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Issue Information - NASSP page 发行信息 - NASSP 页面
IF 0.8 3区 哲学 Q3 ETHICS Pub Date : 2024-03-17 DOI: 10.1111/josp.12527
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引用次数: 0
CONTRIBUTORS 贡献者
IF 0.8 3区 哲学 Q3 ETHICS Pub Date : 2024-03-17 DOI: 10.1111/josp.12525
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引用次数: 0
The harms of the internalized oppression worry 内化压迫的危害令人担忧
IF 1.1 3区 哲学 Q3 ETHICS Pub Date : 2024-03-13 DOI: 10.1111/josp.12562
Nicole Dular, Madeline Ward
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引用次数: 0
Reparations: Special issue 赔偿:特刊
IF 1.1 3区 哲学 Q3 ETHICS Pub Date : 2024-02-26 DOI: 10.1111/josp.12561
Christina Nick, Susan Stark

Recent and renewed concern for racial injustice has revived interest in the importance of making reparations for oppressed peoples (Coates, 2014). Philosophers and socio-political theorists have responded by reinvigorating longstanding debates about the requirement for reparations for colonialism, genocide, institutionalized slavery and racial subjugation (Lyons, 2017; Thompson, 2018), as well as exploring the role of reparations in transitional justice (Murphy, 2017; Pityana, 2018). These debates have also been advanced by social movements such as Black Lives Matter and Rhodes Must Fall, which have highlighted the need to reckon with historical injustices and their continued legacies of harm. These movements have brought into sharper relief the vast magnitude of systemic racism and of the ongoing harms that result from historical wrongs. Indeed, awareness is growing that these colonial and racist structures, as well as intergenerational harms, touch every aspect of contemporary social life. In recent years, the scholarly terrain surrounding reparations has expanded to include work addressing the prospect of reparations for women (Nuti, 2019), Latinx Americans (Corlett 2018), and climate refugees (Buxton, 2019). Scholars have also defended new moral bases for reparations in cases such as police shootings (Page, 2019), mass incarceration (King and Page 2018), and ecological degradation (Katz, 2018).

This volume aims to center wronged individuals and groups in the sense that wronged peoples are the final arbiters of how the wrongs are to be understood, what are their precise contours, how, and to what extent repair can be made, and which particular actions will promote repair. This special issue explores a variety of issues related to reparation-making as a way to mitigate the ongoing effects of these historical wrongs. In particular, it considers a number of questions confronted by those who wish to make a compelling case for reparations.

The first question addressed by this special issue is the problem of who ought to make reparations. At first, one might think simply that the perpetrators of injustice ought to pay reparations. The problem with this view, of course, is that many of these large-scale, historical injustices were committed such a long time ago that the perpetrators are now long deceased. Given this, we might instead argue that those who benefitted from these injustices (Butt, 2014) or the institutions of which the perpetrators were a part (Thompson, 2018) ought to pay reparations.

