Pub Date : 2023-03-01DOI: 10.1177/00207020231179048
Selim Kurt, Göktürk Tüysüzoğlu
The term “frozen conflict,” which is used to describe identity-based conflicts in former Soviet republics, characterizes a situation whereby neither war nor peace exists between the conflicting parties. The most important of these conflict areas is Nagorno-Karabakh, located in the South Caucasus. As the conflict in the 1990s could not be resolved through negotiations, war broke out again in September 2020. Under the ceasefire protocol signed in November 2020 following the war, Azerbaijan has largely succeeded in liberating its occupied territories around Nagorno-Karabakh. As it is claimed that the occupied territories of Azerbaijan have been completely liberated, this situation raises the question of whether the problem is no longer a frozen conflict. However, when the protocol is considered in relation to the concept's definition, we see that the problem remains a frozen conflict.
{"title":"Is Nagorno-Karabakh no longer a frozen conflict zone after the 2020 war?","authors":"Selim Kurt, Göktürk Tüysüzoğlu","doi":"10.1177/00207020231179048","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00207020231179048","url":null,"abstract":"The term “frozen conflict,” which is used to describe identity-based conflicts in former Soviet republics, characterizes a situation whereby neither war nor peace exists between the conflicting parties. The most important of these conflict areas is Nagorno-Karabakh, located in the South Caucasus. As the conflict in the 1990s could not be resolved through negotiations, war broke out again in September 2020. Under the ceasefire protocol signed in November 2020 following the war, Azerbaijan has largely succeeded in liberating its occupied territories around Nagorno-Karabakh. As it is claimed that the occupied territories of Azerbaijan have been completely liberated, this situation raises the question of whether the problem is no longer a frozen conflict. However, when the protocol is considered in relation to the concept's definition, we see that the problem remains a frozen conflict.","PeriodicalId":46226,"journal":{"name":"International Journal","volume":"78 1","pages":"41 - 59"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46783070","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-01DOI: 10.1177/00207020231179969
Van Jackson
Advocates of progressive political economy agree that the neo-liberal economic order has worsened environmental degradation, worker precarity, and oligarchy, but what are the alternatives? This article relates left-progressive discourses about concrete approaches and policy ideas to implications for the global economic order. While progressives explicitly seek a more social democratic global order, the various policy initiatives in the progressive imaginary implicitly involve approaches to order-building that are in scarcely acknowledged competition with one another. While neo-Keynesianism, justice for the Global South, a Global Green New Deal, and degrowth are all anti–neo-liberal approaches that pursue the same broad aims—reducing inequality within the Global North, raising standards of living and buffering structural violence in the Global South, and responding to the climate crisis—these goals potentially exhibit the tensions of a trilemma.
{"title":"A capital critique: Progressive alternatives to neo-liberal economic order","authors":"Van Jackson","doi":"10.1177/00207020231179969","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00207020231179969","url":null,"abstract":"Advocates of progressive political economy agree that the neo-liberal economic order has worsened environmental degradation, worker precarity, and oligarchy, but what are the alternatives? This article relates left-progressive discourses about concrete approaches and policy ideas to implications for the global economic order. While progressives explicitly seek a more social democratic global order, the various policy initiatives in the progressive imaginary implicitly involve approaches to order-building that are in scarcely acknowledged competition with one another. While neo-Keynesianism, justice for the Global South, a Global Green New Deal, and degrowth are all anti–neo-liberal approaches that pursue the same broad aims—reducing inequality within the Global North, raising standards of living and buffering structural violence in the Global South, and responding to the climate crisis—these goals potentially exhibit the tensions of a trilemma.","PeriodicalId":46226,"journal":{"name":"International Journal","volume":"78 1","pages":"212 - 231"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49050823","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-01DOI: 10.1177/00207020231178393
Philip Giurlando
Populists in southern Europe and potentially beyond display a distinctive understanding of international relations, such as the belief that national or the “people's” sovereignty must be the main organizing principle of international affairs, a preference for a multipolar world, suspicion of multilateral governance institutions, and sympathy toward Russia and/or China. This phenomenon represents a potentially fruitful domain for scholarly inquiry to answer questions such as: what are some of the ontological features of populism and how are these elements connected to patterns of foreign policy preferences? This essay aims to provide tentative answers to these questions with a focus on Spain.
