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Beyond Hans Island: The Canada–Denmark agreement's possible impact on mobility and continental shelves 超越汉斯岛:加拿大-丹麦协议对机动性和大陆架的可能影响
IF 2.2 4区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1177/00207020231175760
Mathieu Landriault, P. Pic, F. Lasserre
The governments of Canada and Denmark signed a historic agreement on Hans Island on 14 June 2022. Although most of the agreement was devoted to the resolution of the Hans Island dispute, it also settled other issues. We argue that provisions on mobility and the continental shelf in the Labrador Sea give rise to interesting precedents that could have far-reaching effects for northerners. The agreement on enhanced mobility could represent a first step in a more ambitious process of facilitating Inuit mobility across Nunavut and Greenland, while the settlement on the continental shelf illustrates how states could collaborate on other continental shelf cases, including the continental shelf in the Central Arctic Ocean.
加拿大和丹麦政府于2022年6月14日在汉斯岛签署了一项历史性协议。虽然该协议的大部分内容都致力于解决汉斯岛争端,但它也解决了其他问题。我们认为,关于拉布拉多海的流动性和大陆架的规定产生了有趣的先例,可能对北方人产生深远的影响。关于加强流动性的协议可能是促进因纽特人在努纳武特和格陵兰岛之间流动性的更雄心勃勃的进程的第一步,而大陆架问题的解决说明了各国如何在其他大陆架案件上进行合作,包括北冰洋中部的大陆架。
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: Containing Diversity: Canada and the Politics of Immigration in the 21st Century 书评:《包容多样性:21世纪加拿大与移民政治》
IF 2.2 4区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1177/00207020231180110
Deniz Çevik
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引用次数: 0
Insurgency, Proxy, and Dependence: How Hezbollah's Ideology Prevails Over its Interest in its Relationship with Iran 叛乱、代理和依赖:真主党的意识形态如何在与伊朗的关系中压倒其利益
IF 2.2 4区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1177/00207020231175679
Massaab Al-Aloosy
Patron states provide their proxies with support for a variety of reasons. To better understand the relationship between states and their proxies, it is important to deconstruct the different means of support. For instance, even after an armed group gains economic and military autonomy, ideological affiliation can be an important factor. The ideological convictions of individuals within an armed group serve as a compass for the actions of the larger group, especially in relations to the patron state. This is the case with Hezbollah. Today, the group has outgrown its dependence on Iran for military and economic support; nevertheless, it remains committed to the ideals of Iran's revolution.
保护国出于各种原因向其代理人提供支持。为了更好地理解状态及其代理之间的关系,解构不同的支持方式是很重要的。例如,即使一个武装组织获得了经济和军事自治权,意识形态归属也可能是一个重要因素。武装团体中个人的意识形态信念为更大团体的行动提供了指南,特别是在与赞助国的关系中。这就是真主党的情况。如今,该组织已经不再依赖伊朗的军事和经济支持;然而,它仍然致力于伊朗革命的理想。
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引用次数: 1
Editors’ introduction: The complexities of worlding international relations: perspectives from the margins 编者按:世界国际关系的复杂性:边缘视角
IF 2.2 4区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/00207020231173517
L. Swatuk, David R. Black
The world of International Relations (IR) has expanded far beyond its initial disciplinary boundaries. Originally defined as a complement to Political Science’s “within state” focus and with a clearly defined mission (how to explain inter-state behavior in order to understand and avoid war), today it is actually quite difficult to say with confidence what isn’t IR. Equally vexing is the question of how to study it or whether to study it at all. From the era of the so-called “Great Debates” to interparadigm debates, to more recent attempts to reconceptualize the discipline as “global IR” or “world IR,” to de-world it or “queer” it, it sometimes appears that critical scholars are engaged in an endless attempt to get the mainstream to pay attention. The mainstream may be defined as those scholars and practitioners of IR, Development Studies, and International Political Economy who pursue a state-centric framework of analysis whose bounded theoretical domain is the interactions among sovereign states in an anarchical world system. At best, this framework allows for other actors—corporations, financial institutions, civil society organizations, individuals—to be added in. But make no mistake, this is a world of states whose (dis)order is made by states acting in the “national interest.”
