Classic linguistic models, such as Chomsky’s minimalist schematization of the human language faculty, were typically based on a ‘monolingual ideal’. More recently, models have been extended to bilingual cognition. For instance, MacSwan (2000) posited that bilinguals possess a single syntactic computational system and, crucially, two (or more) phonological grammars. The current paper examines this possible architecture of the bilingual language faculty by using code-switching data, since this type of speech is unique to bilingual and multilingual individuals. Specifically, the natural speech Maria, a habitual Spanish-English code-switcher from the Bangor Miami Corpus, was examined. For the interface of phonology, an analysis was completed on the frequency of syllabic structures used by Maria. Phonotactics were examined as Spanish and English impose differential restrictions on complex onsets and codas. The results indicated that Maria’s language of use impacted the phonotactics of her speech, but that the context of use (unilingual or code-switched) did not. This suggests that Maria was alternating between two independent phonological grammars when she was code-switching. For the interface of morphosyntax, syntactic dependencies within Maria’s code-switched speech and past literature were consulted. The evidence illustrates that syntactic dependencies are indeed established within code-switched sentences, indicating that such constructions are derived from a single syntactic subset. Thus, the quantitative and qualitative results from this paper wholly support MacSwan’s original conjectures regarding the bilingual language faculty: bilingual cognition appears to be composed of a single computational system which builds multi-language syntactic structures, and more than one phonological grammar.
{"title":"Bilinguals have a single computational system but two compartmentalized phonological grammars: Evidence from code-switching","authors":"L. Gosselin","doi":"10.16995/glossa.5800","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.5800","url":null,"abstract":"Classic linguistic models, such as Chomsky’s minimalist schematization of the human language faculty, were typically based on a ‘monolingual ideal’. More recently, models have been extended to bilingual cognition. For instance, MacSwan (2000) posited that bilinguals possess a single syntactic computational system and, crucially, two (or more) phonological grammars. The current paper examines this possible architecture of the bilingual language faculty by using code-switching data, since this type of speech is unique to bilingual and multilingual individuals. Specifically, the natural speech Maria, a habitual Spanish-English code-switcher from the Bangor Miami Corpus, was examined. For the interface of phonology, an analysis was completed on the frequency of syllabic structures used by Maria. Phonotactics were examined as Spanish and English impose differential restrictions on complex onsets and codas. The results indicated that Maria’s language of use impacted the phonotactics of her speech, but that the context of use (unilingual or code-switched) did not. This suggests that Maria was alternating between two independent phonological grammars when she was code-switching. For the interface of morphosyntax, syntactic dependencies within Maria’s code-switched speech and past literature were consulted. The evidence illustrates that syntactic dependencies are indeed established within code-switched sentences, indicating that such constructions are derived from a single syntactic subset. Thus, the quantitative and qualitative results from this paper wholly support MacSwan’s original conjectures regarding the bilingual language faculty: bilingual cognition appears to be composed of a single computational system which builds multi-language syntactic structures, and more than one phonological grammar.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"4 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81914197","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper offers a unified view of the structures giving rise to anaphora and relativization within same-expressions. Taking as a point of departure the proposal that indices occupy syntactic positions in anaphoric DPs (Schwarz 2009, Simonenko 2014, a.o.), I examine the open issue of how anaphoric modifiers, particularly same, are predicted to interact with this proposed structural complexity. Based on the morphosyntactic behavior of definite descriptions with same, I argue that indices may be housed in DP structure in different ways. I argue moreover that the behavior of same in both anaphoric and non-anaphoric contexts supports the view that same is syntactically an equative degree head (Alrenga 2007, Oxford 2010), whose selectional properties are mirrored in a range of equative constructions. Finally, I propose an analysis of as-relatives selected by same that accounts for their alternation with anaphora, and offer a comparison with restrictive relatives.