{"title":"Populism and international affairs: The case of Spain","authors":"Philip Giurlando","doi":"10.1177/00207020231178393","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00207020231178393","url":null,"abstract":"Populists in southern Europe and potentially beyond display a distinctive understanding of international relations, such as the belief that national or the “people's” sovereignty must be the main organizing principle of international affairs, a preference for a multipolar world, suspicion of multilateral governance institutions, and sympathy toward Russia and/or China. This phenomenon represents a potentially fruitful domain for scholarly inquiry to answer questions such as: what are some of the ontological features of populism and how are these elements connected to patterns of foreign policy preferences? This essay aims to provide tentative answers to these questions with a focus on Spain.","PeriodicalId":46226,"journal":{"name":"International Journal","volume":"78 1","pages":"232 - 242"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47070846","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-01DOI: 10.1177/00207020231178922
James Collie
This article analyzes the modern foreign policy of the New Democratic Party of Canada (NDP). It uses the framework of Aaron Ettinger's work in the International Journal on an emerging left-wing in the US Democratic Party. I first situate the research within the existing literature on leftist internationalism, Canadian foreign policy, and the New Democratic Party. I then analyze a dataset that I created based on the last five NDP federal election platforms and use it to analyze 210 different foreign policy commitments. I use these findings to argue two things: (1) the NDP has a comprehensive foreign policy that reflects dual struggles of electability and left-wing ideals; (2) there is no identifiable left-wing turn in recent NDP platforms. I conclude this article with a discussion on the future of NDP foreign policy.
{"title":"Left, but how left? Analyzing the foreign policy of the New Democratic Party of Canada","authors":"James Collie","doi":"10.1177/00207020231178922","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00207020231178922","url":null,"abstract":"This article analyzes the modern foreign policy of the New Democratic Party of Canada (NDP). It uses the framework of Aaron Ettinger's work in the International Journal on an emerging left-wing in the US Democratic Party. I first situate the research within the existing literature on leftist internationalism, Canadian foreign policy, and the New Democratic Party. I then analyze a dataset that I created based on the last five NDP federal election platforms and use it to analyze 210 different foreign policy commitments. I use these findings to argue two things: (1) the NDP has a comprehensive foreign policy that reflects dual struggles of electability and left-wing ideals; (2) there is no identifiable left-wing turn in recent NDP platforms. I conclude this article with a discussion on the future of NDP foreign policy.","PeriodicalId":46226,"journal":{"name":"International Journal","volume":"78 1","pages":"193 - 211"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49104608","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-01DOI: 10.1177/00207020231179050
Dr. Ivelaw Lloyd Griffith
This article challenges Daniel Yergin's proposition that climate mobilization, and not energy security, is the main driver of contemporary international engagement. I examine the realities of Guyana and Suriname, two small states in the Guyana-Suriname Basin (GSB) that give equal weight to energy security and climate issues. The two have oil reserves that together comprise more than 16 billion barrels. Guyana and Suriname are also in Wet Neighbourhoods with massive rainforests, and due to global warming, the Guyana capital is forecast to be fully or partially submerged by 2030. The article argues that GSB leaders must use some of their countries’ oil revenues to craft an Environmental Security Investment Plan, noting that although rising sea levels might only minimally affect offshore drilling, they will disrupt habitation and societal normalcy, and the oil wealth would be of little benefit to the people if appropriate mitigation is not undertaken urgently.
