首页 > 最新文献

Conflict Security & Development最新文献

英文 中文
Women’s overlooked contribution to Rwanda’s state-building conversations 妇女在卢旺达国家建设对话中被忽视的贡献
IF 1.3 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-07-04 DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2021.1974699
David Mwambari, Barney Walsh, ’. Olonisakin
ABSTRACT This paper does not directly engage the state-formation, political settlement and state-building debates in Africa but it foregrounds the notion of conversation as the lens through which to examine Rwanda’s state-building history. In particular, it explores an overlooked perspective from Rwanda’s state-building trajectory by focusing on a particular class of actors – women – whose voices also contributed to inter-elite and elite-society state-building from pre-colonial times. The paper examines how and why conversible spaces have been created in post-genocide Rwanda that are locally conceived yet given form by Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) elites. It shows that these spaces are progressions of a long history of state-building conversations in Rwanda that pre-date colonialism. The paper asks how and why have conversible spaces for peace and state-building evolved over time? To what extent do their contemporary form have the potential for being genuinely transformative? What do these processes mean for future peace and state building in Rwanda? In addressing these questions, this paper foregrounds women’s agency and contributions to state-building in Rwanda over time. It shows that while there is evidence that women’s agency has evolved from covert to overt spaces, limitations to women’s influence of peace-building and state-building conversations still exist particularly for those whose visions of society diverge from that of the ruling party Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF).
本文不直接涉及非洲的国家形成、政治解决和国家建设辩论,但它将对话的概念作为考察卢旺达国家建设历史的镜头。特别地,它探讨了卢旺达国家建设轨迹中一个被忽视的观点,通过关注一个特殊的演员阶级——妇女——她们的声音也为前殖民时代的精英间和精英社会的国家建设做出了贡献。本文探讨了种族灭绝后的卢旺达如何以及为什么创造了可转换空间,这些空间是当地构思的,但由卢旺达爱国阵线(RPF)精英给予形式。它表明,这些空间是殖民主义之前卢旺达国家建设对话的漫长历史的进展。这篇论文提出,和平与国家建设的可转换空间是如何以及为什么随着时间的推移而演变的?它们的当代形式在多大程度上具有真正变革的潜力?这些进程对卢旺达未来的和平与国家建设意味着什么?在解决这些问题时,本文着重介绍了妇女的机构和长期以来对卢旺达国家建设的贡献。报告显示,虽然有证据表明妇女的作用已从隐蔽空间演变为公开空间,但妇女在建设和平和建设国家对话中的影响仍然受到限制,特别是对于那些对社会的看法与执政党卢旺达爱国阵线(爱国阵线)不同的人。
{"title":"Women’s overlooked contribution to Rwanda’s state-building conversations","authors":"David Mwambari, Barney Walsh, ’. Olonisakin","doi":"10.1080/14678802.2021.1974699","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2021.1974699","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper does not directly engage the state-formation, political settlement and state-building debates in Africa but it foregrounds the notion of conversation as the lens through which to examine Rwanda’s state-building history. In particular, it explores an overlooked perspective from Rwanda’s state-building trajectory by focusing on a particular class of actors – women – whose voices also contributed to inter-elite and elite-society state-building from pre-colonial times. The paper examines how and why conversible spaces have been created in post-genocide Rwanda that are locally conceived yet given form by Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) elites. It shows that these spaces are progressions of a long history of state-building conversations in Rwanda that pre-date colonialism. The paper asks how and why have conversible spaces for peace and state-building evolved over time? To what extent do their contemporary form have the potential for being genuinely transformative? What do these processes mean for future peace and state building in Rwanda? In addressing these questions, this paper foregrounds women’s agency and contributions to state-building in Rwanda over time. It shows that while there is evidence that women’s agency has evolved from covert to overt spaces, limitations to women’s influence of peace-building and state-building conversations still exist particularly for those whose visions of society diverge from that of the ruling party Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF).","PeriodicalId":46301,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Security & Development","volume":"4 1","pages":"475 - 499"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-07-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90476164","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 8
The role of peace education in countering violent extremism in Pakistan: an assessment of non-governmental efforts 巴基斯坦和平教育在打击暴力极端主义方面的作用:对非政府努力的评估
IF 1.3 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2021.1943150
Z. Ahmed, Rizwan Shahzad
ABSTRACT This article is located in the wider discourse on the nexus of policy, research and practice of peace education for countering violent extremism (CVE) with a focus on learnings and insights from non-governmental initiatives in Pakistan. It presents an analysis of how the diverse and complex school education system in Pakistan ‘does’ and/or ‘does not’ respond to the challenges of an increasing scale and manifestations of violence, conflict and extremism in society. Moving beyond the discussion on the historical emergence, drivers, actors and characteristics of violent extremism in Pakistan, this paper engages with the erstwhile literature on the research-policy-practice nexus to examine nine peace education projects – mostly foreign-funded – in Pakistan. Considering the insights from these nine projects, the paper finds that there are several examples of successful stand-alone peace education for CVE projects but without a link to policy and research. Despite producing good quality CVE and peace education material, and applying these materials successfully in the diverse education setting of the country, many projects lacked sustainability due to over-dependence on foreign funding. Due to comparatively consistent external funding in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, the organisations there are more successful in their peace education interventions than the ones in Punjab and Sindh.
