{"title":"Michael N. Pearson. Port cities and intruders: The Swahili Coast, India and Portugal in the early modern era","authors":"M. Horton","doi":"10.1086/ahr/104.3.870","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/ahr/104.3.870","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46534,"journal":{"name":"INTERNATIONAL HISTORY REVIEW","volume":"1 1","pages":"141-143"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2000-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1086/ahr/104.3.870","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"60733412","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1999-12-01DOI: 10.1080/07075332.1999.9640883
P. Catton
Bernard noted that information on Ngo Dinh Diem, South Vietnam's president between 1955 and 1963, consisted 'either of totally uncritical eulogy or of equally partisan condemnation'.1 On the one hand, there were the hagiographies. These included potted histories and official biographies, as well as articles in US newspapers and magazines which had originally praised the Vietnamese leader as 'the tough miracle man of Vietnam'.2 On the other hand, there were the condemnations, particularly those made by Diem's Communist opponents and the growing number of Western critics. The Vietnamese Communists branded Diem as a reac-
{"title":"Counter-Insurgency and Nation Building: The Strategic Hamlet Programme in South Vietnam, 1961–1963","authors":"P. Catton","doi":"10.1080/07075332.1999.9640883","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07075332.1999.9640883","url":null,"abstract":"Bernard noted that information on Ngo Dinh Diem, South Vietnam's president between 1955 and 1963, consisted 'either of totally uncritical eulogy or of equally partisan condemnation'.1 On the one hand, there were the hagiographies. These included potted histories and official biographies, as well as articles in US newspapers and magazines which had originally praised the Vietnamese leader as 'the tough miracle man of Vietnam'.2 On the other hand, there were the condemnations, particularly those made by Diem's Communist opponents and the growing number of Western critics. The Vietnamese Communists branded Diem as a reac-","PeriodicalId":46534,"journal":{"name":"INTERNATIONAL HISTORY REVIEW","volume":"21 1","pages":"918-940"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"1999-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/07075332.1999.9640883","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59987180","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1999-12-01DOI: 10.1080/07075332.1999.9640881
W. Blackwood
Besides the Anglo-French policy of appeasement that allowed Nazi Germany to destroy inter-war Czechoslovakia also profoundly affected Czechoslovak political culture.1 The alienation from the West that set in after Munich is linked to the Communist seizure of power ten years later in February 1948, and to Czechoslovakia's embracing the Soviet Union as its guarantor against the possibility of renewed German aggression. The Red Army withdrew from Czechoslovakia, unlike East Germany, Hungary, and Poland, in December 1945, and partly because of the Czechoslovak Communist Party's open identification with the Soviet Union, the Communists had substantially more popular support than Communists elsewhere in eastern Europe. In the open elections held in May 1946, the Communists became the strongest party in the Czech lands, with 40.17% of the vote, and the second-strongest in Slovakia, with 30.48% of the vote. The shift in orientation from West to East marked a clear break with the
{"title":"Socialism, Czechoslovakism, and the Munich Complex, 1918–1948","authors":"W. Blackwood","doi":"10.1080/07075332.1999.9640881","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07075332.1999.9640881","url":null,"abstract":"Besides the Anglo-French policy of appeasement that allowed Nazi Germany to destroy inter-war Czechoslovakia also profoundly affected Czechoslovak political culture.1 The alienation from the West that set in after Munich is linked to the Communist seizure of power ten years later in February 1948, and to Czechoslovakia's embracing the Soviet Union as its guarantor against the possibility of renewed German aggression. The Red Army withdrew from Czechoslovakia, unlike East Germany, Hungary, and Poland, in December 1945, and partly because of the Czechoslovak Communist Party's open identification with the Soviet Union, the Communists had substantially more popular support than Communists elsewhere in eastern Europe. In the open elections held in May 1946, the Communists became the strongest party in the Czech lands, with 40.17% of the vote, and the second-strongest in Slovakia, with 30.48% of the vote. The shift in orientation from West to East marked a clear break with the","PeriodicalId":46534,"journal":{"name":"INTERNATIONAL HISTORY REVIEW","volume":"21 1","pages":"875-899"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"1999-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/07075332.1999.9640881","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59986010","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1999-12-01DOI: 10.1080/07075332.1999.9640884
