Pub Date : 2021-09-03DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2021.1985848
Maurice Beseng, J. Malcolm
ABSTRACT Since the 2000s, maritime security threats in the Gulf of Guinea region have been of growing international concern. In many countries, illegal, unreported and unregulated fishing is one such problem with negative impacts on environmental, food and national security and links with wider maritime crime. Focussing on Cameroon, this article argues that there has been a securitisation of the fisheries sector within the broader context of changes in maritime security governance in the Gulf of Guinea. The article examines the process and implications of the securitisation of Cameroon’s fisheries sector. Using documents, direct observations, and in-depth interviews with state agents and actors of civil society organisations (CSOs), the article illustrates how the fisheries sector was securitised through a range of linguistic, institutional, and structural mechanisms. The institutional and structural mechanisms were highly militarised with the increased deployment of military forces in monitoring, control and surveillance of fishery activities. These changes, the article concludes, subsequently diminished the agency and capacity of non-military state and civil society actors in fisheries governance and undermines their role in cooperative efforts within the broader maritime security architecture that now operates in Cameroon.
{"title":"Maritime security and the securitisation of fisheries in the Gulf of Guinea: experiences from Cameroon","authors":"Maurice Beseng, J. Malcolm","doi":"10.1080/14678802.2021.1985848","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2021.1985848","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Since the 2000s, maritime security threats in the Gulf of Guinea region have been of growing international concern. In many countries, illegal, unreported and unregulated fishing is one such problem with negative impacts on environmental, food and national security and links with wider maritime crime. Focussing on Cameroon, this article argues that there has been a securitisation of the fisheries sector within the broader context of changes in maritime security governance in the Gulf of Guinea. The article examines the process and implications of the securitisation of Cameroon’s fisheries sector. Using documents, direct observations, and in-depth interviews with state agents and actors of civil society organisations (CSOs), the article illustrates how the fisheries sector was securitised through a range of linguistic, institutional, and structural mechanisms. The institutional and structural mechanisms were highly militarised with the increased deployment of military forces in monitoring, control and surveillance of fishery activities. These changes, the article concludes, subsequently diminished the agency and capacity of non-military state and civil society actors in fisheries governance and undermines their role in cooperative efforts within the broader maritime security architecture that now operates in Cameroon.","PeriodicalId":46301,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Security & Development","volume":"93 1","pages":"517 - 539"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-09-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78102471","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-03DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2021.1984681
Michanne Steenbergen
ABSTRACT United Nations-led Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) programmes have increasingly included female ex-combatants; however, the contribution of such DDR programmes to female ex-combatants’ empowerment and reintegration, as well as to peace-building, remains debated. Drawing on 77 semi-structured interviews with female ex-combatants and DDR officials in Liberia and Nepal, this article explores the potential of political reintegration to better support female ex-combatants’ reintegration and the building of an inclusive, positive peace. This article contends that political reintegration can provide female ex-combatants with peaceable means to address grievances and bring together ex-combatants and non-combatants to work towards peace. Political reintegration support should not be a substitute for economic and social reintegration or physical and mental health support, but rather should work to compliment these. To be meaningful to female ex-combatants and to peace, political reintegration support must prevent a ‘triple burden’ of productive, reproductive, and peace-building/political labour. Lastly, this article argues that UN-led DDR has potential to contribute to or undermine building an inclusive, positive peace if it were to provide reintegration support to female ex-combatants.
{"title":"Rethinking female ex-combatants, reintegration, and DDR: towards political reintegration?","authors":"Michanne Steenbergen","doi":"10.1080/14678802.2021.1984681","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2021.1984681","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT United Nations-led Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) programmes have increasingly included female ex-combatants; however, the contribution of such DDR programmes to female ex-combatants’ empowerment and reintegration, as well as to peace-building, remains debated. Drawing on 77 semi-structured interviews with female ex-combatants and DDR officials in Liberia and Nepal, this article explores the potential of political reintegration to better support female ex-combatants’ reintegration and the building of an inclusive, positive peace. This article contends that political reintegration can provide female ex-combatants with peaceable means to address grievances and bring together ex-combatants and non-combatants to work towards peace. Political reintegration support should not be a substitute for economic and social reintegration or physical and mental health support, but rather should work to compliment these. To be meaningful to female ex-combatants and to peace, political reintegration support must prevent a ‘triple burden’ of productive, reproductive, and peace-building/political labour. Lastly, this article argues that UN-led DDR has potential to contribute to or undermine building an inclusive, positive peace if it were to provide reintegration support to female ex-combatants.","PeriodicalId":46301,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Security & Development","volume":"50 1","pages":"641 - 672"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-09-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83280267","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-03DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2021.1986305
Alejandra Ortiz-Ayala
ABSTRACT Despite the promises made in the peace agreement with the FARC-EP in 2016, bureaucratic obstacles, underfunding, and an apparent lack of political will has eroded the voluntary illegal crop substitution programme in Colombia. Armed forces are sent to the territories to forcibly eradicate the coca plants, causing violent confrontations and deepening the distrust between the state and peasant coca-leaf growers. Using qualitative data from 28 semi-structured interviews, this article analyses Colombian Army soldiers’ opinions on manual eradication operations. Their voices suggest that not all the soldiers support coercive measures to fight the rising growth of coca crops, but these measures can encourage institutional corruption and incentivise a logic of an internal enemy that justifies violence against civilians. This article offers insights into obstacles to building legitimacy and trust in the state and its institutions after peace agreements.