本文旨在讨论反暴力极端主义(CVE)和平教育的政策、研究和实践之间的关系,重点关注巴基斯坦非政府倡议的学习和见解。它分析了巴基斯坦多样化和复杂的学校教育系统如何“做”和/或“不”应对社会中日益扩大的暴力、冲突和极端主义的挑战和表现。除了对巴基斯坦暴力极端主义的历史出现、驱动因素、行为者和特征的讨论之外,本文还结合以往关于研究-政策-实践联系的文献,考察了巴基斯坦的九个和平教育项目——其中大部分是外资资助的。考虑到这9个项目的见解,本文发现有几个成功的独立和平教育的例子,这些项目是针对CVE项目的,但没有与政策和研究联系起来。尽管制作了高质量的CVE和和平教育材料,并成功地将这些材料应用于该国不同的教育环境,但由于过度依赖外国资金,许多项目缺乏可持续性。由于开伯尔-普赫图赫瓦省相对稳定的外部资金,那里的组织在和平教育干预方面比旁遮普和信德省的组织更成功。
{"title":"The role of peace education in countering violent extremism in Pakistan: an assessment of non-governmental efforts","authors":"Z. Ahmed, Rizwan Shahzad","doi":"10.1080/14678802.2021.1943150","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2021.1943150","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article is located in the wider discourse on the nexus of policy, research and practice of peace education for countering violent extremism (CVE) with a focus on learnings and insights from non-governmental initiatives in Pakistan. It presents an analysis of how the diverse and complex school education system in Pakistan ‘does’ and/or ‘does not’ respond to the challenges of an increasing scale and manifestations of violence, conflict and extremism in society. Moving beyond the discussion on the historical emergence, drivers, actors and characteristics of violent extremism in Pakistan, this paper engages with the erstwhile literature on the research-policy-practice nexus to examine nine peace education projects – mostly foreign-funded – in Pakistan. Considering the insights from these nine projects, the paper finds that there are several examples of successful stand-alone peace education for CVE projects but without a link to policy and research. Despite producing good quality CVE and peace education material, and applying these materials successfully in the diverse education setting of the country, many projects lacked sustainability due to over-dependence on foreign funding. Due to comparatively consistent external funding in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, the organisations there are more successful in their peace education interventions than the ones in Punjab and Sindh.","PeriodicalId":46301,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Security & Development","volume":"17 1","pages":"199 - 222"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84744718","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 2
Assessing authoritarian conflict management in the Middle East and Central Asia 评估中东和中亚的威权冲突管理
IF 1.3 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2021.1940011
M. Keen
ABSTRACT Authoritarian conflict management (ACM), conceptualised by Lewis et al. (2018), is an analytical framework aimed at understanding how authoritarian regimes respond to violent domestic challenges in ways that reject liberal conflict resolution practices that have emerged since the 1990s. Operationally, the authors define ACM as having three pillars: discursive control, spatial control and authoritarian political economic practices. Quantitative methods have not yet been broadly applied to ACM. This study quantitatively examines violent intrastate conflict in the Middle East and Central Asia to test several assumptions undergirding ACM, namely ACM’s prevalence over time and impact on governments’ ability to garner external support in domestic conflicts. I find that regimes in these regions deployed full ACM in fewer than half of cases, and the prevalence of ACM has not increased over time. Discursive and spatial control practices were employed more frequently than authoritarian political economic interventions. Finally, regimes that deployed full ACM were more likely than regimes that did not to have received external authoritarian support; no such difference was observed vis-à-vis support from external non-authoritarian countries.