Second, and related, is the matter of to whom reparations are owed. As is the case with the perpetrators, the injustices in question were committed long in the past, so that none of their victims are alive today. As a result, some argue that we owe reparations to the de

Altanian 以联合国人权委员会(UNCHR)为论文的出发点,特别关注知情权,讨论了否认种族灭绝的关键问题。阿尔塔尼安指出,认识论上的赔偿不仅要求提供信息和开展有关暴行的公共教育,更重要的是要求停止歪曲、遮蔽或掩盖种族灭绝知识的认识论做法(如种族灭绝否认主义)。克里斯蒂娜-尼克的论文探讨了当有关伤害是由肮脏的行为造成时,是否可以进行赔偿,尤其是官方道歉。在这种情况下,官方道歉构成了一个特别有趣的难题,因为任何真正道歉的一个关键部分是行为人发誓今后不再以同样的方式行事,但手脚不干净的行为人无法做到这一点;毕竟,他们已经尽其所能行事,而且如果出现类似情况,他们肯定还会这样做。尼克接着指出,如果我们认真对待 "脏手 "理论的启示,这个问题是可以克服的,在这种情况下,官方道歉可以发挥真正的补偿功能:本特刊中的几篇论文是在曼彻斯特大学举办的 "赔偿:过去、现在和未来 "2020 研讨会上发表的。我们要感谢所有与会者,尤其要感谢迈克尔-乔尔比(Michael Cholbi)组织了这次活动,并在整个项目过程中提供了大力支持。我们还要感谢《社会哲学杂志》的所有审稿人和编辑人员,尤其是卡罗尔-古尔德和卡勒姆-麦克雷,感谢他们在本特刊编纂过程中提供的宝贵帮助。
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引用次数: 0
Accountability in criminal justice 刑事司法问责制
IF 0.8 3区 哲学 Q3 ETHICS Pub Date : 2024-02-23 DOI: 10.1111/josp.12560
Erin I. Kelly
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引用次数: 0
Should nonideal theory rely on ideal theory? Lessons from the Frankfurt School 非理想理论应该依赖理想理论吗?法兰克福学派的启示
IF 1.1 3区 哲学 Q3 ETHICS Pub Date : 2024-02-15 DOI: 10.1111/josp.12556
Kristina Lepold
<p>While ideal theory tells us “what a perfectly just society would be like” (Rawls, <span>1971</span>, p. 8), our current social world is far from perfectly just, and we clearly want to know how to orient ourselves and act in these less than perfectly just, or unjust, circumstances. This is why many political philosophers<sup>1</sup> today agree that what is needed is nonideal theory. There is, however, disagreement on one key issue. While some—most notably Charles W. Mills and Amartya Sen—have argued that nonideal theory does not need to build on ideal theory and should do without it, others have pointed out ways in which ideal theory may still be necessary for doing nonideal theory, and that ideal theory should not be dismissed so easily for the project of nonideal theory. The central question, then, is whether nonideal theory should rely on ideal theory.</p><p>In what follows, I would like to take up this question and propose an answer to it. I will do so by considering a more specific question. Taking the Frankfurt School as my point of departure, I would like to examine whether nonideal theory, when guided by ideal theory, can help members of the social world to understand injustices and thus contribute to their self-reflection. Advocates of nonideal theory should be concerned about the ability of nonideal theory to contribute to self-reflection, because whether it can successfully inform collective action to overcome injustice depends on its ability to contribute to self-reflection. In other words, what is at stake is nothing less than the practical relevance of political philosophy. As I will argue, however, reliance on ideal theory renders the ability of nonideal theory to contribute to self-reflection uncertain and therefore a matter of sheer luck. As a result, the ability of nonideal theory to successfully guide action is in constant doubt. I will therefore conclude by suggesting that if political philosophy wants to be practically relevant, nonideal theory should not rely on ideal theory.