Pub Date : 1997-01-01DOI: 10.1080/13183222.1997.11008638
B. James
Public discourse in the West about the postcommunist economies of East Central Europe centres on the pace of privatisation, the adoption of capitalist financial institutions, and foreign investment in industries ranging from automotive to nuclear power (Clash 1996, Kraar 1996). The inevitability and desirability of capitalism are assumed, and the central focus is on macro-economic indicators of progress. Little attention is given to the material consequences of, and responses to, economic upheaval among those who are experiencing its costs, including rising unemployment and a growing disparity between rich and poor. Instead, human experience is reduced to questions of preference for the old system versus the new, and responses are reported in aggregates that gloss over distinctions based on class, education, or other significant factors. For example, The Economist reports that a steadily rising number of East Europeans are happy to live under the rigors of the free market, and that outside the former Soviet republics, nearly two-thirds are broadly chirpy about their new system (Feeling Perkier 1996, 48-49). To the extent that class ever enters into the dominant discourse of post-communist transition, it is typically articulated to the emergence of a nouveau riche entrepreneurial class (Boris on Bond Street 1995). In addition to masking issues of class, these examples also reveal a logical inconsistency. As Stjepan Metroviæ (1993, 1994) has pointed out, Western experts treat capitalism as if it were a rootless, self-sustaining abstraction, severed from history and culture. But at the same time, those who proclaim the unequivocal moral virtues of capitalism are hardly able to disguise the underlying, ethnocentric assumption that it will be the American brand of BEVERLY JAMES
西方关于东欧后共产主义经济的公开讨论集中在私有化的步伐，资本主义金融机构的采用，以及从汽车到核电等行业的外国投资(Clash 1996, Kraar 1996)。假设资本主义的必然性和可取性，中心焦点是进步的宏观经济指标。很少有人注意到经济动荡的物质后果，以及那些正在承受其代价的人对经济动荡的反应，包括失业率上升和贫富差距扩大。相反，人类的经验被简化为对旧制度和新制度的偏好问题，而反应被汇总报道，掩盖了基于阶级、教育或其他重要因素的差异。例如，《经济学人》报道，“越来越多的东欧人乐于生活在严格的自由市场之下”，而在前苏联加盟共和国之外，“近三分之二的人对他们的新体制普遍感到高兴”(《感觉更活跃》1996,48 -49)。在某种程度上，这个阶级曾经进入后共产主义转型的主导话语，它通常是与暴发户企业家阶级的出现联系在一起的(“鲍里斯在邦德街”1995)。除了掩盖类的问题外，这些示例还揭示了逻辑上的不一致。正如Stjepan Me æ troviæ(1993,1994)所指出的，西方专家将资本主义视为一种无根的、自我维持的抽象，与历史和文化相分离。但与此同时，那些“宣称资本主义具有明确的道德美德”的人几乎无法掩饰其潜在的、种族中心主义的假设，即资本主义将成为贝弗利·詹姆斯(BEVERLY JAMES)的美国品牌
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Pub Date : 1997-01-01DOI: 10.1080/13183222.1997.11008652
M. Bruner
AbstractThe controversy surrounding Jacques Parizeau.s dramatically rejected address on the evening of the Quebecois referendum on October 30th, 1995, provides an opportunity to examine the shifting politics of memory in the Quebecois secessionist movement. By tracing the historical tensions between French and English Canadians, the manner in which those tensions were transmuted into language and constitutional law, and how those laws reflect competing articulations of national identity, the Quebecois movement is shown to have shifted from an ethnic nationalism based on French Canadien ancestry to a civic nationalism based on strategic multiculturalism.