{"title":"They see us like the enemy: soldiers’ narratives of forced eradication of illegal crops in Colombia","authors":"Alejandra Ortiz-Ayala","doi":"10.1080/14678802.2021.1986305","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2021.1986305","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Despite the promises made in the peace agreement with the FARC-EP in 2016, bureaucratic obstacles, underfunding, and an apparent lack of political will has eroded the voluntary illegal crop substitution programme in Colombia. Armed forces are sent to the territories to forcibly eradicate the coca plants, causing violent confrontations and deepening the distrust between the state and peasant coca-leaf growers. Using qualitative data from 28 semi-structured interviews, this article analyses Colombian Army soldiers’ opinions on manual eradication operations. Their voices suggest that not all the soldiers support coercive measures to fight the rising growth of coca crops, but these measures can encourage institutional corruption and incentivise a logic of an internal enemy that justifies violence against civilians. This article offers insights into obstacles to building legitimacy and trust in the state and its institutions after peace agreements.","PeriodicalId":46301,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Security & Development","volume":"61 1","pages":"593 - 614"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-09-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78544055","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-03DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2021.1991156
A. Khan
ABSTRACT Addressing social issues that arise due to wars and how they impact on post-conflict reconstruction is an area of theoretical debate and policy interest. This article explores the social impact of the armed conflict which took place in Swat Valley, Pakistan from 2007–2009. Based on 28 in-depth interviews and six focus group discussions conducted in the valley, the article examines the damage to community life. The findings show that local institutions, societal values and social relations were dramatically impacted. The analysis led the researcher to term this impact social disruption, a phenomenon that is defined as an abrupt and forced change in the socio-cultural system. To reconstruct society, understanding and addressing social disruption holds a crucial position for local, national and international actors in the post-conflict period.
{"title":"Understanding social disruption in armed conflict: its significance for post-conflict reconstruction in Swat Valley, Pakistan","authors":"A. Khan","doi":"10.1080/14678802.2021.1991156","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2021.1991156","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Addressing social issues that arise due to wars and how they impact on post-conflict reconstruction is an area of theoretical debate and policy interest. This article explores the social impact of the armed conflict which took place in Swat Valley, Pakistan from 2007–2009. Based on 28 in-depth interviews and six focus group discussions conducted in the valley, the article examines the damage to community life. The findings show that local institutions, societal values and social relations were dramatically impacted. The analysis led the researcher to term this impact social disruption, a phenomenon that is defined as an abrupt and forced change in the socio-cultural system. To reconstruct society, understanding and addressing social disruption holds a crucial position for local, national and international actors in the post-conflict period.","PeriodicalId":46301,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Security & Development","volume":"15 1","pages":"615 - 639"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-09-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79166291","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-03DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2021.1986280
M. Makki, Menahil Tahir
ABSTRACT North Waziristan, one of the former tribal agencies of Pakistan, was brought to the spotlight largely by militancy and terrorism. After curtailing terrorism through the military offensive, the focus has been shifted to ‘bringing normalcy’ to the region. While situating normalcy as a manifest function of security and development, this study delves into contextualising the dynamism of the security-development nexus. This empirically driven research dwells upon the response of the development organisations towards the conflict-induced emergency situation as well as the securitisation of development in North Waziristan. The potential pitfalls of the nexus that can subsequently undermine normalcy have also been highlighted. The article emphasises that an anthropologically sensitive approach is important to avoid impasse in security-development and impart sustainability to the (new) normal being strived for the region. Based on a localised understanding, this research argues for a more integrated approach towards normalcy – rooted in vernacular security-development that is adequately adapted to this context. It is, therefore, concluded that cultural compatibility is crucial for the sustainability of normalcy – and by extension, peace – in the region.