{"title":"Same: structural sources of anaphora and relativization","authors":"Emily A. Hanink","doi":"10.16995/glossa.5811","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.5811","url":null,"abstract":"This paper offers a unified view of the structures giving rise to anaphora and relativization within same-expressions. Taking as a point of departure the proposal that indices occupy syntactic positions in anaphoric DPs (Schwarz 2009, Simonenko 2014, a.o.), I examine the open issue of how anaphoric modifiers, particularly same, are predicted to interact with this proposed structural complexity. Based on the morphosyntactic behavior of definite descriptions with same, I argue that indices may be housed in DP structure in different ways. I argue moreover that the behavior of same in both anaphoric and non-anaphoric contexts supports the view that same is syntactically an equative degree head (Alrenga 2007, Oxford 2010), whose selectional properties are mirrored in a range of equative constructions. Finally, I propose an analysis of as-relatives selected by same that accounts for their alternation with anaphora, and offer a comparison with restrictive relatives.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"55 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88505523","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
While 'most' and 'more than half' are generally assumed to be truth-conditionally equivalent, the former is usually interpreted as conveying greater proportions than the latter. Previous work has attempted to explain this difference in terms of pragmatic strengthening or variation in meanings. In this paper, we propose a novel explanation that keeps the truth-conditions equivalence. We argue that the difference in typical sets between the two expressions emerges as a result of two previously independently motivated mechanisms. First, the two expressions have different sets of pragmatic alternatives. Second, listeners tend to minimize the expected distance between their representation of the world and the speaker's observation. We support this explanation with a computational model of usage in the Rational Speech Act framework. Moreover, we report the results of a quantifier production experiment. We find that the difference in typical proportions associated with the two expressions can be explained by our account.
{"title":"An alternatives account of 'most’ and 'more than half’","authors":"Fausto Carcassi, Jakub Szymanik","doi":"10.16995/glossa.5764","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.5764","url":null,"abstract":"While 'most' and 'more than half' are generally assumed to be truth-conditionally equivalent, the former is usually interpreted as conveying greater proportions than the latter. Previous work has attempted to explain this difference in terms of pragmatic strengthening or variation in meanings. In this paper, we propose a novel explanation that keeps the truth-conditions equivalence. We argue that the difference in typical sets between the two expressions emerges as a result of two previously independently motivated mechanisms. First, the two expressions have different sets of pragmatic alternatives. Second, listeners tend to minimize the expected distance between their representation of the world and the speaker's observation. We support this explanation with a computational model of usage in the Rational Speech Act framework. Moreover, we report the results of a quantifier production experiment. We find that the difference in typical proportions associated with the two expressions can be explained by our account.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"21 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89141022","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this article, I examine the synchrony and diachrony of adverbial exceptive clauses in Polish headed by the complex complementizer 'chyba że' (unless). Synchronically, I argue that 'chyba-że'-clauses are syntactically nonintegrated adverbial clauses and that they cannot be analyzed as negated conditionals, although both clause types can give rise to an exceptive interpretation. Diachronically, I provide an analysis according to which 'chyba że' (unless) is treated as a complex C-head that is due to head adjunction of the discourse particle 'chyba' (presumably) and of the declarative complementizer 'że' (that). Essentially, there are three main factors that paved the way for the development of the exceptive complementizer in Polish: i) syntactic adjacency of the discourse particle 'chyba' (presumably) and of the declarative complementizer 'że' (that) establishing a subordination relation between the matrix clause and the embedded clause, ii) movement of the conditional clitic 'by' from MoodP to the CP domain, and iii) accommodation of negation of focus alternatives. As it will turn out, this process was completed in Middle Polish (1543-1765).
