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Karen Cook Bell. Running from Bondage. Enslaved Women and Their Remarkable Fight for Freedom in Revolutionary America. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge [etc.] 2021. viii, 248 pp. Ill. £18.99. (Paper: £14.99; E-book: $19.95.)
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-07-12 DOI: 10.1017/s0020859023000329
K. Candlin
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引用次数: 0
Michael Sturza. The London Revolution 1640–1643. Class Struggles in Seventeenth-Century England. Mad Duck Coalition, New York 2022. xvii, 224 pp. $25.00. (Paper: $20.00; E-book: $15.00.) 迈克尔Sturza。名字1640-1643年伦敦革命。十七世纪英国的阶级斗争。疯鸭联盟,纽约2022。第17卷,224页,25美元。(纸:$ 20.00;电子书:15.00美元。)
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-07-12 DOI: 10.1017/S0020859023000366
B. Capp
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引用次数: 0
Şebnem Eroğlu. Poverty and International Migration. A Multi-Site and Intergenerational Perspective. Policy Press, Bristol 2022. v, 126 pp. £47.00. Şebnem Eroğlu。贫困与国际移民。多地点和代际视角。政策出版社,布里斯托尔,2022。V, 126页,47英镑。
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-07-12 DOI: 10.1017/S0020859023000275
Malika Ouacha
lectical relationship of human beings to nature” (pp. 151–192) provides the most advanced basis for dealing with today’s ecological problems of existence. It also follows from all this that demands for more environmental protection, or, for example, solar and innovative technologies, cannot solve the basic contradiction that has been grasped. In view of the driving logic of exploitation and the growth imperatives, “scientific-technical or political–legal measures”, even state intervention or nationalization, can only delay the catastrophe (p. 126). Finally, beyond world conflicts, there is the threat of humanity’s self-destruction, exterminism through weapons of destruction, and the irreversible destruction of the biosphere. In view of this, it is summed up: the “concrete utopia” of a radical change proves to be “the only horizon of hope for the continued existence of humanity” (p. 132). Even more, therefore, consistent efforts are needed in the “invariant direction” (Bloch) towards the “great project of conscious humanity” (p. 189), for which there is “no certainty” (p. 132) of success.
人类与自然的电力关系”(第151-192页)为处理当今存在的生态问题提供了最先进的基础。由此也可以得出结论,要求更多的环境保护,例如太阳能和创新技术,并不能解决已经抓住的基本矛盾。鉴于剥削的驱动逻辑和增长的必要性,“科学-技术或政治-法律措施”,甚至国家干预或国有化,只能推迟灾难(第126页)。最后,除了世界冲突之外,还有人类自我毁灭的威胁,通过毁灭性武器进行灭绝的威胁,以及对生物圈的不可逆转的破坏。鉴于此,可以总结为:激进变革的“具体乌托邦”被证明是“人类继续存在的唯一希望”(第132页)。因此,更重要的是,在“不变的方向”(布洛赫)上,需要持续的努力,以实现“有意识的人类的伟大计划”(第189页),这是“不确定的”成功(第132页)。
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引用次数: 0
Mariana P. Candido Wealth, Land, and Property in Angola. A History of Dispossession, Slavery, and Inequality. [African Studies Series, 160.] Cambridge University Press, Cambridge [etc.] 2022. xiv, 323 pp. Ill. Maps. £85.00. (Paper: £26.99; E-book: $34.99.)
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-07-12 DOI: 10.1017/S0020859023000299
F. Ribeiro da Silva
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引用次数: 0
Tempered Radicalism: Zhang Dongsun and Chinese Guild Socialism, 1913–1922 温和的激进主义:张东荪与中国行会社会主义(1913-1922)
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-04-05 DOI: 10.1017/S002085902300024X
Xuduo Zhao
Abstract In the 1910s, guild socialism emerged as a response to the particular social and political problems of Britain and as a radical rebel against the established English socialist movement. From the beginning, guild socialism was characterized by its “Englishness”, and its global influences have largely been neglected. Through the case of Zhang Dongsun, a leading Chinese guild socialist, this article provides a transnational and comparative dimension of guild socialism and examines how its ideas were accepted, reinterpreted, and localized in a non-Western context. While English guildsmen propagated a strong anti-capitalist ideology and highlighted industrial democracy, mass self-government, and direct action, their Chinese comrades were advocating, at least temporarily, domination of the bourgeoisie and seeking to temper the radical social ethos motivated by the October Revolution. Guild socialism in China was deprived of its rebellious and militant elements and transformed into a moderate, wait-and-see theory that could, in Zhang's opinion, strike a perfect balance between elitism and mass democracy. Zhang's elitist interpretation of guild socialism showed his agency and ambition in pursuit of political modernity for China, but ironically it was his active reinterpretation that sealed the fate of Chinese guild socialism.