{"title":"Mapping normalcy through vernacular security-development in post-conflict North Waziristan","authors":"M. Makki, Menahil Tahir","doi":"10.1080/14678802.2021.1986280","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2021.1986280","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT North Waziristan, one of the former tribal agencies of Pakistan, was brought to the spotlight largely by militancy and terrorism. After curtailing terrorism through the military offensive, the focus has been shifted to ‘bringing normalcy’ to the region. While situating normalcy as a manifest function of security and development, this study delves into contextualising the dynamism of the security-development nexus. This empirically driven research dwells upon the response of the development organisations towards the conflict-induced emergency situation as well as the securitisation of development in North Waziristan. The potential pitfalls of the nexus that can subsequently undermine normalcy have also been highlighted. The article emphasises that an anthropologically sensitive approach is important to avoid impasse in security-development and impart sustainability to the (new) normal being strived for the region. Based on a localised understanding, this research argues for a more integrated approach towards normalcy – rooted in vernacular security-development that is adequately adapted to this context. It is, therefore, concluded that cultural compatibility is crucial for the sustainability of normalcy – and by extension, peace – in the region.","PeriodicalId":46301,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Security & Development","volume":"4 1","pages":"565 - 592"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-09-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"91173124","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-03DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2021.1984684
Andrew Johnstone, O. Walton
ABSTRACT Conflict prevention has been a long-standing and high-profile international policy goal, and yet in practice international agencies have found it difficult to operationalise, with the structural dimension of conflict prevention proving especially challenging. Drawing on a review of policy documents, parliamentary debates, and key informant interviews, this article uses a detailed case study of the UK government’s structural conflict prevention policy between 2010 and 2015 to understand why international agencies have found it difficult to implement such policies. Our analysis traces this failure by examining top-level strategy, translation into department-level policy, and country-level implementation in South Sudan. The article finds that the UK government failed to implement structural conflict prevention for three key reasons: because the concepts were not well defined or communicated, because priorities were quickly drawn to more urgent problems, and because the approach was not institutionalised within departments or country offices. We argue that for SCP to succeed, international agencies need to be more realistic about the complex challenges associated with SCP and pay more attention to the process of institutionalisation.
{"title":"Implementing conflict prevention: explaining the failure of UK government’s structural conflict prevention policy 2010-15","authors":"Andrew Johnstone, O. Walton","doi":"10.1080/14678802.2021.1984684","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2021.1984684","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Conflict prevention has been a long-standing and high-profile international policy goal, and yet in practice international agencies have found it difficult to operationalise, with the structural dimension of conflict prevention proving especially challenging. Drawing on a review of policy documents, parliamentary debates, and key informant interviews, this article uses a detailed case study of the UK government’s structural conflict prevention policy between 2010 and 2015 to understand why international agencies have found it difficult to implement such policies. Our analysis traces this failure by examining top-level strategy, translation into department-level policy, and country-level implementation in South Sudan. The article finds that the UK government failed to implement structural conflict prevention for three key reasons: because the concepts were not well defined or communicated, because priorities were quickly drawn to more urgent problems, and because the approach was not institutionalised within departments or country offices. We argue that for SCP to succeed, international agencies need to be more realistic about the complex challenges associated with SCP and pay more attention to the process of institutionalisation.","PeriodicalId":46301,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Security & Development","volume":"143 1","pages":"541 - 564"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-09-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83525477","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-03DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2021.1984682
Anthony Ware, Costas Laoutides
ABSTRACT ‘Do No Harm’ or ‘conflict-sensitivity’ has been mainstreamed into the planning and implementation of development-humanitarian interventions in conflict-affected situations. An umbrella term encompassing a range of frameworks and tools, all approaches involve analysing conflict dynamics in order to minimise negative impacts and maximise support for positive change. Most, however, treat conflict analysis as largely technical, requiring external expertise, and while all espouse participation, it is not inherently embedded in any. This paper explores the practice and ideals of conflict-sensitivity, and promising, more participatory advances in the ‘critical peacebuilding’/‘local turn’ literatures, to argue the case for more genuinely participatory, grassroots conflict analysis to augment existing analysis underpinning the planning and implementation of development-humanitarian agency projects. Concluding that none yet offer tools to facilitate participation of marginalised poor, often functionally non-literate locals, into the actual analysis of conflict, it then presents and reflects upon the trial of a new, highly participatory conflict analysis approach, developed by the authors to complement a specific, highly participatory development programme in Myanmar.