由Lewis等人(2018)提出的威权冲突管理(ACM)是一个分析框架,旨在理解威权政权如何以拒绝自20世纪90年代以来出现的自由冲突解决实践的方式应对国内暴力挑战。在操作上,作者将ACM定义为有三个支柱:话语控制,空间控制和专制的政治经济实践。定量方法尚未广泛应用于ACM。本研究定量考察了中东和中亚的国内暴力冲突,以检验支撑ACM的几个假设,即ACM随时间的普遍性以及对政府在国内冲突中获得外部支持的能力的影响。我发现这些地区的制度在不到一半的病例中部署了完整的ACM,并且ACM的流行并没有随着时间的推移而增加。话语和空间控制实践比专制的政治经济干预更频繁地被采用。最后,与没有得到外部威权主义支持的政权相比,部署了全面ACM的政权更有可能获得外部威权主义支持;对于外部非威权国家-à-vis的支持,没有观察到这种差异。
{"title":"Assessing authoritarian conflict management in the Middle East and Central Asia","authors":"M. Keen","doi":"10.1080/14678802.2021.1940011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2021.1940011","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Authoritarian conflict management (ACM), conceptualised by Lewis et al. (2018), is an analytical framework aimed at understanding how authoritarian regimes respond to violent domestic challenges in ways that reject liberal conflict resolution practices that have emerged since the 1990s. Operationally, the authors define ACM as having three pillars: discursive control, spatial control and authoritarian political economic practices. Quantitative methods have not yet been broadly applied to ACM. This study quantitatively examines violent intrastate conflict in the Middle East and Central Asia to test several assumptions undergirding ACM, namely ACM’s prevalence over time and impact on governments’ ability to garner external support in domestic conflicts. I find that regimes in these regions deployed full ACM in fewer than half of cases, and the prevalence of ACM has not increased over time. Discursive and spatial control practices were employed more frequently than authoritarian political economic interventions. Finally, regimes that deployed full ACM were more likely than regimes that did not to have received external authoritarian support; no such difference was observed vis-à-vis support from external non-authoritarian countries.","PeriodicalId":46301,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Security & Development","volume":"6 1","pages":"245 - 272"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82539620","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 2
Rebuilding armies in southern Somalia: What currently should donors realistically aim for? 索马里南部重建军队:目前捐助者的实际目标是什么?
IF 1.3 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2021.1940773
C. Robinson
ABSTRACT Improving defence accountability and effectiveness is even more difficult when wars are actively underway. Southern Somalia bears considerable resemblance to previous counterinsurgency theatres in Afghanistan and Iraq, and thus considerations of defence assistance should be actively informed by those campaigns. The African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) intervention force has been critical to seizing much of the towns and terrain now freed from the Islamist Al-Shabaab insurgents. But after 13 years AMISOM’s power is waning. There are vanishingly few instant and game-changing initiatives donors could take quickly to aid the build-up of Somali military forces either at the federal or regional levels. Yet decentralised Federal Member State governments represent important political forces in southern Somalia, and since 2012 efforts have been made to reinforce them. Perhaps the most immediate action that donors could take to aid the build-up of legitimate Somali military forces is to supply and work with, not just the Federal Government’s forces as has long been the case, but also the various military forces maintained by the Federal Member States.
当战争处于活跃状态时,提高国防问责制和有效性更加困难。索马里南部与以前在阿富汗和伊拉克的反叛乱战场有很大的相似之处,因此这些战役应积极地为国防援助的考虑提供参考。非洲联盟驻索马里特派团(AMISOM)的干预部队在夺取目前从伊斯兰青年党叛乱分子手中解放出来的大部分城镇和地区方面发挥了关键作用。但是在13年之后,非盟维和部队的力量正在减弱。在联邦或区域一级,捐助者能够迅速采取的援助索马里军事力量建设的即时和改变游戏规则的倡议少之又少。然而,权力下放的联邦成员国政府是索马里南部重要的政治力量,自2012年以来一直在努力加强这些力量。也许捐助者为援助建立合法的索马里军事力量所能采取的最直接的行动是不仅像长期以来那样向联邦政府的部队提供物资并与之合作,而且还向联邦会员国维持的各种军事力量提供物资和合作。
{"title":"Rebuilding armies in southern Somalia: What currently should donors realistically aim for?","authors":"C. Robinson","doi":"10.1080/14678802.2021.1940773","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2021.1940773","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Improving defence accountability and effectiveness is even more difficult when wars are actively underway. Southern Somalia bears considerable resemblance to previous counterinsurgency theatres in Afghanistan and Iraq, and thus considerations of defence assistance should be actively informed by those campaigns. The African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) intervention force has been critical to seizing much of the towns and terrain now freed from the Islamist Al-Shabaab insurgents. But after 13 years AMISOM’s power is waning. There are vanishingly few instant and game-changing initiatives donors could take quickly to aid the build-up of Somali military forces either at the federal or regional levels. Yet decentralised Federal Member State governments represent important political forces in southern Somalia, and since 2012 efforts have been made to reinforce them. Perhaps the most immediate action that donors could take to aid the build-up of legitimate Somali military forces is to supply and work with, not just the Federal Government’s forces as has long been the case, but also the various military forces maintained by the Federal Member States.","PeriodicalId":46301,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Security & Development","volume":"36 1","pages":"313 - 336"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82102154","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 1