20世纪10年代,行会社会主义作为对英国特殊社会和政治问题的回应和对英国社会主义运动的激进反抗而出现。从一开始,行会社会主义就以“英国性”为特征,其全球影响在很大程度上被忽视了。本文以中国行会社会主义的代表人物张东荪为例,提供了行会社会主义的跨国维度和比较维度,并考察了其思想在非西方语境下是如何被接受、重新诠释和本土化的。当英国行会宣传一种强烈的反资本主义意识形态,强调工业民主、群众自治和直接行动时,他们的中国同志则鼓吹(至少是暂时的)资产阶级统治,并试图缓和由十月革命引发的激进社会风气。在中国,行会社会主义被剥夺了其反叛和好战的成分,转变为一种温和的、观望的理论,在张看来,这种理论可以在精英主义和大众民主之间取得完美的平衡。张对行会社会主义的精英式解读,显示了他追求中国政治现代性的能动性和野心,但具有讽刺意味的是,正是他对行会社会主义的积极重新诠释,决定了中国行会社会主义的命运。
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引用次数: 0
Law, Labour and Lunch in France at the Turn of the Twentieth Century 二十世纪之交法国的法律、劳动和午餐
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1017/s0020859023000214
Martin Bruegel

Ventilation emerged as an efficient technique to reduce the health impact of dust and gas in workspaces around 1900. However, this technical solution to a major sanitary problem collided with the human factor. When, in 1894, French law imposed shop-floor clearance during lunch to facilitate aeration, workers resisted the injunction as a disturbance of their daily eating routine. Authorities relied on labour inspectors to find solutions to contentious situations. The 1901 union-led strike in the high-fashion district in Paris propelled the issue to national attention. Striking women demanded the strict enforcement of the aeration rule. The executive obliged, but the newfound zeal subsequently rekindled antagonism towards the regulation. Reversing their claim, women workers launched a community-based petitioning campaign to return to pre-strike tolerance. Rumours of another walk-out by seamstresses, triggered by the enforcement of the regulation in 1902, precipitated a governmental volte-face. Authorities apprehended the power of the street and the threat of public disorder. Government yielded to the women's influence. A more relaxed version of the decree – it did not automatically require the evacuation of workspaces – appeared on 29 November 1904. It had taken ten years, and a zigzagging trajectory, to overcome the unanticipated consequences of purposive legislative action. The new rules proved to be very solid: they remained in place until Covid-19 pushed the government to temporarily authorize eating at one's workplace to prevent the spread of the virus in canteens and restaurants.

在1900年左右,通风成为减少工作场所粉尘和气体对健康影响的一种有效技术。然而,这一重大卫生问题的技术解决方案与人为因素发生了冲突。1894年,法国法律要求在午餐期间清理车间,以促进通风,工人们抵制这一禁令,认为这扰乱了他们的日常饮食习惯。当局依靠劳动监察员来解决有争议的情况。1901年,由工会领导的巴黎高级时装区罢工使这个问题引起了全国的关注。罢工妇女要求严格执行通风规定。行政长官答应了,但新发现的热情随后重新点燃了对该规定的敌意。女工们推翻了自己的主张,发起了一场以社区为基础的请愿运动,要求恢复罢工前的宽容。1902年该规定的实施引发了女裁缝再次罢工的传言,促使政府改变了态度。当局认识到街头的力量和公共秩序混乱的威胁。政府屈服于妇女的影响。该法令的一个更为宽松的版本于1904年11月29日发布,它并不自动要求撤离工作场所。我们花了十年时间,走了一条曲折的道路,才克服了有目的的立法行动所带来的意想不到的后果。新规定被证明是非常可靠的:直到新冠疫情迫使政府暂时批准在工作场所吃饭,以防止病毒在食堂和餐馆传播,新规定才得以实施。
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引用次数: 0
Yaniv Voller. Second-Generation Liberation Wars. Rethinking Colonialism in Iraqi Kurdistan and Southern Sudan [Intelligence and National Security in Africa and the Middle East.] Cambridge University Press, Cambridge [etc.] 2022. xiv, 271 pp. Maps. £75.00. (E-book: $80.00.) Yaniv沃勒尔。第二代解放战争。反思伊拉克库尔德斯坦和南苏丹的殖民主义[非洲和中东的情报与国家安全]。剑桥大学出版社,剑桥[等]2022。14, 271页。地图。£75.00。(电子书:80.00美元。)
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0020859023000135
François Sennesael
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引用次数: 0
The End of a Long Tradition 悠久传统的终结
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0020859023000251
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引用次数: 0
Andrea C. Mosterman Spaces of Enslavement. A History of Slavery and Resistance in Dutch New York Cornell University Press, Ithaca (NY) 2021. xiii, 230 pp. Ill. $39.95. (E-book: $25.99.)