{"title":"Whose analysis? Trial of a new participatory conflict analysis for Do No Harm/conflict-sensitive development planning","authors":"Anthony Ware, Costas Laoutides","doi":"10.1080/14678802.2021.1984682","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2021.1984682","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT ‘Do No Harm’ or ‘conflict-sensitivity’ has been mainstreamed into the planning and implementation of development-humanitarian interventions in conflict-affected situations. An umbrella term encompassing a range of frameworks and tools, all approaches involve analysing conflict dynamics in order to minimise negative impacts and maximise support for positive change. Most, however, treat conflict analysis as largely technical, requiring external expertise, and while all espouse participation, it is not inherently embedded in any. This paper explores the practice and ideals of conflict-sensitivity, and promising, more participatory advances in the ‘critical peacebuilding’/‘local turn’ literatures, to argue the case for more genuinely participatory, grassroots conflict analysis to augment existing analysis underpinning the planning and implementation of development-humanitarian agency projects. Concluding that none yet offer tools to facilitate participation of marginalised poor, often functionally non-literate locals, into the actual analysis of conflict, it then presents and reflects upon the trial of a new, highly participatory conflict analysis approach, developed by the authors to complement a specific, highly participatory development programme in Myanmar.","PeriodicalId":46301,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Security & Development","volume":"100 1","pages":"673 - 696"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-09-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76555299","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-04DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2021.1974685
E. Ikpe, A. Alao, Kamau Nyokabi
ABSTRACT This paper contributes to debates on the relationship between peacebuilding and statebuilding with its analysis of post-independence Sierra Leone. It considers the extent to which peacebuilding has returned Sierra Leonean society to post-independence statebuilding conversations and how the issues that have emanated from such conversations have interacted with settlement and post-settlement arrangements. This paper analyses original data from focus group discussions and interviews in fieldwork from January 2016. It finds that the situation in Sierra Leone heralded opportunities for peacebuilding processes to engage concerns that have been linked with historical statebuilding conversations. Yet formal statebuilding processes, which were particularly focused on liberal institution building in the post-conflict context, were not sufficiently attentive to their antecedents. Nonetheless there are suggestions of some engagement with extant statebuilding conversations particularly in relation to how ethnicity continues to colour the statebuilding project, the significance of intergroup dynamics across intergenerational exchanges and gender and the challenges of socio-economic exclusion.
{"title":"Beyond liberal institution (re)building: conversations on peacebuilding and statebuilding in Sierra Leone","authors":"E. Ikpe, A. Alao, Kamau Nyokabi","doi":"10.1080/14678802.2021.1974685","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2021.1974685","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper contributes to debates on the relationship between peacebuilding and statebuilding with its analysis of post-independence Sierra Leone. It considers the extent to which peacebuilding has returned Sierra Leonean society to post-independence statebuilding conversations and how the issues that have emanated from such conversations have interacted with settlement and post-settlement arrangements. This paper analyses original data from focus group discussions and interviews in fieldwork from January 2016. It finds that the situation in Sierra Leone heralded opportunities for peacebuilding processes to engage concerns that have been linked with historical statebuilding conversations. Yet formal statebuilding processes, which were particularly focused on liberal institution building in the post-conflict context, were not sufficiently attentive to their antecedents. Nonetheless there are suggestions of some engagement with extant statebuilding conversations particularly in relation to how ethnicity continues to colour the statebuilding project, the significance of intergroup dynamics across intergenerational exchanges and gender and the challenges of socio-economic exclusion.","PeriodicalId":46301,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Security & Development","volume":"4 1","pages":"431 - 453"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-07-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77219636","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-04DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2021.1974700
’. Olonisakin, Alagaw Ababu Kifle, Alfred Muteru
ABSTRACT This paper introduces the Special Issue that grew out of a research project at the African Leadership Centre, which was supported by the Canadian International Centre for Development Research (IDRC). Like the underpinning research, the papers in this volume engage with two aspects of the state-building and peace-building debate and foreground the theory of “conversation” as a useful lens through which to advance the pursuit of sustainable peace in Africa. First, we challenge the dominant approach that constructs liberal state-building as an essential condition for durable peace in societies emerging from armed conflict. Second, we examine the extent to which various forms of political settlements are able to deliver sustainable peace and as a result, more peaceful and viable states. The concept of “conversation” is the thread that connects the two elements of the research. The notion of conversation reverses the conventional view of the relationship between peacebuilding and state-building while re-centring a particular dimension of political settlement. We argue that peacebuilding should be conceived as part of the conversations occurring along the state-building continuum in the affected societies. This shifts the traditional approach of privileging the technical over the political, power over agency, and the international over the national and local. This paper introduces the articles in this volume, which include conceptual and empirical case-studies and it discusses implications for policy and practice.