</p><p>My argument will involve four steps. First, I will explain my understanding of ideal and nonideal theory (Section 1), before addressing the debate about the role of ideal theory for nonideal theory (Section 2). I will then turn to the Frankfurt School and outline its basic approach to injustice and social problems in general (Section 3). Finally, I will examine what lessons advocates of nonideal theory can learn from the Frankfurt School, which is where the main action of this paper takes place (Section 4). I will conclude with a summary of the argument.</p><p>How best to define “ideal theory” and “nonideal theory” has been the subject of some debate (see, e.g., Mills, <span>2005</span>; Robeyns, <span>2008</span>; Stemplowska, <span>2008</span>; Simmons, <span>2010</span>; Valentini, <span>2012</span>). As I understand it, ideal theory is concerned with finding out when the social world, or parts of the social world, are organized in such a wa
虽然理想理论告诉我们 "一个完全公正的社会会是什么样子"(Rawls, 1971, p.8),但我们当前的社会世界远非完全公正,我们显然想知道如何在这些并非完全公正或不公正的环境中定位自己并采取行动。这就是为什么当今许多政治哲学家1 都认为我们需要的是非理想理论。不过,在一个关键问题上存在分歧。有些人--其中最著名的是查尔斯-W-米尔斯(Charles W. Mills)和阿马蒂亚-森(Amartya Sen)--认为非理想理论不需要建立在理想理论的基础上,应该不需要理想理论,而另一些人则指出了理想理论对于非理想理论的必要性,认为理想理论不应该因为非理想理论的项目而被轻易否定。因此,核心问题是非理想理论是否应该依赖于理想理论。在下文中,我想讨论这个问题并提出一个答案。下面,我将讨论这个问题,并提出一个答案。我想以法兰克福学派为出发点,探讨非理想理论在理想理论的指导下,能否帮助社会成员理解不公正现象,从而促进他们的自我反思。非理想理论的倡导者应该关注非理想理论促进自我反思的能力,因为非理想理论能否成功地指导集体行动以克服不公正,取决于其促进自我反思的能力。换句话说,政治哲学的现实意义正是其关键所在。然而,正如我将要论证的那样,对理想理论的依赖使得非理想理论促进自我反思的能力变得不确定,因此纯粹是一个运气问题。因此,非理想理论成功指导行动的能力一直受到质疑。因此,我将在结论中提出,如果政治哲学想要具有现实意义,非理想理论就不应该依赖于理想理论。首先,我将解释我对理想理论和非理想理论的理解(第 1 节),然后讨论理想理论对非理想理论的作用(第 2 节)。然后,我将转向法兰克福学派,概述其处理不公正和一般社会问题的基本方法(第 3 节)。最后,我将探讨非理想理论的倡导者可以从法兰克福学派那里学到哪些经验教训,这也是本文的主要内容(第 4 节)。最后,我将对本文的论点进行总结。
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引用次数: 0
Dakota land recovery in Minnesota: An experiment in reparative justice 明尼苏达州达科塔土地的恢复:补偿性司法实验
IF 1.1 3区 哲学 Q3 ETHICS Pub Date : 2024-02-14 DOI: 10.1111/josp.12550
Waziyatawin
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引用次数: 0
Knowing your past: Trauma, stress, and mnemonic epistemic injustice 了解你的过去:创伤、压力和记忆性认识论的不公正
IF 1.1 3区 哲学 Q3 ETHICS Pub Date : 2024-01-30 DOI: 10.1111/josp.12557
Katherine Puddifoot, Clara Sandelind