{"title":"Oil and climate change in small states","authors":"Dr. Ivelaw Lloyd Griffith","doi":"10.1177/00207020231179050","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00207020231179050","url":null,"abstract":"This article challenges Daniel Yergin's proposition that climate mobilization, and not energy security, is the main driver of contemporary international engagement. I examine the realities of Guyana and Suriname, two small states in the Guyana-Suriname Basin (GSB) that give equal weight to energy security and climate issues. The two have oil reserves that together comprise more than 16 billion barrels. Guyana and Suriname are also in Wet Neighbourhoods with massive rainforests, and due to global warming, the Guyana capital is forecast to be fully or partially submerged by 2030. The article argues that GSB leaders must use some of their countries’ oil revenues to craft an Environmental Security Investment Plan, noting that although rising sea levels might only minimally affect offshore drilling, they will disrupt habitation and societal normalcy, and the oil wealth would be of little benefit to the people if appropriate mitigation is not undertaken urgently.","PeriodicalId":46226,"journal":{"name":"International Journal","volume":"78 1","pages":"254 - 262"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42777948","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-01DOI: 10.1177/00207020231175682
Jaehwan Jung
After the 2008 global financial crisis, the newly revised Basel III international regulatory framework for banks enhanced the macroprudential objective of addressing the systemic risk inherent in financial markets. This revision of the Basel framework was lauded as an example of a paradigm change from an efficient market consensus to a macroprudential consensus in global banking regulation. However, this so-called Basel consensus merely tweaked the market-friendly nature of the Basel II framework rather than fundamentally overturning it due to the inadequacy of macroprudential ideas as an alternative paradigm. This inadequacy could be largely attributed to the manner in which global financial reforms were discussed and formulated. The club-based model of financial regulation governance enabled financial technocrats, informed by the precrisis paradigm, to maintain their privileged positions in the postcrisis reform process. Consequently, postcrisis reform proposals were built upon the existing paradigm, making the 2008 financial crisis a conservative rather than transformative event.
{"title":"The auxiliary paradigm change and club-based governance model in global banking regulation","authors":"Jaehwan Jung","doi":"10.1177/00207020231175682","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00207020231175682","url":null,"abstract":"After the 2008 global financial crisis, the newly revised Basel III international regulatory framework for banks enhanced the macroprudential objective of addressing the systemic risk inherent in financial markets. This revision of the Basel framework was lauded as an example of a paradigm change from an efficient market consensus to a macroprudential consensus in global banking regulation. However, this so-called Basel consensus merely tweaked the market-friendly nature of the Basel II framework rather than fundamentally overturning it due to the inadequacy of macroprudential ideas as an alternative paradigm. This inadequacy could be largely attributed to the manner in which global financial reforms were discussed and formulated. The club-based model of financial regulation governance enabled financial technocrats, informed by the precrisis paradigm, to maintain their privileged positions in the postcrisis reform process. Consequently, postcrisis reform proposals were built upon the existing paradigm, making the 2008 financial crisis a conservative rather than transformative event.","PeriodicalId":46226,"journal":{"name":"International Journal","volume":"78 1","pages":"5 - 23"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48212737","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-01DOI: 10.1177/00207020231180122
Bénédicte Santoire
work. Likewise, between the detail of archival sources and the regional big picture, the continuing texture of the bilateral and multilateral relationships can be lost. Lastly, archival records present vividly the opinions of the time, but are not necessarily accurate. The American assessment that “the US bombardment of Hanoi undermined public morale and effectively sapped the people’s will to continue the fight” was made in July 1967, 6 months before the Tet Offensive. Huang quotes his colleague Yan Xuetong, saying “from a geographical perspective...it is more likely that our country can successfully shape the neighborhood than the global environment.” In the current heat of global rivalry, it is good to remember that China must bloom where it is planted in a complex neighborhood. Yuxing Huang has made a significant contribution to our understanding of how salient China’s regional diplomacy is for its broader strategic picture.