{"title":"Introduction: reframing narratives of peace-building and state-building in Africa","authors":"’. Olonisakin, Alagaw Ababu Kifle, Alfred Muteru","doi":"10.1080/14678802.2021.1974700","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2021.1974700","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper introduces the Special Issue that grew out of a research project at the African Leadership Centre, which was supported by the Canadian International Centre for Development Research (IDRC). Like the underpinning research, the papers in this volume engage with two aspects of the state-building and peace-building debate and foreground the theory of “conversation” as a useful lens through which to advance the pursuit of sustainable peace in Africa. First, we challenge the dominant approach that constructs liberal state-building as an essential condition for durable peace in societies emerging from armed conflict. Second, we examine the extent to which various forms of political settlements are able to deliver sustainable peace and as a result, more peaceful and viable states. The concept of “conversation” is the thread that connects the two elements of the research. The notion of conversation reverses the conventional view of the relationship between peacebuilding and state-building while re-centring a particular dimension of political settlement. We argue that peacebuilding should be conceived as part of the conversations occurring along the state-building continuum in the affected societies. This shifts the traditional approach of privileging the technical over the political, power over agency, and the international over the national and local. This paper introduces the articles in this volume, which include conceptual and empirical case-studies and it discusses implications for policy and practice.","PeriodicalId":46301,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Security & Development","volume":"21 1","pages":"401 - 407"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-07-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80820966","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-04DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2021.1974698
M. Tadesse, Alagaw Ababu Kifle, Dade Desta
ABSTRACT This paper examines the evolving state-building conversations in Ethiopia and the role of political settlement thereof in charting a pathway for durable peace and strong state. The paper argues that costly mistakes in state and nation building, the radicalisation of the Ethiopian Student Movement coupled with Marxism–Leninism and ethno-nationalism polarised and fragmented the state-building conversations of the country leading to civil war in the 1970s and 80s. This led to an exclusionary victor settlement in 1991 when the TPLF/EPRDF militarily defeated other political groupings and the Derg. Consequently, the post-settlement in the Ethiopian state has been exclusively forged by the winning coalition sidelining competing narratives about the Ethiopia state including its history and the place of various groups therein. This historically veracious, violent, and exclusionary state and peacebuilding conversation undermined the post-1991 political settlement and the transition towards a durable peace and state. The outbreak of war in Ethiopia in November 2020 (which is not the core focus of this paper) is deeply connected to this violent and exclusionary conversation on the nature and future direction of the Ethiopian state.
{"title":"Evolving state building conversations and political settlement in Ethiopia","authors":"M. Tadesse, Alagaw Ababu Kifle, Dade Desta","doi":"10.1080/14678802.2021.1974698","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2021.1974698","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper examines the evolving state-building conversations in Ethiopia and the role of political settlement thereof in charting a pathway for durable peace and strong state. The paper argues that costly mistakes in state and nation building, the radicalisation of the Ethiopian Student Movement coupled with Marxism–Leninism and ethno-nationalism polarised and fragmented the state-building conversations of the country leading to civil war in the 1970s and 80s. This led to an exclusionary victor settlement in 1991 when the TPLF/EPRDF militarily defeated other political groupings and the Derg. Consequently, the post-settlement in the Ethiopian state has been exclusively forged by the winning coalition sidelining competing narratives about the Ethiopia state including its history and the place of various groups therein. This historically veracious, violent, and exclusionary state and peacebuilding conversation undermined the post-1991 political settlement and the transition towards a durable peace and state. The outbreak of war in Ethiopia in November 2020 (which is not the core focus of this paper) is deeply connected to this violent and exclusionary conversation on the nature and future direction of the Ethiopian state.","PeriodicalId":46301,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Security & Development","volume":"71 1","pages":"455 - 474"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-07-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73370393","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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