Bridging identities through activism: Palestinians in Sweden navigating the transnational divide 通过行动主义弥合身份:瑞典的巴勒斯坦人跨越跨国鸿沟
IF 1.3 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2021.1933033
H. Lindholm
ABSTRACT This article deals with the ways in which diaspora communities use activism, transnational political engagements and mobilisation in order to create and sustain identities and navigate in the transnational space of being neither ‘here’ nor ‘there’. Through an exploration of how Palestinians in Sweden use activism as a way to navigate their situation in between Palestine and Sweden, it is shown that transnational activism and social mobilisation are means of managing, meaning-making, mediating and negotiation vulnerable and complicated position between places and identities. Using narrative material collected through interviews with Palestinians in Sweden, this article unveils the relationship between conflict, activism and identity formation and how tensions, struggles and contestations inform that interlinkage. The article explores those relationships through investigating the case of the Palestinian community in Sweden and its narrated experiences of conflict and activism through the lens of the former homeland as well as the new or current country of residence. The study aims to deepen our understandings of the profound meaning of solidarity with a homeland lost as well as to a deeper understanding of the Palestinian diaspora in the Global North.
本文探讨了侨民社区如何利用行动主义、跨国政治参与和动员来创造和维持身份,并在既非“在这里”也非“在那里”的跨国空间中导航。通过探索瑞典的巴勒斯坦人如何使用行动主义作为一种方式来处理他们在巴勒斯坦和瑞典之间的处境,它表明,跨国行动主义和社会动员是管理、创造意义、调解和谈判地方和身份之间脆弱和复杂地位的手段。本文透过对瑞典巴勒斯坦人的访谈,收集叙事材料,揭示冲突、行动主义和身份形成之间的关系,以及紧张、斗争和争论如何传达这种相互联系。本文通过调查瑞典巴勒斯坦社区的案例,以及通过前家园以及新的或当前居住国家的镜头,讲述冲突和行动主义的经历,来探讨这些关系。这项研究旨在加深我们对与失去家园团结一致的深刻意义的理解,并加深对全球北方巴勒斯坦侨民的理解。
{"title":"Bridging identities through activism: Palestinians in Sweden navigating the transnational divide","authors":"H. Lindholm","doi":"10.1080/14678802.2021.1933033","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2021.1933033","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article deals with the ways in which diaspora communities use activism, transnational political engagements and mobilisation in order to create and sustain identities and navigate in the transnational space of being neither ‘here’ nor ‘there’. Through an exploration of how Palestinians in Sweden use activism as a way to navigate their situation in between Palestine and Sweden, it is shown that transnational activism and social mobilisation are means of managing, meaning-making, mediating and negotiation vulnerable and complicated position between places and identities. Using narrative material collected through interviews with Palestinians in Sweden, this article unveils the relationship between conflict, activism and identity formation and how tensions, struggles and contestations inform that interlinkage. The article explores those relationships through investigating the case of the Palestinian community in Sweden and its narrated experiences of conflict and activism through the lens of the former homeland as well as the new or current country of residence. The study aims to deepen our understandings of the profound meaning of solidarity with a homeland lost as well as to a deeper understanding of the Palestinian diaspora in the Global North.","PeriodicalId":46301,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Security & Development","volume":"1 1","pages":"293 - 312"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88716040","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 3
Why do youth participate in violence in Africa? A review of evidence 为什么非洲的年轻人会参与暴力?证据回顾
IF 1.3 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2021.1933035
O. Ismail, ’. Olonisakin
ABSTRACT This paper systematically maps the field of scholarly works on the theme of youth and violent conflict in Africa. It reviews the evidentiary base of the nexus between youth and violent conflicts in Africa by interrogating the conceptual, methodological, and empirical foundations of the different explanations adduced for why and how youth participate in armed conflicts. It observes that the evidence base linking youth vulnerability and exclusion with violence is generally mixed across the board; each extant perspective offers some useful insights within its narrow conceptual and methodological contours. In addition, the social agency of youth and the power context of society are crucial to understanding the link between youth and violence, and the risk of violence in Africa. Social agency speaks to why and how youth encounter, process, interpret and act on social phenomena, including violence. It highlights the need for further research into the dynamic nature of how youth identities interact with new trends in violence and insecurity such as violent riots and protests and post-election violence, among others.