<p>There is strong psychological evidence suggesting that sometimes social and institutional structures cause people to experience, or exacerbate existing, trauma and severe stress. Evidence further suggests that trauma and stress can lead autobiographical memories to become disorganized and distorted. In this way, social and institutional structures can cause significant harm by denying some individuals access to a specific kind of knowledge; knowledge about their personal past. When people are being denied access to this kind of knowledge, their objective, basic interests in good epistemic agency, capacity for autonomy, and general well-being, are curtailed. In this paper, we argue that these memory distortions therefore constitute a distinctive form of <i>mnemonic</i> epistemic injustice: some people are unjustly disadvantaged as epistemic agents by being avoidably and foreseeably denied access to epistemic goods required to support their objective interests, due to social and institutional structures that cause some of their memories to become distorted or disorganized.<sup>1</sup> They are denied something that they are entitled to, that is, freedom from the imposition of stress and trauma that brings epistemic costs and other damage to their objective needs.</p><p>Moreover, this injustice can be further compounded in cases where trauma and stress make it harder for an individual to be believed because their testimony contains untruths due to memory errors. Memories that are distorted and disorganized often exist alongside core memories about important events that are accurate. When it is assumed that certain core aspects of a person's account of their own experiences are false there can be an additional epistemic injustice that compounds the initial injustice of having one's memories distorted. The compound epistemic injustice that we describe can be experienced by people who are speaking untruths (due to memory errors), <i>as a response</i> to the untruths that they are speaking. It can even happen in cases where the hearer <i>responds reasonably</i> to the untruths of the speaker when denying their account credibility. These compound epistemic injustices therefore differ significantly from standard cases of testimonial injustice where a person has their testimony dismissed as lacking credibility when there is little or no good reason to believe that they are speaking untruths (Fricker, <span>2007</span>). The compound injustices that we describe are interesting because they can be jointly caused by two or more different unjust features of social and institutional structures, that is, those features that cause the memory distortions and those that lead the memory errors to be misinterpreted. They show how different features of social and institutional structures can conspire to make it especially difficult for marginalized individuals to be believed.</p><p>We illustrate these points via the case study of asylum seekers in the United Kingdo