{"title":"On the synchrony, variation and diachrony of adverbial exceptive clauses in Polish","authors":"Łukasz Jędrzejowski","doi":"10.16995/glossa.5694","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.5694","url":null,"abstract":"In this article, I examine the synchrony and diachrony of adverbial exceptive clauses in Polish headed by the complex complementizer 'chyba że' (unless). Synchronically, I argue that 'chyba-że'-clauses are syntactically nonintegrated adverbial clauses and that they cannot be analyzed as negated conditionals, although both clause types can give rise to an exceptive interpretation. Diachronically, I provide an analysis according to which 'chyba że' (unless) is treated as a complex C-head that is due to head adjunction of the discourse particle 'chyba' (presumably) and of the declarative complementizer 'że' (that). Essentially, there are three main factors that paved the way for the development of the exceptive complementizer in Polish: i) syntactic adjacency of the discourse particle 'chyba' (presumably) and of the declarative complementizer 'że' (that) establishing a subordination relation between the matrix clause and the embedded clause, ii) movement of the conditional clitic 'by' from MoodP to the CP domain, and iii) accommodation of negation of focus alternatives. As it will turn out, this process was completed in Middle Polish (1543-1765).","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"29 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"91249094","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Shin-ichi Fukuda, Nozomi Tanaka, Hajime Ono, Jon Sprouse
There is little consensus in the Japanese syntax literature on the question of whether complex NPs with a complement clause headed by to yuu ‘that say’ are islands for NP-scrambling dependencies. To explore this question, we conducted two acceptability judgment experiments using the factorial definition of islands to test the island status of noun complements, relative clauses (which are complex NPs, but uniformly considered islands in the literature), and coordinated NP structures (which are also uniformly considered islands in the literature). Our first experiment yielded clear evidence that relative clauses and coordinated NPs are islands, and that noun complements are not. Our second experiment replicated the relative clause and coordinated NP results, but yielded an inconclusive null result for noun complements. Taken together, our results suggest either that noun complements are not islands, or that noun complements yield a small island effect that cannot be reliably detected at the typical sample sizes of 30-40 participants used here. We also investigated between- and within-participant variability in our results. We observe no evidence of increased between-participant variability for noun complements relative to other islands, and no increase of within-participant variability for noun complements relative to grammatical NP-scrambling, thus corroborating our conclusions. Our results have consequences for a number of issues that have been encoded in current syntactic theories of island effects, including the correlation between syntactic constituent complexity and island status (e.g., number of bounding nodes or phase heads), and the correlation between complementizer deletion and island status (e.g., the complement/adjunct distinction).
{"title":"An experimental reassessment of complex NP islands with NP-scrambling in Japanese","authors":"Shin-ichi Fukuda, Nozomi Tanaka, Hajime Ono, Jon Sprouse","doi":"10.16995/glossa.5737","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.5737","url":null,"abstract":"There is little consensus in the Japanese syntax literature on the question of whether complex NPs with a complement clause headed by to yuu ‘that say’ are islands for NP-scrambling dependencies. To explore this question, we conducted two acceptability judgment experiments using the factorial definition of islands to test the island status of noun complements, relative clauses (which are complex NPs, but uniformly considered islands in the literature), and coordinated NP structures (which are also uniformly considered islands in the literature). Our first experiment yielded clear evidence that relative clauses and coordinated NPs are islands, and that noun complements are not. Our second experiment replicated the relative clause and coordinated NP results, but yielded an inconclusive null result for noun complements. Taken together, our results suggest either that noun complements are not islands, or that noun complements yield a small island effect that cannot be reliably detected at the typical sample sizes of 30-40 participants used here. We also investigated between- and within-participant variability in our results. We observe no evidence of increased between-participant variability for noun complements relative to other islands, and no increase of within-participant variability for noun complements relative to grammatical NP-scrambling, thus corroborating our conclusions. Our results have consequences for a number of issues that have been encoded in current syntactic theories of island effects, including the correlation between syntactic constituent complexity and island status (e.g., number of bounding nodes or phase heads), and the correlation between complementizer deletion and island status (e.g., the complement/adjunct distinction).","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"211 