本文系统地描绘了有关非洲青年与暴力冲突主题的学术著作领域。它通过询问关于青年为什么以及如何参与武装冲突的不同解释的概念、方法和经验基础,审查了非洲青年与暴力冲突之间联系的证据基础。它注意到,将青年脆弱性和排斥与暴力联系起来的证据基础总体上是混杂的;每一种现存的观点都在其狭隘的概念和方法论框架内提供了一些有用的见解。此外,青年的社会机构和社会权力背景对于理解青年与暴力之间的联系以及非洲的暴力风险至关重要。社会代理讲述了青年为什么以及如何遇到、处理、解释和采取行动的社会现象,包括暴力。报告强调,有必要进一步研究青年身份与暴力和不安全新趋势(如暴力骚乱和抗议以及选举后暴力等)相互作用的动态性质。
{"title":"Why do youth participate in violence in Africa? A review of evidence","authors":"O. Ismail, ’. Olonisakin","doi":"10.1080/14678802.2021.1933035","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2021.1933035","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper systematically maps the field of scholarly works on the theme of youth and violent conflict in Africa. It reviews the evidentiary base of the nexus between youth and violent conflicts in Africa by interrogating the conceptual, methodological, and empirical foundations of the different explanations adduced for why and how youth participate in armed conflicts. It observes that the evidence base linking youth vulnerability and exclusion with violence is generally mixed across the board; each extant perspective offers some useful insights within its narrow conceptual and methodological contours. In addition, the social agency of youth and the power context of society are crucial to understanding the link between youth and violence, and the risk of violence in Africa. Social agency speaks to why and how youth encounter, process, interpret and act on social phenomena, including violence. It highlights the need for further research into the dynamic nature of how youth identities interact with new trends in violence and insecurity such as violent riots and protests and post-election violence, among others.","PeriodicalId":46301,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Security & Development","volume":"175 1","pages":"371 - 399"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82969618","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 6
The unfortunate omission of entangled resistance in the ‘local turn’ in peace-building: the case of ‘forced marriage’ in the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC) 在建设和平的“地方转向”中不幸遗漏了纠缠抵抗:柬埔寨法院特别分庭的“强迫婚姻”案例
IF 1.3 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2021.1932321
Mona Lilja, Mikael Baaz
ABSTRACT The concept of resistance within the peace-building literature has received considerable attention as well as becoming central to the critique of liberal interventions. Scholars approach to resistance within the ‘local turn’ literature has resulted in more elaborate studies; even so, local agency is typically narrowed down and conceptualised as a response to what is considered as problematic aspects of peace-building interventions. By analysing the resistance to/against the inclusion of ‘forced marriage’ as a crime against humanity in the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC), this paper suggests that the study of resistance within the local turn must be broadened. The case study reveals how different forms of resistance are performative of and intertwined with other forms of resistance as well as how resistance evokes local power reactions. In addition to this, the paper also demonstrates that external international interveners sometimes mobilise local resistance, which results in the formation of strong but uneasy alliances against local political elites. All in all, the resistance is far more complex than most local turn literature suggests.
在建设和平的文献中,抵抗的概念受到了相当大的关注,并成为批评自由主义干预的核心。学者们对“地方转向”文学中的抵抗的研究导致了更详细的研究;即便如此,地方机构通常被缩小范围,并被概念化为对被认为是建设和平干预的问题方面的反应。通过分析柬埔寨法院特别法庭(ECCC)对将“强迫婚姻”作为危害人类罪纳入其中的抵制/反对,本文建议必须扩大对当地转向内的抵制的研究。案例研究揭示了不同形式的抵抗如何表现并与其他形式的抵抗交织在一起,以及抵抗如何唤起地方权力反应。除此之外,本文还表明,外部国际干预者有时会动员当地的抵抗,从而形成反对当地政治精英的强大但不安的联盟。总而言之,抵抗比大多数当地文献所显示的要复杂得多。
{"title":"The unfortunate omission of entangled resistance in the ‘local turn’ in peace-building: the case of ‘forced marriage’ in the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC)","authors":"Mona Lilja, Mikael Baaz","doi":"10.1080/14678802.2021.1932321","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2021.1932321","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The concept of resistance within the peace-building literature has received considerable attention as well as becoming central to the critique of liberal interventions. Scholars approach to resistance within the ‘local turn’ literature has resulted in more elaborate studies; even so, local agency is typically narrowed down and conceptualised as a response to what is considered as problematic aspects of peace-building interventions. By analysing the resistance to/against the inclusion of ‘forced marriage’ as a crime against humanity in the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC), this paper suggests that the study of resistance within the local turn must be broadened. The case study reveals how different forms of resistance are performative of and intertwined with other forms of resistance as well as how resistance evokes local power reactions. In addition to this, the paper also demonstrates that external international interveners sometimes mobilise local resistance, which results in the formation of strong but uneasy alliances against local political elites. All in all, the resistance is far more complex than most local turn literature suggests.","PeriodicalId":46301,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Security & Development","volume":"38 1","pages":"273 - 292"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80314591","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 5
European migration and terrorism: humanitarian crisis, political rhetoric, or pragmatic policy? 欧洲移民与恐怖主义:人道主义危机、政治辞令还是务实政策?