有强有力的心理学证据表明,有时社会和制度结构会使人们经历或加剧现有的创伤和严重压力。证据进一步表明,创伤和压力会导致自传式记忆变得混乱和扭曲。在这种情况下,社会和体制结构会因为拒绝某些个人获得某种特定知识而造成重大伤害;了解他们的个人过去。当人们无法获得这类知识时,他们的目标、良好认知代理的基本利益、自主能力和总体福祉就会受到限制。在本文中,我们认为这些记忆扭曲因此构成了一种独特形式的助记知识不公正:由于社会和制度结构导致他们的一些记忆变得扭曲或混乱,一些人作为知识代理人被不可避免地和可预见地拒绝获得支持他们客观利益所需的知识商品,因此处于不公正的不利地位他们被剥夺了他们有权享有的东西,即免于施加压力和创伤的自由,这种压力和创伤给他们的客观需要带来认知成本和其他损害。此外,在一些情况下,这种不公正可能会进一步加剧,因为创伤和压力使个人很难被相信,因为他们的证词由于记忆错误而包含谎言。扭曲和混乱的记忆通常与关于重要事件的准确核心记忆并存。当假设一个人对自己经历的某些核心方面的描述是错误的,就会有额外的认知上的不公正,这与最初的记忆扭曲的不公正相结合。我们所描述的复合认知不公可以由说假话的人(由于记忆错误)经历,作为对他们所说的假话的反应。这种情况甚至可能发生在听者对说话者的谎言做出合理回应时,当他们否认他们的叙述可信度时。因此,这些复合的认知不公正与标准的证词不公正的情况有很大的不同,在证词不公正的情况下,当一个人几乎没有充分的理由相信他们在说谎时,他们的证词被认为缺乏可信度而被驳回(Fricker, 2007)。我们所描述的复合不公正很有趣,因为它们可能是由社会和制度结构的两种或两种以上不同的不公正特征共同造成的,也就是说,这些特征会导致记忆扭曲,而这些特征会导致记忆错误被误解。它们表明,社会和制度结构的不同特征如何共同作用,使边缘化的个人特别难以得到信任。我们通过对英国寻求庇护者的案例研究来说明这些观点。与一般人相比,寻求庇护者受到的创伤和压力更大,这不仅是因为他们在原籍国经常经历的事件,而且还因为他们在寻求庇护和申请庇护的过程中遇到的困难。记忆扭曲和混乱的脆弱性加剧,是有意制定的政策(例如,旨在阻止寻求庇护者进入英国的政策)可避免和可预见的后果。此外,当寻求庇护者在庇护过程中必须阐明他们需要保护时,这种最初的不公正可能会更加严重。本文通过解释社会和制度结构如何通过负面影响个人记忆而导致严重的认知伤害和不法行为,对认知不公正的文献做出了重大贡献。本文还表明,当个人提供包含虚假的证词时,即使在听众对虚假作出合理反应的情况下,这种认识上的不公正是如何加剧的——引入了复合认识不公正的概念。与此同时,它突出了寻求庇护者困境的一个重要方面。在第2节中,我们首先展示社会和制度结构如何导致人们经历记忆扭曲,并特别关注英国的庇护制度。接下来,在第3节中,我们认为这些记忆扭曲是认知不公正的情况。然后,我们在第4节中继续说明,当个人被要求提供他们的需求时,这些最初的不公正是如何加剧的。最后,在结论中,我们强调了这一讨论的含义,即如何理解一般的认知不公正。那么,让我们首先考虑一些证据,这些证据表明社会和制度结构会导致人们经历记忆扭曲。 在我们打算继续讨论的同时,我们将以寻求庇护者的经历作为这一更广泛的社会现象的范例开始。既然我们有理由认为,像庇护制度这样的社会和制度结构会导致记忆紊乱和扭曲,让我们考虑一下这是如何构成认知不公正的。当一个人作为一个认知代理被错误地伤害时,就会发生认知不公正(Fricker, 2007)。由于多种原因,认知伤害可能是错误的(Fibieger Byskow, 2020)。一类独特的错误是当一个主体“在其作为认知主体的地位方面被天真地降级和/或处于不利地位”(Fricker, 2017: 53)。这有时被称为歧视性认识不公正(Fibieger Byskow, 2020;弗里克,2017)。我们的观点是,当人们由于社会和制度结构而遭受压力和创伤,从而对他们记忆过去的能力产生负面影响时,由于他们所经历的认知伤害,他们在作为认知主体的地位方面处于不利地位。他们在记忆过去的能力方面处于不利地位,而这些能力对于支持进一步的非认知客观需求至关重要。在这一过程中,他们被剥夺了应有的权利:不受本可避免的创伤和严重压力的折磨,这些创伤和压力扭曲了他们的记忆,妨碍他们实现自主能力和幸福等客观需要。我们认为,这是一种助记知识的不公正。虽然没有人有权对自己的个人过去拥有准确的记忆,但考虑到这可能造成的严重伤害,人们有权不让我们的记忆被故意扭曲。此外,我们还认为,在我们的记忆案例中发现的现象与制度和社会结构在获取自传体记忆的机会方面造成的分配性认知不公正之间存在相似之处。在第3节中,我们认为,当人们由于社会和制度结构造成的创伤而经历记忆扭曲和混乱时,这就构成了认知上的不公正。本节的目的是说明,当个人被要求提供其需求的说明时,这种不公正是如何加剧的。首先要注意的是,当人们经历创伤和压力时,他们所经历的记忆扭曲往往是局部的。正如我们在第二节中所看到的,在创伤和压力的条件下,记忆的表现与标准的自传式记忆不同。人们可能会经历混乱的记忆,特定事件与上下文和上下文信息(例如,关于之前或之后发生的事情)脱节,可能会变得混乱(Ehlers &amp;克拉克,2000;Sachschal等人,2019),这可能会对他们的认知代理、自主性和幸福感产生重大影响。尽管如此,经历过创伤的人往往能够生动准确地记住创伤事件的核心方面(Herlihy et al., 2012;麦克纳利,2005)。记忆扭曲的局域性意味着,从观察到由于创伤和压力经历而发生的记忆紊乱,得出显示记忆错误的人无法准确描述创伤经历的核心方面、证明他们需要帮助或保护的结论,往往是错误的。例如,一个寻求庇护者经历了创伤事件,导致他们逃离。他们可能会在某种程度上杂乱无章地描述自己的创伤经历,可能会包含一些上下文错误,但他们不太可能记错导致他们寻求庇护的威胁的性质或其严重性。这些将是他们过去的核心细节,因此很可能被准确而生动地记住。这表明,当经历过创伤的人提供证词时,例如,关于过去的经历,证明他们需要未来的帮助或保护,他们叙述的一些细节——包括最重要事件的核心细节——很可能会被忽略,尽管它们是真实的。那些以这种方式对记忆错误的证据做出反应的人,其行为方式与心理学发现相吻合,心理学发现表明,人们对证词中出现的即使是轻微或次要错误的证据做出反应,也会对整个证词不予考虑(Borckardt et al., 2003)。就寻求庇护者而言,当要求他们提供其过去经历的说明以证明他们需要庇护时,他们关于需要保护的说明的核心细节可能不可信,尽管这些细节是真实的。 有经验证据恰恰证明了这种影响:即,即使是轻微或次要的事实错误,也会将寻求庇护者视为普遍缺乏可信度。他们经常被视为缺乏可信度,因为他们的故事不一致,但不真实的说法也会导致他们被视为缺乏可信度(大赦国际,2013;庇护援助,2011)。在提交给英国内政部的一份报告中,联合国难民事务高级专员办事处(2006年)指出,它“观察到大量案件,案件工作者的一项陈述被认为是不真实的[…],而这一陈述被认为是不可信的”(联合国难民事务高级
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引用次数: 0
Care and exploitation in precarious employment in academic philosophy 学术哲学不稳定就业中的关爱与剥削
IF 1.1 3区 哲学 Q3 ETHICS Pub Date : 2024-01-29 DOI: 10.1111/josp.12558
Christine Wieseler
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引用次数: 0
Workplace democracy: The argument from the worker–society relation 工作场所民主:工人与社会关系的论证
IF 1.1 3区 哲学 Q3 ETHICS Pub Date : 2024-01-22 DOI: 10.1111/josp.12559