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84944207","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this paper, we present experimental evidence from a ‘yes’/’no’ judgement task and twoacceptability rating studies (Experiments 1a-c) for the claim made in Hinterwimmer (2019) thatsentences with two anaphorically interpreted complex demonstratives are less acceptable thansentences with two anaphorically interpreted definite descriptions and sentences where one ofthe two previously introduced referents is picked up by a complex demonstrative, while the otherone is picked up by a definite description. The results of Experiment 1a and 1b are in principlecompatible with the account argued for in Hinterwimmer (2019), according to which the (potentiallyabstract) demonstrations presupposed by demonstratives may not have overlapping trajectories.However, sentences with two anaphorically interpreted complex demonstratives are not judgedas unacceptable as would be expected if they involved a presupposition violation. Therefore, wepropose an alternative, economy-based pragmatic account that builds on Ahn (2019) and Nowak(2019). The question of whether the observed pattern is more compatible with the accountproposed by Hinterwimmer (2019) or the alternative pragmatic account is directly addressed in afurther acceptability rating study (Experiment 1c). The design of that study is similar to that ofExperiment 1b, but it includes as fillers both sentences clearly violating a presupposition andsentences violating a pragmatic constraint. Since the ratings for sentences containing twoanaphorically interpreted complex demonstratives are closer to the ratings for sentences violatinga pragmatic constraint than for sentences violating a presupposition, we conclude that thealternative pragmatic account is preferable to the account by Hinterwimmer (2019).
{"title":"The interpretative options of anaphoric complex demonstratives","authors":"S. Hinterwimmer, Umesh Patil","doi":"10.16995/glossa.5700","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.5700","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper, we present experimental evidence from a ‘yes’/’no’ judgement task and twoacceptability rating studies (Experiments 1a-c) for the claim made in Hinterwimmer (2019) thatsentences with two anaphorically interpreted complex demonstratives are less acceptable thansentences with two anaphorically interpreted definite descriptions and sentences where one ofthe two previously introduced referents is picked up by a complex demonstrative, while the otherone is picked up by a definite description. The results of Experiment 1a and 1b are in principlecompatible with the account argued for in Hinterwimmer (2019), according to which the (potentiallyabstract) demonstrations presupposed by demonstratives may not have overlapping trajectories.However, sentences with two anaphorically interpreted complex demonstratives are not judgedas unacceptable as would be expected if they involved a presupposition violation. Therefore, wepropose an alternative, economy-based pragmatic account that builds on Ahn (2019) and Nowak(2019). The question of whether the observed pattern is more compatible with the accountproposed by Hinterwimmer (2019) or the alternative pragmatic account is directly addressed in afurther acceptability rating study (Experiment 1c). The design of that study is similar to that ofExperiment 1b, but it includes as fillers both sentences clearly violating a presupposition andsentences violating a pragmatic constraint. Since the ratings for sentences containing twoanaphorically interpreted complex demonstratives are closer to the ratings for sentences violatinga pragmatic constraint than for sentences violating a presupposition, we conclude that thealternative pragmatic account is preferable to the account by Hinterwimmer (2019).","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"19 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80747900","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
One proposed mechanism of language change concerns the role played by second-language (L2) learners in situations of language contact. If sufficiently many L2 speakers are present in a speech community in relation to the number of first-language (L1) speakers, then those features which present a difficulty in L2 acquisition may be prone to disappearing from the language. This paper presents a mathematical account of such contact situations based on a stochastic model of learning and nonlinear population dynamics. The equilibria of a deterministic reduction of the model, describing a mixed population of L1 and L2 speakers, are fully characterized. Whether or not the language changes in response to the introduction of L2 learners turns out to depend on three factors: the overall proportion of L2 learners in the population, the strength of the difficulty speakers face in acquiring the language as an L2, and the language-internal utilities of the competing linguistic variants. These factors are related by a mathematical formula describing a phase transition from retention of the L2-difficult feature to its loss from both speaker populations. This supplies predictions that can be tested against empirical data. Here, the model is evaluated with the help of two case studies, morphological levelling in Afrikaans and the erosion of null subjects in Afro-Peruvian Spanish; the model is found to be broadly in agreement with the historical development in both cases.