国际关系的世界已经远远超出了最初的学科界限。最初被定义为对政治学“国家内部”关注的补充,并有着明确的使命(如何解释国家间行为以理解和避免战争),如今,实际上很难自信地说出什么不是IR。同样令人烦恼的是,如何研究它,或者是否研究它。从所谓的“大辩论”时代到跨党派辩论,再到最近试图将该学科重新定义为“全球IR”或“世界IR”,再到去世界化或“酷儿”,有时批判性学者似乎在无休止地试图引起主流的关注。主流可以被定义为IR、发展研究和国际政治经济学的学者和实践者,他们追求以国家为中心的分析框架,其有限的理论领域是无政府世界体系中主权国家之间的互动。充其量,这个框架允许其他参与者——公司、金融机构、民间社会组织、个人——加入进来。但毫无疑问,这是一个由国家组成的世界,其秩序是由国家为“国家利益”制定的
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引用次数: 0
Occupied by non-violence: Exploring male Palestinian resistance activists’ use of strategic silences in (re)narrating the Palestinian struggle 被非暴力占领:探索巴勒斯坦男性抵抗活动家在(重新)叙述巴勒斯坦斗争中使用战略沉默
IF 2.2 4区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/00207020231166576
E. Swan
Liberal peacebuilding has had its fair share of critiques. Along with highlighting its neo-liberal and Western-centric foundations, scholars have also drawn attention to its disregard for Indigenous peace frameworks. Peacebuilding in Palestine is no exception. Based on ethnographic research in the West Bank, this paper examines Orientalist narratives of Palestinian men embedded within the liberal peacebuilding framework and highlights the way that men engaged in unarmed resistance have navigated this terrain through the adoption of public transcripts which (re)narrate the Palestinian story/experience. I argue that this adoption can be interpreted as an act of critical agency where the silencing of their own beliefs is turned on its head to empower and further their agenda and goals. In this way, representation, knowledge, and silence can be understood as not only tools of colonial control, but also tools for Indigenous resistance to Western discourses, narratives, and representations.
自由主义的和平建设受到了相当多的批评。除了强调其新自由主义和以西方为中心的基础外,学者们还提请注意其对土著和平框架的漠视。巴勒斯坦建设和平也不例外。本文以西岸的民族志研究为基础,研究了自由主义和平建设框架下巴勒斯坦人的东方学叙事,并强调了参与非武装抵抗的人通过采用(重新)叙述巴勒斯坦故事/经历的公开文本来导航这一地形的方式。我认为,这种采纳可以被解释为一种关键机构的行为,在这种行为中,他们对自己信仰的沉默被颠倒过来,以增强和推进他们的议程和目标。通过这种方式,再现、知识和沉默不仅可以被理解为殖民控制的工具,也可以被理解为土著抵抗西方话语、叙事和再现的工具。
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引用次数: 0
Silences in Canadian Foreign Policy Textbooks and Course Outlines 加拿大外交政策教材和课程大纲中的沉默
IF 2.2 4区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/00207020231172981
Heather A. Smith
In this article, I examine one book, seven edited volumes, and twenty-four Canadian Foreign Policy course outlines to assess the inclusion of women scholars, feminist research, Indigenous scholars, and Indigenous-themed research. As we will see, the degree to which “silences have been broken” is strikingly uneven. Indigenous scholars are rare in the field and the inclusion of work by Indigenous scholars is also rare. The extent of inclusion of women scholars in edited volumes is varied, as is the representation of women scholars in readings found in course outlines. Some texts and course outlines show that the silences have been broken. However, through whose work they include, some textbooks and course outlines suggest that the work of women scholars remains marginal to the field, that Indigenous content is of little relevance, and in some cases, the work of Indigenous and female scholars is neither heard nor seen.
在这篇文章中,我研究了一本书、七卷编辑本和二十四本加拿大外交政策课程大纲,以评估女性学者、女权主义研究、土著学者和土著主题研究的包容性。正如我们将看到的,“沉默被打破”的程度是惊人的不均衡。土著学者在该领域很少见,土著学者的作品也很少见。女性学者在编辑卷中的收录程度各不相同,在课程大纲中的读物中女性学者的代表性也各不相同。一些课文和课程大纲显示沉默已经被打破。然而,通过他们的工作,一些教科书和课程大纲表明,女学者的工作对该领域来说仍然微不足道,土著内容几乎没有意义,在某些情况下,土著和女性学者的工作既听不见也看不见。
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引用次数: 0
“Wot ‘Bout Me?”: Punk, Africa, and theorizing International Relations “Wot'Bout Me?”:朋克、非洲和国际关系理论
IF 2.2 4区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/00207020231163059
Kevin C Dunn
This essay offers a narrative history, though certainly not definitive, of punk in South Africa. Rather than an ethnographic study or a history of popular culture, the essay places this narrative firmly within the academic fields of Political Science, International Relations, and International Political Economy. The story of punk in South Africa also illustrates the tensions and contradictions within the multiple, complex circuits and processes in play in formal and informal realms of everyday life that are central to, but often ignored, by the field of International Relations. The narrative of punk in South Africa is offered as a corrective to the disciplines’ Western-centrism and places people at the centre of scholarly analysis.