H. Scott
JOHN HARDMAN and MUNRO PRICE, eds. Louis XVI and the comte de Vergennes: Correspondence, 1774–1787. Oxford: Voltaire Foundation, 1999. Pp. xvii, 403. £65.00. Reviewed by H. M. Scott
约翰·哈德曼（JOHN HARDMAN）和蒙罗·普莱斯（MUNRO PRICE）主编，《路易十六与韦尔根内斯通讯》（Louis XVI and the comte de Vergennes），1774-1787年。牛津：伏尔泰基金会，1999年。第xvii页，403。65.00英镑。H.M.Scott审核
{"title":"Review Article: Louis XVI and Vergennes","authors":"H. Scott","doi":"10.1080/07075332.1999.9640884","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07075332.1999.9640884","url":null,"abstract":"JOHN HARDMAN and MUNRO PRICE, eds. Louis XVI and the comte de Vergennes: Correspondence, 1774–1787. Oxford: Voltaire Foundation, 1999. Pp. xvii, 403. £65.00. Reviewed by H. M. Scott","PeriodicalId":46534,"journal":{"name":"INTERNATIONAL HISTORY REVIEW","volume":"21 1","pages":"941-944"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"1999-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/07075332.1999.9640884","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59986930","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1999-12-01DOI: 10.1080/07075332.1999.9640882
Gunter Wernicke, Lawrence S. Wittner
of the most unusual events of the cold war occurred between 7 August and 8 October 1961, when a group of Western peace activists staged anti-military protests in three key countries of the Communist bloc. In the final stage of the San Francisco to Moscow March for Peace, several dozen American and West European pacifists criticizing the nuclear arms race and calling for unilateral disarmament paraded across 1,268 miles of East Germany, Poland, and the Soviet Union. They carried anti-military banners, addressed public meetings, demonstrated outside military bases, and distributed more than 165,000 leaflets.1 Although 'peace' agitation had occurred previously in Communist states, it had been the work of the official peace organizations created and controlled by the Communist Party and government, and the message had stressed Communist virtue and Western villainy. Independent, nonaligned peace groups had been banned.2 Suddenly, however, the policy changed, despite the escalating tension over two cold war events with ominous implications: the building of the Berlin Wall and the resumption of Soviet nuclear testing. How did this happen? The idea for the march originated with the Committee for Nonviolent Action (CNVA), a tiny US pacifist group committed to non-violent direct action in the quest for nuclear disarmament and world peace. Although the CNVA was only a small component of a world-wide surge of protest against the nuclear arms race that characterized the late 1950s and the early 1960s,3 it played a role far out of proportion to its size. In part, this was
{"title":"Lifting the Iron Curtain: The Peace March to Moscow of 1960–1961","authors":"Gunter Wernicke, Lawrence S. Wittner","doi":"10.1080/07075332.1999.9640882","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07075332.1999.9640882","url":null,"abstract":"of the most unusual events of the cold war occurred between 7 August and 8 October 1961, when a group of Western peace activists staged anti-military protests in three key countries of the Communist bloc. In the final stage of the San Francisco to Moscow March for Peace, several dozen American and West European pacifists criticizing the nuclear arms race and calling for unilateral disarmament paraded across 1,268 miles of East Germany, Poland, and the Soviet Union. They carried anti-military banners, addressed public meetings, demonstrated outside military bases, and distributed more than 165,000 leaflets.1 Although 'peace' agitation had occurred previously in Communist states, it had been the work of the official peace organizations created and controlled by the Communist Party and government, and the message had stressed Communist virtue and Western villainy. Independent, nonaligned peace groups had been banned.2 Suddenly, however, the policy changed, despite the escalating tension over two cold war events with ominous implications: the building of