{"title":"Title Pending 8211","authors":"","doi":"10.16995/glossa.8211","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.8211","url":null,"abstract":"One proposed mechanism of language change concerns the role played by second-language (L2) learners in situations of language contact. If sufficiently many L2 speakers are present in a speech community in relation to the number of first-language (L1) speakers, then those features which present a difficulty in L2 acquisition may be prone to disappearing from the language. This paper presents a mathematical account of such contact situations based on a stochastic model of learning and nonlinear population dynamics. The equilibria of a deterministic reduction of the model, describing a mixed population of L1 and L2 speakers, are fully characterized. Whether or not the language changes in response to the introduction of L2 learners turns out to depend on three factors: the overall proportion of L2 learners in the population, the strength of the difficulty speakers face in acquiring the language as an L2, and the language-internal utilities of the competing linguistic variants. These factors are related by a mathematical formula describing a phase transition from retention of the L2-difficult feature to its loss from both speaker populations. This supplies predictions that can be tested against empirical data. Here, the model is evaluated with the help of two case studies, morphological levelling in Afrikaans and the erosion of null subjects in Afro-Peruvian Spanish; the model is found to be broadly in agreement with the historical development in both cases.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"IA-15 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84593845","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this paper, we introduce a novel domain-general, statistical learning model for P&P grammars: the Expectation Driven Parameter Learner (EDPL). We show that the EDPL provides a mathematically principled solution to the Credit Problem (Dresher 1999). We present the first systematic tests of the EDPL and an existing and closely related model, the Naïve Parameter Learner (NPL), on a full stress typology, the one generated by Dresher & Kaye’s (1990) stress parameter framework. This framework has figured prominently in the debate about the necessity of domain-specific mechanisms for learning of parametric stress. The essential difference between the two learning models is that the EDPL incorporates a mechanism that directly tackles the Credit Problem, while the NPL does not. We find that the NPL fails to cope with the ambiguity of this stress system both in terms of learning success and data complexity, while the EDPL performs well on both metrics. Based on these results, we argue that probabilistic inference provides a viable domain-general approach to parametric stress learning, but only when learning involves an inferential process that directly addresses the Credit Problem. We also present in-depth analyses of the learning outcomes, showing how learning outcomes depend crucially on the structural ambiguities posited by a particular phonological theory, and how these learning difficulties correspond to typological gaps.
{"title":"The Credit Problem in parametric stress: A probabilistic approach","authors":"A. Nazarov, G. Jarosz","doi":"10.16995/glossa.5884","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.5884","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper, we introduce a novel domain-general, statistical learning model for P&P grammars: the Expectation Driven Parameter Learner (EDPL). We show that the EDPL provides a mathematically principled solution to the Credit Problem (Dresher 1999). We present the first systematic tests of the EDPL and an existing and closely related model, the Naïve Parameter Learner (NPL), on a full stress typology, the one generated by Dresher & Kaye’s (1990) stress parameter framework. This framework has figured prominently in the debate about the necessity of domain-specific mechanisms for learning of parametric stress. The essential difference between the two learning models is that the EDPL incorporates a mechanism that directly tackles the Credit Problem, while the NPL does not. We find that the NPL fails to cope with the ambiguity of this stress system both in terms of learning success and data complexity, while the EDPL performs well on both metrics. Based on these results, we argue that probabilistic inference provides a viable domain-general approach to parametric stress learning, but only when learning involves an inferential process that directly addresses the Credit Problem. We also present in-depth analyses of the learning outcomes, showing how learning outcomes depend crucially on the structural ambiguities posited by a particular phonological theory, and how these learning difficulties correspond to typological gaps.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"18 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72533765","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
M. Pîrvulescu, Virginia Hill, Nadia Nacif, Rena Helms-Park, M. Petrescu
In this paper, we focus on the acquisition of adverbs in order to identify the role of transfer in the context of trilingual language acquisition. The trilingual data for our study comes from children born in Canada who have Romanian as heritage language and are exposed to French in school and to English as the societal language. As these children are of school age, our study provides important insights since trilingualism in children is less studied. The variable under scrutiny is the position of adverbs that conform to Cinque’s (1999) hierarchy in the adult grammar of each language. The results indicate that children have adult competence for adverb placement in all three languages. However, some errors arise in French signaling transfer of parametric settings from Romanian. We conclude that this is a non-facilitative transfer justified by the typological proximity in parametric settings between Romanian and French.