Zsolt Kapelner
<p>Numerous arguments have been offered for workplace democracy, that is, the idea that employees should have an equal say in governing the firm. Lately, relational arguments, particularly of a republican and relational egalitarian kind, have become prominent. These claim that workers should have a say in how their firm is governed in order to avoid objectionable, for example, dominating or subordinating, relationships within the workplace. While I find these views appealing, I also believe that they are incomplete. By focusing on the moral quality of workers' interpersonal relations within the firm, that is, to bosses and other workers, they ignore the moral quality of workers' relations outside the firm, that is, to the rest of society. Yet, this latter is of no less significance for the justification of workplace democracy. In this article, I argue that part of the reason why workplace democracy should be adopted is that it allows workers to exert appropriate control over the operations of the firm, thus maintaining a grip on the general character of the relation between themselves as workers of the firm and the rest of society. This argument from the <i>worker–society relation</i> is not intended to refute or replace republican and relational egalitarian arguments, but rather to draw attention to a hitherto neglected aspect of the relational value of workplace democracy which the aforementioned approaches usually do not incorporate. In this way, the present argument strengthens the overall relational case for workplace democracy.</p><p>The structure of the article is as follows. First, I introduce the concept of and arguments for workplace democracy, focusing on the most prominent relational arguments, that is, republican and relational egalitarian ones. Second, I introduce the concept of the worker–society relation and discuss its moral significance. Third, I present my argument for workplace democracy based on the worker–society relation. Fourth, I discuss the relationship between the argument from the worker–society relation and republican and relational egalitarian arguments for workplace democracy to show how the former differs from and complements these approaches. The last section concludes.</p><p>Workplace democracy is an arrangement in which all employees of a firm have an equal say in how it is governed, much like in a democratic state where all citizens have an equal say in how the state is governed, except for certain specific groups, such as minors. This broad definition can be further specified in a number of ways. There are many models and institutional designs for workplace democracy but for the purposes of this discussion, I will remain neutral as to which of these is best to implement. I will not discuss whether under workplace democracy employees must exercise their democratic say directly or indirectly through representatives, whether the establishment of workers' councils is required, or whether employee's share in board