IF 1.3 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2021.1940781
J. Treistman, Charles J. Gomez
ABSTRACT The security debate concerning the recent wave of migrants into Europe has been contentious. This article examines the impact of recent migration flows into Europe and assesses the veracity of political rhetoric that migrants from Muslim states were reputedly responsible for the uptick in terrorist attacks. After conducting a series of quantitative tests that control for a variety of factors, we find little evidence that the increase in the number of migrants corresponded to an increase in terrorism during the European crisis. Our findings, therefore, contain important implications in terms of migration policy and counterterrorism tactics.
关于最近涌入欧洲的移民潮的安全争论一直很有争议。本文考察了最近移民流入欧洲的影响,并评估了政治言论的真实性,即来自穆斯林国家的移民据称要对恐怖袭击的增加负责。在进行了一系列控制各种因素的定量测试后,我们发现几乎没有证据表明,在欧洲危机期间,移民人数的增加与恐怖主义的增加相对应。因此,我们的研究结果在移民政策和反恐策略方面具有重要意义。
{"title":"European migration and terrorism: humanitarian crisis, political rhetoric, or pragmatic policy?","authors":"J. Treistman, Charles J. Gomez","doi":"10.1080/14678802.2021.1940781","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2021.1940781","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The security debate concerning the recent wave of migrants into Europe has been contentious. This article examines the impact of recent migration flows into Europe and assesses the veracity of political rhetoric that migrants from Muslim states were reputedly responsible for the uptick in terrorist attacks. After conducting a series of quantitative tests that control for a variety of factors, we find little evidence that the increase in the number of migrants corresponded to an increase in terrorism during the European crisis. Our findings, therefore, contain important implications in terms of migration policy and counterterrorism tactics.","PeriodicalId":46301,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Security & Development","volume":"5 1","pages":"337 - 370"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84468041","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 3
Care and silence in women’s everyday peacebuilding in Myanmar 缅甸妇女日常建设和平中的关怀和沉默
IF 1.3 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2021.1933031
Linnéa Blomqvist, Elisabeth Olivius, Jenny Hedström
ABSTRACT This article draws on feminist perspectives on the everyday to explore women’s everyday experiences of peace in Kayah state in Myanmar. We locate the daily practices women engage in to maintain life and minimise violence, making visible women’s contributions to everyday peace. In addition, we examine the ways in which women are disproportionally affected by war and prevented from benefitting from post-war changes. Our findings demonstrate that practices of care and silence are key avenues for women’s everyday peacebuilding, through which women sustain peace, ensure survival, and minimise violence in their families and wider communities. At the same time, however, these practices are conditioned by and may contribute to gendered insecurity and marginalisation for women. Through this focus, our analysis shows how women’s positioning in gendered relations of power may both enable their agency in peacebuilding and reinforce their gendered inequality and marginalisation in the post-war period. We conclude that while everyday peace practices may hold the potential for positive change, these can also contribute to the reproduction of inequality, oppression and structural violence.