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0020859023000123
D. R. Egerton
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引用次数: 0
Rodrigo Finkelstein. Lost-Time Injury Rates. A Marxist Critique of Workers’ Compensation Systems [Studies in Critical Social Sciences, Vol. 216/ New Scholarship in Political Economy, Vol. 17.] Brill, Leiden [etc.] 2022. x, 236 pp. € 147.15. (E-book: € 147.15.) 罗德里戈·芬克尔斯坦。失时受伤率。马克思主义对工人补偿制度的批判[批判社会科学研究第216卷/政治经济学新学问第17卷]。布里尔,莱顿[等]2022。X, 236页,147.15欧元。(电子书:147.15欧元。)
IF 0.8 2区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0020859023000093
Samuel K. Allen
Finkelstein motivates this ambitious narrative by prefacing this exploration of injury rates with a consequential and personal anecdote involving a clash among political powers within Chile’s workers’ compensation system. Thus, this mostly theoretical analysis is rooted in practical first-hand experience. Immediately, the reader is forced to recognize that Finkelstein’s analysis requires the unpacking of tightly interwoven components that include economic logic, countervailing incentives, ethical behavior, and important historical background. This serious and logically rigorous book requires substantial attention to detail, so the intended audience is one well-steeped in Marxist theory. From the outset, there is concern about the optics. Finkelstein observes directly that the “no-fault” workers’ compensation system (at least in Finkelstein’s experience in Chile, and perhaps elsewhere) still finds ways to lay blame, and place subjective valuations on the reality of injuries. Finkelstein’s mission is to elevate workplace injury rates beyond mere indicators, and instead he labels them a “new problematic”. He argues that there is an essential connection between injury rates and capitalism itself. Injury rates are couched in terms of “lost labor power for sale”, and, moreover, there is conflict among the market forces and behavioral response perspectives. Unlike a traditional economic approach, Finkelstein prefers to focus on “value” rather than prices (of workers’ compensation premia) as it pertains to laborers, whom he sees as bearing the brunt of the burden imposed by workers’ compensation insurance that necessitates the recording of injury rates. Finkelstein claims to have discovered the theoretical notion of “surplus lost value”. Here, he argues that capitalism (as a system, rather than capitalists per se) thrives on underpaying for injuries. Initially, this does not seem novel, rather it combines the usual rent-seeking behavior found in situations where some players have market power and possess an underlying need to make compensation arrangements incentive compatible, e.g. by not compensating 100 per cent of losses in order to mitigate problems of moral hazard. To establish the historical basis for these observations, Finkelstein focuses primarily on nineteenth-century Germany and the laws and underlying economic “preconditions” that result in the “worker question” and related problems. Here, the backstory is well-researched. Bismarck’s Germany represents an economic shuffle that is analogous to shifting tectonic plates. The transition from peasants working land owned by feudal lords to workers moving to industrial establishments without a connection to (either commons or private) land leads to problematic consequences that include unemployment, poverty, and the rise of injury-related complications.
芬克尔斯坦用一件关于智利工人赔偿制度中政治力量之间冲突的个人轶事,作为对伤害率的探索的开头,激发了这一雄心勃勃的叙事。因此,这种主要是理论分析植根于实际的第一手经验。读者很快就会意识到,芬克尔斯坦的分析需要拆解紧密交织在一起的组成部分,包括经济逻辑、反补贴激励、道德行为和重要的历史背景。这本严肃而逻辑严谨的书需要对细节有足够的关注,所以它的目标读者是一个沉浸在马克思主义理论中的人。从一开始,人们就对光学问题感到担忧。芬克尔斯坦直接指出,“无过错”的工人赔偿制度(至少在芬克尔斯坦在智利的经验中是这样,也许在其他地方也是如此)仍然找到了追究责任的方法,并对受伤的现实进行了主观评估。芬克尔斯坦的使命是提高工作场所伤害率,而不仅仅是指标,相反,他将其称为“新问题”。他认为,工伤率与资本主义本身之间存在着本质的联系。工伤率以“待售劳动力损失”来表述,此外,在市场力量和行为反应观点之间存在冲突。与传统的经济学方法不同,芬克尔斯坦更倾向于关注“价值”,而不是(工人赔偿保险费)的价格,因为它与劳动者有关,他认为劳动者承受着工伤保险所带来的负担的首当其冲,因为工伤保险必须记录工伤率。芬克尔斯坦声称发现了“剩余失去价值”的理论概念。在这本书中,他认为资本主义(作为一种制度,而不是资本家本身)的繁荣源于对工伤的低支付。最初,这似乎并不新奇,相反,它结合了通常的寻租行为,在某些情况下,一些参与者拥有市场力量,并具有使补偿安排与激励相容的潜在需求,例如,不补偿100%的损失,以减轻道德风险问题。为了为这些观察建立历史基础,芬克尔斯坦主要关注19世纪的德国,以及导致“工人问题”和相关问题的法律和潜在的经济“先决条件”。在这里,背景故事是经过充分研究的。俾斯麦统治下的德国代表了一场经济洗牌,类似于地壳板块的移动。农民在封建领主拥有的土地上劳作,工人在没有公有或私有土地的情况下进入工业设施,这种转变导致了一系列问题,包括失业、贫困和受伤相关并发症的增加。
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International Review of Social History
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