the Berlin Wall and the resumption of Soviet nuclear testing. How did this happen? The idea for the march originated with the Committee for Nonviolent Action (CNVA), a tiny US pacifist group committed to non-violent direct action in the quest for nuclear disarmament and world peace. Although the CNVA was only a small component of a world-wide surge of protest against the nuclear arms race that characterized the late 1950s and the early 1960s,3 it played a role far out of proportion to its size. In part, this was","PeriodicalId":46534,"journal":{"name":"INTERNATIONAL HISTORY REVIEW","volume":"21 1","pages":"900-917"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"1999-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/07075332.1999.9640882","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59986150","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1999-12-01DOI: 10.1080/07075332.1999.9640880
Glenn Melancon
{"title":"Honour in Opium? The British Declaration of War on China, 1839–1840","authors":"Glenn Melancon","doi":"10.1080/07075332.1999.9640880","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07075332.1999.9640880","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46534,"journal":{"name":"INTERNATIONAL HISTORY REVIEW","volume":"21 1","pages":"855-874"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"1999-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/07075332.1999.9640880","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59985887","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1999-12-01DOI: 10.1080/07075332.1999.9640885
T. Munch-Petersen
PHILIP GILTNER. ‘In the Friendliest Manner’: German-Danish Economic Cooperation during the Nazi Occupation of 1940–1949. New York: Peter Lang, 1998. Pp. xii, 258. $49.95 (US); T. MICHAEL RUDDY, ed. Charting an Independent Course: Finland's Place in the Cold War and in US Foreign Policy. Claremont: Regina Books, 1998. Pp. 223. $32.95 (US), cloth; $14.95 (US), paper; MAX JAKOBSON. Finland in the New Europe. Westport: Praeger, 1998. Pp. xiv, 176. $19.95 (US), paper; TEIJA TIILIKAINEN. Europe and Finland: Defining the Political Identity of Finland in Western Europe. Aldershot and Brookfield: Ashgate, 1998. Pp. 185. $68.95 (US). Reviewed by Thomas Munch-Petersen
{"title":"Review Article: Nordic Exceptions in War and Cold War","authors":"T. Munch-Petersen","doi":"10.1080/07075332.1999.9640885","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07075332.1999.9640885","url":null,"abstract":"PHILIP GILTNER. ‘In the Friendliest Manner’: German-Danish Economic Cooperation during the Nazi Occupation of 1940–1949. New York: Peter Lang, 1998. Pp. xii, 258. $49.95 (US); T. MICHAEL RUDDY, ed. Charting an Independent Course: Finland's Place in the Cold War and in US Foreign Policy. Claremont: Regina Books, 1998. Pp. 223. $32.95 (US), cloth; $14.95 (US), paper; MAX JAKOBSON. Finland in the New Europe. Westport: Praeger, 1998. Pp. xiv, 176. $19.95 (US), paper; TEIJA TIILIKAINEN. Europe and Finland: Defining the Political Identity of Finland in Western Europe. Aldershot and Brookfield: Ashgate, 1998. Pp. 185. $68.95 (US). Reviewed by Thomas Munch-Petersen","PeriodicalId":46534,"journal":{"name":"INTERNATIONAL HISTORY REVIEW","volume":"21 1","pages":"945-952"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"1999-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/07075332.1999.9640885","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59987057","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1999-12-01DOI: 10.1080/07075332.1999.9640886
D. Hoerder
MATHIAS BEER, MARTIN KINTZINGER, and MARITA KRAUSS, eds. Migration und Integration: Aufnahme und Eingliederung im historischen Wandel. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1997. Pp. 167. DM 64.00; ANDREAS GESTRICH and MARITA KRAUSS, eds. Migration und Grenze. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1998. Pp. 166. DM 68.00; STEVE HOCHSTADT. Mobility and Modernity: Migration in Germany, 1820–1989. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1999. Pp. xx, 331. $52.50 (US); JAMES H.JACKSON, JR. Migration and Urbanization in the Ruhr Valley, 1821-1914. Atlantic Highlands: Humanities Press, 1997. Pp. xix, 452. $85.00 (US); KLAUS J. BADE and MYRON WEINER, eds. Migration Past, Migration Future: Germany and the United States. Providence: Berghahn, 1997. Pp. xvii, 158. $29.95 (US); RAINER MUNZ and MYRON WEINER, eds. Migrants, Refugees, and Foreign Policy: US and German Policies toward Countries of Origin. Providence: Berghahn, 1997. Pp. xvi, 368. $59.95 (US); KAY HAILBRONNER, DAVID A. MARTIN, and HIROSHI MOTOMURA, eds. Immigrati...
