡,并且在武器自主性增强的时代,确实让人们认识到有意义的人类控制,但各国及其公民可能会对故意设计用于进攻目的的系统产生不同的看法。因此,目前尚不清楚来自自动化防御系统实践的规范是否一定适用于未来的人工智能武器系统。最后,作者声称,在AWS全面实现之前,关于使用人工智能武器的国际规范已经出现,这可能会让一些读者感到宿命论。如果法律上的正式规范从根本上是不够的,而且程序性规范已经开始以削弱有意义的人类控制的方式出现,那么可以做些什么来限制这些武器的发展和扩散?最终,在全球对人工智能及其军事应用的兴趣日益浓厚之际,博德和赫尔斯的《自主武器系统与国际规范》对国际关系和国际安全研究领域做出了及时而重要的贡献。本书全面概述了有关国际规范的文献,并采用丰富、详细的案例研究来分析围绕人工智能武器的规范演变,对于那些对国际规范和新兴技术感兴趣的人来说,这是一本重要的读物。
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: Autonomous Weapons Systems and International Norms 书评:自主武器系统与国际规范
IF 2.2 4区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/00207020231163064
Amelia C. Arsenault
Technological advances in machine learning, predictive analytics, and machine vision have allowed for the development of weapons systems that incorporate artificial intelligence (AI) into the target selection and engagement process. While many states are readily adopting this technology, the enhanced autonomy associated with Autonomous Weapons Systems (AWS) threatens to erode existing international norms, including the norm of meaningful human control over the use of force. In Autonomous Weapons Systems and International Norms, Ingvild Bode and Hendrik Huelss argue that states’ practices and behaviour, rather than formal legal negotiations, have already played a critical role in establishing international norms and “standards of appropriateness” for AWS. Proponents of AWS often cite the presumed military advantages associated with heightened degrees of weapons autonomy. Indeed, states’ interest in deploying these systems stems in part from their presumed ability to improve battlefield analysis, overcome enemy countermeasures, and reduce costs. However, AWS also pose considerable risks, including the erosion of international norms regarding the role of human decision-making in warfare. In light of this, scholars and activists have used international forums such as the Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons (CCW) to promote norms that would place legal restrictions on military autonomy and the use of AWS. However, Bode and Huelss point to disagreements between participants about the legal definition and acceptability of AWS and the intentional efforts on behalf of some states to promote vague or indeterminate rules to demonstrate that formal, deliberative negotiations are often unable to formulate clear, comprehensive
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引用次数: 4
Book Review: Collapse: The Fall of the Soviet Union 书评:《崩溃:苏联的解体》
IF 2.2 4区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/00207020231166591
J. Lalande
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: Natural Resource-Based Development in Africa: Panacea or Pandora’s Box? 书评:以自然资源为基础的非洲发展:万灵药还是潘多拉魔盒?
IF 2.2 4区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/00207020231163065
Gillian E. Hutchison
With the question “Panacea or Pandora’s Box?”, editors Nathan Andrews, J. Andrew Grant, and Jesse Salah Ovadia examine a narrow dichotomy with respect to a hugely variable region, but ultimately demonstrate that choosing one is not possible. Africa’s natural resources do offer a hypothetical remedy (a panacea) to its historical, political, and sociological ills. However, the volume’s contributors highlight that the continent’s geographical wealth also creates considerable challenges, or a “Pandora’s Box.” The recognition of this false dichotomy is evident through each chapter. Generally, the book addresses land use in Africa. It largely considers mineral mining and also acknowledges oil and gas and agricultural ventures. In their introduction, Andrews, Grant, Ovadia, and Adam Sneyd stress the (re)evolving agenda of natural resources governance in Africa. While they recognise a “rejuvenated push,” because many hoped natural resources would be a “boon for Africa’s development,” the editors acknowledge the limited value of proposed governance initiatives that potentially add layers of complexity for the continent’s development. The second section of the book addresses governance and its changing focus with respect to land use and extraction in mineral, oil and gas, and farming operations. Chapters in this section speak to the social conflicts created by these economic ventures. Authors discuss the extraction industries’ notions of legitimacy, their contentious histories, and the need for social license renewal. In sum, authors consider the competing necessities of exploration, extraction, and farming. They weigh these with the disconnect between expectations and reality for many stakeholders. For example, Abigail Efua Hilson addresses powerful corporate influences and the accusation that “multinational corporations take advantage of weak monitoring systems” by governments. Perception plays a significant role as governments, corporations, stakeholders, and communities present competing claims of legitimacy to each other.
关于“Panacea还是Pandora’s Box?”的问题,编辑Nathan Andrews、J.Andrew Grant和Jesse Salah Ovadia研究了一个变量巨大的区域的狭义二分法,但最终证明了选择一个是不可能的。非洲的自然资源确实为其历史、政治和社会弊病提供了一种假想的治疗方法(灵丹妙药)。然而,该卷的撰稿人强调,非洲大陆的地理财富也带来了相当大的挑战,或者说是“潘多拉盒子”。对这种错误的二分法的认识在每一章中都很明显。总的来说,这本书涉及非洲的土地利用。它主要考虑矿产开采,也承认石油、天然气和农业企业。Andrews、Grant、Ovadia和Adam Sneyd在引言中强调了非洲自然资源治理的(重新)发展议程。尽管编辑们承认这是一种“振兴的推动”,因为许多人希望自然资源将成为“非洲发展的福音”,但他们承认,拟议的治理举措的价值有限,可能会给非洲大陆的发展增加复杂性。该书的第二部分论述了治理及其在矿产、石油和天然气以及农业运营中土地使用和开采方面不断变化的重点。本节的章节讲述了这些经济冒险所造成的社会冲突。作者讨论了采掘业的合法性概念、其有争议的历史以及社会许可证续期的必要性。总之,作者考虑了勘探、开采和农业的相互竞争的必要性。他们权衡了许多利益相关者的期望和现实之间的脱节。例如,Abigail Efua Hilson谈到了强大的企业影响力,以及政府对“跨国公司利用薄弱监控系统”的指责。当政府、企业、利益相关者和社区相互提出相互竞争的合法性主张时,感知发挥着重要作用。
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引用次数: 0
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