摘要本文以女性主义视角探讨缅甸克耶邦女性的日常和平体验。我们找到了妇女维持生活和尽量减少暴力的日常做法,使妇女对日常和平的贡献可见。此外,我们还研究了妇女受到战争不成比例的影响以及无法从战后变化中受益的方式。我们的研究结果表明,关怀和沉默的做法是妇女日常建设和平的关键途径,通过这些途径,妇女维持和平,确保生存,并最大限度地减少家庭和更广泛社区的暴力。然而,与此同时,这些做法受到性别不安全和妇女边缘化的制约,并可能助长这种情况。通过这一重点,我们的分析显示了妇女在性别权力关系中的定位如何既能使她们在建设和平中发挥作用,又能在战后时期加剧她们的性别不平等和边缘化。我们的结论是,虽然日常的和平实践可能具有积极变化的潜力,但它们也可能导致不平等、压迫和结构性暴力的再现。
{"title":"Care and silence in women’s everyday peacebuilding in Myanmar","authors":"Linnéa Blomqvist, Elisabeth Olivius, Jenny Hedström","doi":"10.1080/14678802.2021.1933031","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2021.1933031","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article draws on feminist perspectives on the everyday to explore women’s everyday experiences of peace in Kayah state in Myanmar. We locate the daily practices women engage in to maintain life and minimise violence, making visible women’s contributions to everyday peace. In addition, we examine the ways in which women are disproportionally affected by war and prevented from benefitting from post-war changes. Our findings demonstrate that practices of care and silence are key avenues for women’s everyday peacebuilding, through which women sustain peace, ensure survival, and minimise violence in their families and wider communities. At the same time, however, these practices are conditioned by and may contribute to gendered insecurity and marginalisation for women. Through this focus, our analysis shows how women’s positioning in gendered relations of power may both enable their agency in peacebuilding and reinforce their gendered inequality and marginalisation in the post-war period. We conclude that while everyday peace practices may hold the potential for positive change, these can also contribute to the reproduction of inequality, oppression and structural violence.","PeriodicalId":46301,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Security & Development","volume":"55 1","pages":"223 - 244"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76620777","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 6
The legacy of rebel order: local (in)security in Colombia 叛军秩序的遗产:哥伦比亚的地方安全
IF 1.3 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2021-03-04 DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2021.1911065
Clara Voyvodic
ABSTRACT In the aftermath of a peace agreement, the demobilisation of armed combatants from the field of war is taken as an indication of improved security. However, in many contexts, the withdrawal of armed groups also represents the dismantling of informal sources of order for local communities. Drawing from work on rebel governance and the local turn in peace-building, I argue that rebel orders shape security experiences even after a rebel group demobilises. In Colombia, following demobilisation of the Armed Revolutionary Forces of Colombia (FARC), local communities framed their insecurity in the face of other armed groups – including government forces – by invoking features of order previously provided by the FARC. I introduce the concept of relational security indicators, building on Mac Ginty’s everyday peace indicators, to incorporate the influence of rebel order on subjective evaluations of security. Through an inductive qualitative approach in the Departments of Antioquia and Nariño, I identified two features of FARC order, protection and structure, that framed communities’ experience of insecurity in their absence. Communities had to address the dual legacies of rebel order and violence in order to make sense of the uncertainty they faced after the FARC’s demobilisaton. Work on rebel governance has largely excluded the legacy of rebel order post-demobilisation, while local peace-building studies rarely consider the experience of local communities through the lens of rebel order. The recent demobilisation of a long-standing example of ‘rebel ruler’ such as the FARC offers an insight into how communities invoke the legacy of rebel order to evaluate and understand their insecurity during conflict transitions.
在和平协议之后,武装战斗人员从战场复员被视为安全改善的迹象。然而,在许多情况下,武装团体的撤离也代表着地方社区非正式秩序来源的瓦解。根据对叛军治理和和平建设的地方转向的研究,我认为,即使在叛军组织遣散之后,叛军的命令也会影响安全经验。在哥伦比亚,哥伦比亚武装革命力量(FARC)遣散后,当地社区在面对包括政府军在内的其他武装团体时,通过援引FARC以前提供的秩序特征来构建他们的不安全感。我在麦金蒂的日常和平指标的基础上引入了关系安全指标的概念,将反叛秩序对安全主观评价的影响纳入其中。通过在安蒂奥基亚省和Nariño省的归纳定性方法,我确定了哥伦比亚革命武装力量秩序的两个特征,保护和结构,这两个特征构成了社区在他们缺席时的不安全体验。各社区必须解决反叛秩序和暴力的双重遗留问题,以便理解哥伦比亚革命武装力量遣散后他们面临的不确定性。关于叛军治理的工作在很大程度上排除了复员后叛军秩序的遗产,而当地建设和平的研究很少通过叛军秩序的视角考虑当地社区的经验。最近,哥伦比亚革命武装力量(FARC)等长期存在的“反叛统治者”的复员,让我们深入了解了社区如何利用反叛秩序的遗产来评估和理解他们在冲突过渡期间的不安全感。