这篇文章提供了南非朋克的叙事历史,虽然肯定不是决定性的。这篇文章不是民族志研究或流行文化史,而是将这种叙述牢牢地放在政治学、国际关系和国际政治经济学的学术领域内。南非朋克的故事也说明了日常生活中正式和非正式领域中多重复杂的回路和过程中的紧张和矛盾,这是国际关系领域的核心,但往往被忽视。南非朋克的叙述是为了纠正这些学科的西方中心主义,并将人置于学术分析的中心。
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引用次数: 0
The “secret war”: Silence, testimony, and wartime sexual violence “秘密战争”:沉默、证词和战时性暴力
IF 2.2 4区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/00207020231168900
Erin Baines, Ketty Anyeko
Breaking the silence around wartime sexual violence is often understood as paramount to ending it. Many survivors feel compelled to publicly testify to prevent future harms, contest denial, and hold perpetrators to account. Yet, testimony is not always spoken, and silence should not be elided with powerlessness. In this article, we conceptualize the space in-between silence and voice as a form of multi-modal testimony that is given to protect, sustain, and reimagine relationships. We consider this in relation to the efforts of Adok, a woman abducted and forced into marriage by a rebel group in northern Uganda. Following her escape and return home with two children, Adok faced what is described as the “secret war”: ongoing structural and lateral violence. Her efforts to hold the father of her children to account attests to the “secret war,” and calls for a collective response to protect the future of her children.
打破对战时性暴力的沉默通常被认为是结束性暴力的首要任务。许多幸存者觉得有必要公开作证,以防止未来的伤害,质疑否认,并追究肇事者的责任。然而,证词并不总是被说出,沉默不应被无能为力所掩盖。在这篇文章中,我们将沉默和声音之间的空间概念化为一种多模态证词的形式,用于保护、维持和重新想象关系。我们认为这与Adok的努力有关,Adok是一名妇女,在乌干达北部被一个反叛团体绑架并强迫结婚。在逃离并带着两个孩子回家后,阿多克面临着所谓的“秘密战争”:持续的结构性和横向暴力。她要求孩子父亲承担责任的努力证明了这场“秘密战争”,并呼吁采取集体行动保护孩子的未来。
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引用次数: 0
Decolonizing International Relations and Development Studies: What’s in a buzzword? 非殖民化国际关系与发展研究:流行语里有什么?
IF 2.2 4区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/00207020231166588
Maïka Sondarjee, N. Andrews
Over the past decade, there has been a new “decolonial turn,” albeit less related than before to land and political independence. “To decolonize” is now associated with something less tangible and often under-defined. We argue that scholars, especially Western ones, should avoid depoliticizing the expression “decolonizing” by using it as a buzzword. Scholars and policymakers should use the expression only if it is closely related to the political meaning ascribed to it by Global South and Indigenous activists and scholars. Decoloniality is a political project of human emancipation through collective struggles, entailing at least the following: 1) abolishing racial hierarchies within the hetero-patriarchal and capitalist world order, 2) dismantling the geopolitics of knowledge production, and 3) rehumanizing our relationships with Others and nature. We conclude that there is a need for epistemic humility and that Western scholars and institutions must refrain from using the word too freely.
在过去的十年里,出现了一种新的“非殖民化转向”,尽管与土地和政治独立的关系比以前少了。“去殖民化”现在与一些不太具体的东西联系在一起,而且往往定义不明确。我们认为,学者,尤其是西方学者,应该避免将“去殖民化”作为一个流行词来使用,从而使其非政治化。学者和政策制定者只有在与全球南方和土著活动家和学者赋予的政治意义密切相关时才应该使用该表达。去殖民化是一项通过集体斗争实现人类解放的政治工程,至少包括以下内容:1)废除异性父权和资本主义世界秩序中的种族等级制度,2)拆除知识生产的地缘政治,以及3)使我们与他人和自然的关系重新人性化。我们的结论是,我们需要认识上的谦逊,西方学者和机构必须避免过于随意地使用这个词。
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引用次数: 4
Book Review: Autonomous Weapons Systems and International Norms 书评:自主武器系统与国际规范
IF 2.2 4区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/00207020231163064
Amelia C. Arsenault
Technological advances in machine learning, predictive analytics, and machine vision have allowed for the development of weapons systems that incorporate artificial intelligence (AI) into the target selection and engagement process. While many states are readily adopting this technology, the enhanced autonomy associated with Autonomous Weapons Systems (AWS) threatens to erode existing international norms, including the norm of meaningful human control over the use of force. In Autonomous Weapons Systems and International Norms, Ingvild Bode and Hendrik Huelss argue that states’ practices and behaviour, rather than formal legal negotiations, have already played a critical role in establishing international norms and “standards of appropriateness” for AWS. Proponents of AWS often cite the presumed military advantages associated with heightened degrees of weapons autonomy. Indeed, states’ interest in deploying these systems stems in part from their presumed ability to improve battlefield analysis, overcome enemy countermeasures, and reduce costs. However, AWS also pose considerable risks, including the erosion of international norms regarding the role of human decision-making in warfare. In light of this, scholars and activists have used international forums such as the Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons (CCW) to promote norms that would place legal restrictions on military autonomy and the use of AWS. However, Bode and Huelss point to disagreements between participants about the legal definition and acceptability of AWS and the intentional efforts on behalf of some states to promote vague or indeterminate rules to demonstrate that formal, deliberative negotiations are often unable to formulate clear, comprehensive
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引用次数: 4
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International Journal
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