人们提出了许多关于职场民主的论点,也就是说,员工在管理公司方面应该有平等的发言权。最近,关于关系的争论,特别是关于共和主义和关系平等主义的争论,变得非常突出。他们声称,员工应该对公司的管理方式有发言权,以避免令人反感的工作场所关系,例如,支配或从属关系。虽然我觉得这些观点很吸引人,但我也认为它们是不完整的。通过关注工人在企业内部,即对老板和其他工人的人际关系的道德质量,他们忽略了工人在企业外部,即对社会其他部分的关系的道德质量。然而,后者对于证明职场民主的正当性同样重要。在这篇文章中,我认为应该采用工作场所民主的部分原因是,它允许工人对公司的运作施加适当的控制,从而保持对他们作为公司工人与社会其他部分之间关系的一般特征的控制。工人-社会关系的论点并不是为了反驳或取代共和主义和关系平等主义的论点,而是为了引起人们对工作场所民主的关系价值的一个迄今为止被忽视的方面的注意,而上述方法通常没有包括这个方面。通过这种方式,目前的论点加强了工作场所民主的整体关系案例。文章的结构如下。首先,我介绍了工作场所民主的概念和论点,重点是最突出的关系论点,即共和主义和关系平等主义。其次,介绍了工人与社会关系的概念,并讨论了其道德意义。第三,我提出了基于工人与社会关系的工作场所民主的论点。第四,我讨论了工人-社会关系的论点与共和主义和关系平等主义关于工作场所民主的论点之间的关系,以显示前者如何与这些方法不同并补充这些方法。最后一部分是总结。工作场所民主是一种安排,在这种安排中,公司的所有员工在如何管理公司方面都有平等的发言权,就像在一个民主国家,所有公民在如何管理国家方面都有平等的发言权,除了某些特定群体,比如未成年人。这个广泛的定义可以通过多种方式进一步说明。职场民主有许多模式和制度设计,但为了讨论的目的,我将保持中立,不知道哪一种最好实施。在工作场所民主制度下,雇员是否必须通过代表直接或间接地行使他们的民主发言权,是否需要建立工人委员会,或者雇员在董事会中的代表份额是否也足够,等等,我不会讨论。虽然这些问题当然具有实践和理论意义,但它们与以下论点没有直接关系,该论点的重点是工作场所民主的正当性问题,无论以何种方式实施。支持工作场所民主的论据多种多样(弗雷加等人,2019)。例子包括来自国有企业类比的论点(Dahl, 1985;费雷拉和Landemore 2016;Gonzalez-Ricoy, 2014;McMahon, 1994), meaningful work (Yeoman, 2014), recognition (Hirvonen &amp;Breen, 2020)和自我实现(Gould, 2004)。然而,近年来,主要基于作为非统治的自由的共和理想和关系平等理论的关系论点得到了突出(Anderson, 2017;布林,2015;Gonzalez-Ricoy, 2014 b;Gourevitch, 2013)。这些争论始于这样一种观察:当今的工作场所充斥着不平等的权力关系,尤其是在员工和老板之间。我所说的“工人”是指那些没有权力做出管理决策、命令其他员工执行任务、雇佣和解雇员工等的人。另一方面,我所说的“老板”是指那些确实拥有这种权力的人。当然,如果说所有工作场所的每个人都可以被整齐地分为这两类,那就过于简单化了。例如,中层管理人员通常有有限的自主权来做出管理决策,一些工作场所可能以不那么分层的方式组织。尽管如此,依赖于这种简化将极大地有助于以下讨论的清晰和简洁,并且如何修改论点以适应这些复杂性是相当直接的。 可以说,从共和主义或关系平等主义的观点来看,需要通过改革使这些令人反感的关系成为可能的潜在经济条件来解决超企业支配和关系不平等问题;工作场所民主本身并不是一个解决方案。然而,即使在企业外案例中,工作场所民主并没有像在企业内案例中那样消除支配或关系不平等,来自工人-社会关系的论点仍然可以说明为什么它对企业外关系的道德质量很重要。我认为,工作场所的民主是必要的,工人可以通过他们的功能特征的代理概念,向他们通过工作影响的社会成员传达足够的关心和尊重。这是一种关系上的收获,即使工人与社会的关系仍然受到统治或关系不平等的污染。也就是说,即使工作场所民主不能在非支配性或关系平等方面改善工人的超公司关系,它也可能在其他方面改善这种关系。当然,工人仍然有理由通过民主国家利用他们作为公民的民主权力来改革潜在的经济状况,从而消除额外的公司统治和关系不平等。尽管如此,这些考虑表明,工人-社会关系的论点不容易被纳入共和主义或关系平等主义的说法;它选择了一种不同于非支配性或关系平等的关系价值,从而确定了采用共和主义和关系平等主义分析所没有的工作场所民主的原因。工作场所的民主,我认为,最合理的理由是工人的利益,保持良好的人际关系的道德秩序。共和党和关系平等主义的论点抓住了这种兴趣的一个要素,即工人以平等和非支配的方式与老板和彼此建立关系的兴趣。但是,还有另一种同样相关的关系是工人要求工作场所民主的基础:工人与社会的关系。工作将个人嵌入到生产、消费、物流和服务的大规模系统中;他们赖以维持和再生产共同社会生活的经济基础的制度。这种制度可能会给陷入其中的人带来繁荣,也可能会产生剥夺、脆弱和不公正。工人有兴趣通过他们的工作来促进前者,而不是后者,不仅仅是因为减少世界上的不价值的一般非个人的必要性,还因为他们有兴趣将这个系统中的所有个人作为代理人,对他们不是冷酷无情或不尊重,而是表现出关心和尊重。这一重大利益使工人们有理由强烈要求职场民主。因为只有在工作场所民主的情况下,他们才不依赖于他人来维持他们与社会关系的道德品质,并且能够在这种关系中传达足够的关心和尊重。这项工作得到了GOODINT项目的支持,该项目由挪威研究委员会资助,项目号:313846.作者声明不存在利益冲突。 考虑到工作场所的权力不平等,许多共和党人和关系平等主义者认为,今天的工人和老板之间的关系通常以关系不平等为特征,如果不是完全的统治(Berkey, 2023)。例如,伊丽莎白·安德森(Elizabeth Anderson, 2017)将当代公司,尤其是美国的公司,描述为微型独裁政权,由一群无所不能的老板统治着工人群体。当然,在字面意义上,老板对员工有无限的专断权力,也就是说,主人对奴隶或对臣民有无限的专断权力,这种情况很少发生。然而,很明显,劳动合同在工人和老板之间建立了一种命令等级制度,其中一方有能力剥夺另一方可能是她唯一的收入来源。这种权力关系容易产生关系不平等(nsamron, 2015)。诚然,这种不平等是否会进一步发展为统治,在很大程度上取决于背景和背景条件(参见O’shea, 2019)。尽管如此,人们可能会很好地辩称,至少由工作场所等级制度产生的统治威胁(这种威胁在当代工作场所普遍存在)应该成为非统治和关系平等倡导者的一个突出问题。提倡工作场所民主的共和党和关系平等主义者认为,纠正这种不平等的唯一途径是确保工人和老板分享管理公司的平等权力。这将使工人和老板处于彼此的相互控制之下,从而防止在工作场所出现统治或关系不平等。当然,这一论点可以通过各种方式受到质疑(Jacob &;纽豪斯,2018;科洛德尼,2023,145页;泰勒,2
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