{"title":"The legacy of rebel order: local (in)security in Colombia","authors":"Clara Voyvodic","doi":"10.1080/14678802.2021.1911065","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2021.1911065","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In the aftermath of a peace agreement, the demobilisation of armed combatants from the field of war is taken as an indication of improved security. However, in many contexts, the withdrawal of armed groups also represents the dismantling of informal sources of order for local communities. Drawing from work on rebel governance and the local turn in peace-building, I argue that rebel orders shape security experiences even after a rebel group demobilises. In Colombia, following demobilisation of the Armed Revolutionary Forces of Colombia (FARC), local communities framed their insecurity in the face of other armed groups – including government forces – by invoking features of order previously provided by the FARC. I introduce the concept of relational security indicators, building on Mac Ginty’s everyday peace indicators, to incorporate the influence of rebel order on subjective evaluations of security. Through an inductive qualitative approach in the Departments of Antioquia and Nariño, I identified two features of FARC order, protection and structure, that framed communities’ experience of insecurity in their absence. Communities had to address the dual legacies of rebel order and violence in order to make sense of the uncertainty they faced after the FARC’s demobilisaton. Work on rebel governance has largely excluded the legacy of rebel order post-demobilisation, while local peace-building studies rarely consider the experience of local communities through the lens of rebel order. The recent demobilisation of a long-standing example of ‘rebel ruler’ such as the FARC offers an insight into how communities invoke the legacy of rebel order to evaluate and understand their insecurity during conflict transitions.","PeriodicalId":46301,"journal":{"name":"Conflict Security & Development","volume":"47 1","pages":"177 - 197"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-03-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77281315","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 2
期刊
Conflict Security & Development
全部 Acc. Chem. Res. ACS Applied Bio Materials ACS Appl. Electron. Mater. ACS Appl. Energy Mater. ACS Appl. Mater. Interfaces ACS Appl. Nano Mater. ACS Appl. Polym. Mater. ACS BIOMATER-SCI ENG ACS Catal. ACS Cent. Sci. ACS Chem. Biol. ACS Chemical Health & Safety ACS Chem. Neurosci. ACS Comb. Sci. ACS Earth Space Chem. ACS Energy Lett. ACS Infect. Dis. ACS Macro Lett. ACS Mater. Lett. ACS Med. Chem. Lett. ACS Nano ACS Omega ACS Photonics ACS Sens. ACS Sustainable Chem. Eng. ACS Synth. Biol. Anal. Chem. BIOCHEMISTRY-US Bioconjugate Chem. BIOMACROMOLECULES Chem. Res. Toxicol. Chem. Rev. Chem. Mater. CRYST GROWTH DES ENERG FUEL Environ. Sci. Technol. Environ. Sci. Technol. Lett. Eur. J. Inorg. Chem. IND ENG CHEM RES Inorg. Chem. J. Agric. Food. Chem. J. Chem. Eng. Data J. Chem. Educ. J. Chem. Inf. Model. J. Chem. Theory Comput. J. Med. Chem. J. Nat. Prod. J PROTEOME RES J. Am. Chem. Soc. LANGMUIR MACROMOLECULES Mol. Pharmaceutics Nano Lett. Org. Lett. ORG PROCESS RES DEV ORGANOMETALLICS J. Org. Chem. J. Phys. Chem. J. Phys. Chem. A J. Phys. Chem. B J. Phys. Chem. C J. Phys. Chem. Lett. Analyst Anal. Methods Biomater. Sci. Catal. Sci. Technol. Chem. Commun. Chem. Soc. Rev. CHEM EDUC RES PRACT CRYSTENGCOMM Dalton Trans. Energy Environ. Sci. ENVIRON SCI-NANO ENVIRON SCI-PROC IMP ENVIRON SCI-WAT RES Faraday Discuss. Food Funct. Green Chem. Inorg. Chem. Front. Integr. Biol. J. Anal. At. Spectrom. J. Mater. Chem. A J. Mater. Chem. B J. Mater. Chem. C Lab Chip Mater. Chem. Front. Mater. Horiz. MEDCHEMCOMM Metallomics Mol. Biosyst. Mol. Syst. Des. Eng. Nanoscale Nanoscale Horiz. Nat. Prod. Rep. New J. Chem. Org. Biomol. Chem. Org. Chem. Front. PHOTOCH PHOTOBIO SCI PCCP Polym. Chem.
×
引用
GB/T 7714-2015
复制
MLA
复制
APA
复制
导出至
BibTeX EndNote RefMan NoteFirst NoteExpress
×
0
微信
客服QQ
Book学术公众号 扫码关注我们
反馈
×
意见反馈
请填写您的意见或建议
请填写您的手机或邮箱
×
提示
您的信息不完整,为了账户安全,请先补充。
现在去补充
×
提示
您因"违规操作"
具体请查看互助需知
我知道了
×
提示
现在去查看 取消
×
提示
确定
Book学术官方微信
Book学术文献互助
Book学术文献互助群
群 号:481959085
Book学术
文献互助 智能选刊 最新文献 互助须知 联系我们:info@booksci.cn
Book学术提供免费学术资源搜索服务,方便国内外学者检索中英文文献。致力于提供最便捷和优质的服务体验。
Copyright © 2023 Book学术 All rights reserved.
ghs 京公网安备 11010802042870号 京ICP备2023020795号-1