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Pub Date : 1997-01-01DOI: 10.1080/13183222.1997.11008639
Yung-Ho Im
This essay explores writing a history of newsworkers from a labour-process theory perspective and attempts to demonstrate how journalism history may be rewritten as a history of the class experience of newsworkers. Towards this end, the essay examines theories of the labour process by Harry Braverman (1974) and Michael Burawoy (1979; 1985) with the goal of suggesting their implications for labour historians in the field of journalism. Although subjects of newswork and labour have remained objects of descriptive studies in journalism history, they are typically part of a chronicle of celebrated events or famous individuals. Instead, a history of newswork needs to pay more attention to inconspicuous changes in the structural environment and the everyday experiences of anonymous newsworkers. Such a task is possible only through a theoretically informed inquiry into labour history; in fact, theories of the labour process may potentially become major contributors to an understanding of newsworkers and their histories. The theoretical perspective of this essay has been informed by critical Marxist theories and incorporates the notion of class into key elements of a labour history of newswork. It rejects an economist notion of class, however, and chooses to address the subjective and culturalideological dimensions of class experiences among newsworkers. Although the notion of class experience is not a clearly defined concept, it emphasises a culturalist approach and suggests the significance of a linkage, without a necessary correspondence, between the structural location and the subjective, cultural aspect of newswork. YUNG-HO IM
本文从劳动过程理论的角度探讨了新闻工作者的历史写作，并试图证明新闻史如何被改写为新闻工作者阶级经验的历史。为此，本文考察了Harry Braverman(1974)和Michael Burawoy(1979)的劳动过程理论;1985)，目的是为新闻领域的劳工历史学家提供启示。虽然新闻工作和劳动的主题一直是新闻史上描述性研究的对象，但它们通常是著名事件或著名人物编年史的一部分。相反，新闻工作的历史需要更多地关注结构环境中不明显的变化和匿名新闻工作者的日常经历。这样的任务只有通过对劳工历史的理论调查才有可能完成;事实上，工党过程的理论可能会成为理解新闻工作者及其历史的主要贡献者。这篇文章的理论观点已经被马克思主义的批判理论所告知，并将阶级的概念纳入新闻工作的劳动史的关键要素。然而，它拒绝了经济学家的阶级概念，并选择解决新闻工作者阶级经验的主观和文化意识形态维度。虽然阶级经验的概念不是一个明确定义的概念，但它强调了一种文化主义的方法，并提出了新闻工作的结构位置与主观文化方面之间没有必要对应的联系的重要性。yung ho IM
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Pub Date : 1997-01-01DOI: 10.1080/13183222.1997.11008648111
K. Economou
Representing politics - politicizing journalism : Exploring communicative dilemmas in the collegial relationship between Swedish journalists and politicians
代表政治-政治化新闻:探索交际困境在瑞典记者和政治家之间的大学关系
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Pub Date : 1997-01-01DOI: 10.1080/13183222.1997.11008637
Bonnie S. Brennen
The principle of the lesser evil is the principle of despair. Most of the time it only lengthens the period until the greater evil wins out.
轻恶原则就是绝望原则。大多数时候，它只是延长了时间，直到更大的邪恶获胜。
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Pub Date : 1997-01-01DOI: 10.1080/13183222.1997.11008654
Per-Anders Forstorp
The relationship between the media and politics is often negatively described as being in a state of confusion and turmoil in which new standards of public media performance are eroded by viewer ra ...
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Pub Date : 1997-01-01DOI: 10.1080/13183222.1997.11008660
Seán Ó Siochrú
AbtsractThe multi-lateral system of the ITU has been losing out steadily to a trade paradigm in telecommunication, culminating with the WTO agreement in February 1997. Against this background, this paper looks at the issue of the accounting rate system, how liberalisation is further undermining a main pillar of ITU activities, and the impact and options for less developed countries. The US has seen its international call settlement deficit grow to over 5 billion dollars in 1996, providing an essential net revenue for a number of less developed countries. The US is now threatening to greatly reduce payments, unilaterally overriding the current ITU bartered system. Analysis reveals that the growth in deficit is caused mainly by the call-back and refilling activities of US carriers. It is also likely that the introduction of loopholes by the US into the recent WTO agreement is at least partly motivated by a co-ordinated strategy at the WTO and ITU. Other developed countries, however, strongly oppose the US m...
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Pub Date : 1997-01-01DOI: 10.1080/13183222.1997.11008655
N. Håkansson
AbstractPolitical rhetoric may be regarded as unchanging, following ancient and universal rules of persuasion. However, scholars sometimes argue that political language has changed substantially over the last decades, due to its adaptation to media logic or to new modes of electoral competition. In this article I propose a model for empirical research of party propaganda in different election campaign channels. Rather than to offer a comprehensive view of political rhetoric, this model is designed to provide more knowledge of what media changes may have meant for the language of political parties. Does election rhetoric vary systematically? If so, does rhetoric change over time, adopting qualities associated with media logic? Or, do we find a non-changing pattern which can better be explained by party competition factors? Three rhetorical dimensions are identified in the model: message concreteness, direction, and identity construction. These correspond to hypothesised media effects, as well as being rele...
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Pub Date : 1997-01-01DOI: 10.1080/13183222.1997.11008647111
Frederick Schiff
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Pub Date : 1997-01-01DOI: 10.1080/13183222.1997.11008659
V. Mosco
AbstractIn a world in which people are increasingly identified as consumers and audiences, it is more important than every to invoke them as citizens. Citizenship elevates human activity to include legal, political, and social rights to participate fully in a democratic society. However, citizenship is also a discipline and a tool of discrimination that permits governments to exercise extensive control over who can participate and the extent of that participation. This article addresses the dual nature of citizenship as it applies to critical new spaces shaped by high technology. Specifically, it takes up citizenship in what Castells and Halls call the “technopoles” or regional concentrations of science, technology, and venture capital whose icon is Silicon Valley. The article uses citizenship to critique new manifestations of the technopole phenomenon and concludes by considering different forms of regionally based citizenship that provide alternatives ways to think about progressive social development.
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