{"title":"The acquisition of adverbs in trilingual children: does transfer play any role?","authors":"M. Pîrvulescu, Virginia Hill, Nadia Nacif, Rena Helms-Park, M. Petrescu","doi":"10.16995/glossa.5721","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.5721","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper, we focus on the acquisition of adverbs in order to identify the role of transfer in the context of trilingual language acquisition. The trilingual data for our study comes from children born in Canada who have Romanian as heritage language and are exposed to French in school and to English as the societal language. As these children are of school age, our study provides important insights since trilingualism in children is less studied. The variable under scrutiny is the position of adverbs that conform to Cinque’s (1999) hierarchy in the adult grammar of each language. The results indicate that children have adult competence for adverb placement in all three languages. However, some errors arise in French signaling transfer of parametric settings from Romanian. We conclude that this is a non-facilitative transfer justified by the typological proximity in parametric settings between Romanian and French.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"16 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82762967","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper examines the distribution of Modern Hebrew semantic drifts across four diatheses (voices): transitives, unaccusatives (anticausatives), adjectival (stative) passives, and verbal (eventive) passives. A quantitative survey of dictionaries reveals a discrepancy between these diatheses: Only transitives, unaccusatives, and adjectival passives can give rise to unique semantic drifts, unshared with their related root counterparts, while verbal passives cannot. A corpus-based study shows that frequency is unable to account for this finding; nor can approaches demarcating a syntactic domain for special meanings. I argue that semantic drifts are stored as subentries of the entries from which they evolved, as long as the drift’s frequency remains comparably small. Once its frequency surpasses that of the original entry, the drift is stored as an independent lexical entry. In light of that, I suggest that predicates giving rise to unique semantic drifts have to constitute lexical entries. It thus follows that transitives, unaccusatives, and adjectival passives are formed and listed in the lexicon, while verbal passives are not. Consequently, the lexicon is argued to function as an active (operational) component of the grammar, contra syntacticocentric approaches.
{"title":"Not all diatheses are created equal: Evidence from semantic drifts","authors":"Noa Brandel","doi":"10.16995/glossa.5814","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/glossa.5814","url":null,"abstract":"This paper examines the distribution of Modern Hebrew semantic drifts across four diatheses (voices): transitives, unaccusatives (anticausatives), adjectival (stative) passives, and verbal (eventive) passives. A quantitative survey of dictionaries reveals a discrepancy between these diatheses: Only transitives, unaccusatives, and adjectival passives can give rise to unique semantic drifts, unshared with their related root counterparts, while verbal passives cannot. A corpus-based study shows that frequency is unable to account for this finding; nor can approaches demarcating a syntactic domain for special meanings. I argue that semantic drifts are stored as subentries of the entries from which they evolved, as long as the drift’s frequency remains comparably small. Once its frequency surpasses that of the original entry, the drift is stored as an independent lexical entry. In light of that, I suggest that predicates giving rise to unique semantic drifts have to constitute lexical entries. It thus follows that transitives, unaccusatives, and adjectival passives are formed and listed in the lexicon, while verbal passives are not. Consequently, the lexicon is argued to function as an active (operational) component of the grammar, contra syntacticocentric approaches.","PeriodicalId":46319,"journal":{"name":"Glossa-A Journal of General Linguistics","volume":"123 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"91112087","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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