{"title":"Book Review: Deploying Feminism: The Role of Gender in NATO Military Operations","authors":"Bénédicte Santoire","doi":"10.1177/00207020231180122","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00207020231180122","url":null,"abstract":"work. Likewise, between the detail of archival sources and the regional big picture, the continuing texture of the bilateral and multilateral relationships can be lost. Lastly, archival records present vividly the opinions of the time, but are not necessarily accurate. The American assessment that “the US bombardment of Hanoi undermined public morale and effectively sapped the people’s will to continue the fight” was made in July 1967, 6 months before the Tet Offensive. Huang quotes his colleague Yan Xuetong, saying “from a geographical perspective...it is more likely that our country can successfully shape the neighborhood than the global environment.” In the current heat of global rivalry, it is good to remember that China must bloom where it is planted in a complex neighborhood. Yuxing Huang has made a significant contribution to our understanding of how salient China’s regional diplomacy is for its broader strategic picture.","PeriodicalId":46226,"journal":{"name":"International Journal","volume":"78 1","pages":"282 - 284"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48310000","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-01DOI: 10.1177/00207020231175760
Mathieu Landriault, P. Pic, F. Lasserre
The governments of Canada and Denmark signed a historic agreement on Hans Island on 14 June 2022. Although most of the agreement was devoted to the resolution of the Hans Island dispute, it also settled other issues. We argue that provisions on mobility and the continental shelf in the Labrador Sea give rise to interesting precedents that could have far-reaching effects for northerners. The agreement on enhanced mobility could represent a first step in a more ambitious process of facilitating Inuit mobility across Nunavut and Greenland, while the settlement on the continental shelf illustrates how states could collaborate on other continental shelf cases, including the continental shelf in the Central Arctic Ocean.
{"title":"Beyond Hans Island: The Canada–Denmark agreement's possible impact on mobility and continental shelves","authors":"Mathieu Landriault, P. Pic, F. Lasserre","doi":"10.1177/00207020231175760","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00207020231175760","url":null,"abstract":"The governments of Canada and Denmark signed a historic agreement on Hans Island on 14 June 2022. Although most of the agreement was devoted to the resolution of the Hans Island dispute, it also settled other issues. We argue that provisions on mobility and the continental shelf in the Labrador Sea give rise to interesting precedents that could have far-reaching effects for northerners. The agreement on enhanced mobility could represent a first step in a more ambitious process of facilitating Inuit mobility across Nunavut and Greenland, while the settlement on the continental shelf illustrates how states could collaborate on other continental shelf cases, including the continental shelf in the Central Arctic Ocean.","PeriodicalId":46226,"journal":{"name":"International Journal","volume":"78 1","pages":"243 - 253"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42532326","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-01DOI: 10.1177/00207020231180110
Deniz Çevik
{"title":"Book Review: Containing Diversity: Canada and the Politics of Immigration in the 21st Century","authors":"Deniz Çevik","doi":"10.1177/00207020231180110","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00207020231180110","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46226,"journal":{"name":"International Journal","volume":"78 1","pages":"285 - 287"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44293350","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-01DOI: 10.1177/00207020231175679
Massaab Al-Aloosy
Patron states provide their proxies with support for a variety of reasons. To better understand the relationship between states and their proxies, it is important to deconstruct the different means of support. For instance, even after an armed group gains economic and military autonomy, ideological affiliation can be an important factor. The ideological convictions of individuals within an armed group serve as a compass for the actions of the larger group, especially in relations to the patron state. This is the case with Hezbollah. Today, the group has outgrown its dependence on Iran for military and economic support; nevertheless, it remains committed to the ideals of Iran's revolution.
{"title":"Insurgency, Proxy, and Dependence: How Hezbollah's Ideology Prevails Over its Interest in its Relationship with Iran","authors":"Massaab Al-Aloosy","doi":"10.1177/00207020231175679","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00207020231175679","url":null,"abstract":"Patron states provide their proxies with support for a variety of reasons. To better understand the relationship between states and their proxies, it is important to deconstruct the different means of support. For instance, even after an armed group gains economic and military autonomy, ideological affiliation can be an important factor. The ideological convictions of individuals within an armed group serve as a compass for the actions of the larger group, especially in relations to the patron state. This is the case with Hezbollah. Today, the group has outgrown its dependence on Iran for military and economic support; nevertheless, it remains committed to the ideals of Iran's revolution.","PeriodicalId":46226,"journal":{"name":"International Journal","volume":"78 1","pages":"24 - 40"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45919726","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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