{"title":"Review Article: Migration in Germany","authors":"D. Hoerder","doi":"10.1080/07075332.1999.9640886","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07075332.1999.9640886","url":null,"abstract":"MATHIAS BEER, MARTIN KINTZINGER, and MARITA KRAUSS, eds. Migration und Integration: Aufnahme und Eingliederung im historischen Wandel. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1997. Pp. 167. DM 64.00; ANDREAS GESTRICH and MARITA KRAUSS, eds. Migration und Grenze. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1998. Pp. 166. DM 68.00; STEVE HOCHSTADT. Mobility and Modernity: Migration in Germany, 1820–1989. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1999. Pp. xx, 331. $52.50 (US); JAMES H.JACKSON, JR. Migration and Urbanization in the Ruhr Valley, 1821-1914. Atlantic Highlands: Humanities Press, 1997. Pp. xix, 452. $85.00 (US); KLAUS J. BADE and MYRON WEINER, eds. Migration Past, Migration Future: Germany and the United States. Providence: Berghahn, 1997. Pp. xvii, 158. $29.95 (US); RAINER MUNZ and MYRON WEINER, eds. Migrants, Refugees, and Foreign Policy: US and German Policies toward Countries of Origin. Providence: Berghahn, 1997. Pp. xvi, 368. $59.95 (US); KAY HAILBRONNER, DAVID A. MARTIN, and HIROSHI MOTOMURA, eds. Immigrati...","PeriodicalId":46534,"journal":{"name":"INTERNATIONAL HISTORY REVIEW","volume":"65 1","pages":"953-964"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"1999-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/07075332.1999.9640886","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59987145","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Peace of Westphalia of 1648 and the Origins of Sovereignty","authors":"Derek Croxton","doi":"10.1080/07075332.1999.9640869","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07075332.1999.9640869","url":null,"abstract":"(1999). The Peace of Westphalia of 1648 and the Origins of Sovereignty. The International History Review: Vol. 21, No. 3, pp. 569-591.","PeriodicalId":46534,"journal":{"name":"INTERNATIONAL HISTORY REVIEW","volume":"21 1","pages":"569-591"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"1999-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/07075332.1999.9640869","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59986042","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1999-09-01DOI: 10.1080/07075332.1999.9640870
J. Rosenberg
the morning of 4 December 1918, thousands gathered on the Manhattan waterfront to watch the president of the United States, Woodrow Wilson, set sail for France and the peace conference at Paris. Five destroyers escorted Wilson's ship, the George Washington, out of the harbour to the open sea. Standing on the ship's bridge, the president waved and tipped his hat in response to the tribute paid by the adoring crowd. Aboard the ship were scores of advisers who, with Wilson, hoped to transform the practice of international relations and improve the lives of people everywhere. With the First World War over, the mood was festive and expectant. The United States was triumphant and its president was off to Europe to reconstruct the world. Little more than four months after Woodrow Wilson sailed for Europe, in April 1919, William Monroe Trotter followed him. Trotter was already a legend among AfricanAmericans, owing to actions as a race reformer which included highly publicized confrontations with Booker T. Washington and Wilson himself.1 Chairman of the National Equal Rights League, a black-run civil rights organization, and editor of the Boston Guardian, Trotter believed the peace conference, with its talk of democracy and selfdetermination, would provide a stage from which to tell the world about the plight of blacks in the United States. When the state department refused Trotter a passport, he obtained in disguise a seaman's passport and took a job on a freighter bound for Le Havre, where he jumped ship. In Paris, for several weeks he bombarded the French and foreign press, and delegates to the conference including Wilson and his aide Colonel Edward House with letters and memoranda
1918年12月4日早晨，成千上万的人聚集在曼哈顿的海滨，观看美国总统伍德罗·威尔逊启程前往法国，参加在巴黎举行的和平会议。五艘驱逐舰护送威尔逊的军舰乔治·华盛顿号驶出港口，驶向公海。站在舰桥上，总统向仰慕的人群挥手致意，并向他们脱帽致敬。船上有许多顾问，他们和威尔逊一起希望改变国际关系的做法，改善世界各地人民的生活。随着第一次世界大战的结束，人们的心情充满了欢乐和期待。美国取得了胜利，其总统前往欧洲重建世界。1919年4月，伍德罗·威尔逊启程前往欧洲四个多月后，威廉·门罗·特罗特紧随其后。由于作为一名种族改革家的行动，包括与布克·t·华盛顿和威尔逊本人的高度公开的对抗，特罗特在非裔美国人中已经是一个传奇人物特罗特是黑人领导的民权组织“全国平等权利联盟”(National Equal Rights League)的主席，也是《波士顿卫报》(Boston Guardian)的编辑。他相信，这次和平会议将为他提供一个舞台，向全世界讲述美国黑人的困境。当美国国务院拒绝给特罗特发护照时，他伪装成海员，在一艘开往勒阿弗尔的货船上找到了一份工作，并在那里跳船。在巴黎的几个星期里，他向法国和外国媒体以及包括威尔逊和他的助手爱德华·豪斯上校在内的与会代表发送信件和备忘录
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