The paper analyzes Rawls's moral psychology and the claim that a just society must foster a sufficiently strong sense of justice. When Rawls investigates the development of the sense of justice under a just basic structure, he tacitly narrows down the focus: he only demonstrates the development of a sense of justice on the premise that all members of society are already in possession of a full-fledged sense of justice, save the one individual under investigation. This begs the question, largely presupposing what needs to be explained, namely, how citizens at large develop a sense of justice. Rawls's narrowing of perspective leads to distortions in the analysis of stability, particularly with regard to a property-owning democracy. However, in lesser known parts of his work, Rawls offers clues for a more plausible account. Here, the idea is that institutions must be structured such that they enable all of us to nurture the sense of justice of each of us. With this idea of collective self-transformation in place, it becomes clear that economic institutions must be broadly democratized because of their profound educational role. Thus, the choice between a property-owning democracy and liberal socialism falls more strongly upon the latter.
{"title":"Difficulties in nurturing a sense of justice","authors":"Hannes Kuch","doi":"10.1111/josp.12538","DOIUrl":"10.1111/josp.12538","url":null,"abstract":"<p>The paper analyzes Rawls's moral psychology and the claim that a just society must foster a sufficiently strong sense of justice. When Rawls investigates the development of the sense of justice under a just basic structure, he tacitly narrows down the focus: he only demonstrates the development of a sense of justice on the premise that all members of society are already in possession of a full-fledged sense of justice, save the one individual under investigation. This begs the question, largely presupposing what needs to be explained, namely, how citizens at large develop a sense of justice. Rawls's narrowing of perspective leads to distortions in the analysis of stability, particularly with regard to a property-owning democracy. However, in lesser known parts of his work, Rawls offers clues for a more plausible account. Here, the idea is that institutions must be structured such that they enable all of us to nurture the sense of justice of each of us. With this idea of collective self-transformation in place, it becomes clear that economic institutions must be broadly democratized because of their profound educational role. Thus, the choice between a property-owning democracy and liberal socialism falls more strongly upon the latter.</p>","PeriodicalId":46756,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Social Philosophy","volume":"55 2","pages":"238-256"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-06-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/josp.12538","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45034888","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Partial ectogestation and the right to choose the method by which one ends one's pregnancy","authors":"Kristen Hine","doi":"10.1111/josp.12537","DOIUrl":"10.1111/josp.12537","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46756,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Social Philosophy","volume":"55 1","pages":"143-159"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-06-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41412537","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Unredressed injustices in national and global history raise important normative questions. These questions are highlighted by the growing chorus of voices in public and academic discourse calling for agents, especially those in the Global North, to recognize and redress the major injustices of their past, most notably colonialism, chattel slavery, and segregation.1 One is the justification question: do (some) present-day agents have moral obligations to redress historical injustice, and if so, on what moral grounds? Another is the content question: assuming that reparative obligations are justified, what exactly do they obligate (some) present-day agents to do?
One prominent view in the philosophical literature responding to these questions is centered on the Beneficiary Pays Principle (BPP).2 Proponents of the BPP have argued that some present-day agents have a moral obligation to redress historical injustices that they themselves did not commit because they enjoy material benefits—wealth, property, and other such resources—as a result of these injustices. Since these benefits were originally acquired unjustly, their contemporary inheritors ought to relinquish them, not just because they lack any legitimate claim to these resources, but also because by retaining these resources they are perpetuating the effects of injustice. This answers the justification question. The BPP also suggests an answer to the content question. While some present-day agents enjoy material benefits from historical injustices, others correspondingly suffer material harms.3 It is thus morally legitimate to redistribute the relinquished resources of present-day beneficiaries of a historical injustice toward its present-day victims—even if that redistribution can only partially approximate the holdings that present-day victims would have enjoyed had the historical injustice never occurred.4 Altogether, the BPP offers an account of one familiar approach to past wrongdoing, namely the provision of material compensation or reparations. Indeed, proponents of the BPP contend that the principle is appealing because it avoids many of the thorny moral and epistemic challenges against reparations for major historical injustices.5
But reparations, so understood, is notably removed from a more radical approach to historical injustice proposed by some recent social movements for racial equality and postcolonial global justice. These proposals demand the egalitarian transformation of present-day social structures in order to undo the unjust social, political, and economic legacies of colonialism, slavery, segregation, and so forth.6 In alignment with this vision, some philosophical accounts have argued for a structural approach to historical injustice: because many present-day injustices are products of major historical injustices like colonialism and slavery, a full and proper r
国家和全球历史上未得到纠正的不公正提出了重要的规范问题。在公众和学术讨论中,越来越多的声音强调了这些问题,这些声音呼吁代理人,特别是全球北方的代理人,认识并纠正他们过去的主要不公正,最明显的是殖民主义,动产奴隶制和种族隔离一个是正当性问题:(某些)当今的代理人是否有道德义务来纠正历史上的不公正,如果有,基于什么道德依据?另一个是内容问题:假设赔偿义务是正当的,它们究竟要求(一些)当今的代理人做什么?哲学文献中回答这些问题的一个突出观点集中在受益人支付原则(BPP)上BPP的支持者认为,一些当今的代理人有道德义务纠正他们自己没有犯下的历史不公正,因为他们享受物质利益——财富、财产和其他类似的资源——作为这些不公正的结果。由于这些利益最初是不公正地获得的,它们的当代继承者应该放弃它们,不仅因为他们缺乏对这些资源的任何合法要求,而且因为保留这些资源会使不公正的影响永久化。这回答了正当性问题。BPP还提出了内容问题的答案。今天的一些代理人从历史的不公正中获得物质利益,而另一些代理人则相应地遭受物质伤害因此,从道德上讲,将历史上不公正的今天受益者放弃的资源重新分配给今天的受害者是合法的——即使这种重新分配只能部分地接近历史上不公正从未发生过的今天的受害者所拥有的财产总的来说,BPP提供了一种熟悉的方法来处理过去的不法行为,即提供物质补偿或赔偿。事实上,BPP的支持者认为,该原则很有吸引力,因为它避免了许多针对重大历史不公正赔偿的棘手的道德和认知挑战。但是,最近一些争取种族平等和后殖民时代全球正义的社会运动提出了一种更为激进的解决历史不公正问题的方法,而这种方法显然与这种理解不同。这些建议要求对当今社会结构进行平等主义的改造,以消除殖民主义、奴隶制、种族隔离等不公正的社会、政治和经济遗留问题与这一观点相一致,一些哲学论述主张用结构方法来解决历史上的不公正:因为许多当今的不公正是殖民主义和奴隶制等重大历史不公正的产物,因此,对这些历史不公正的全面和适当的补救措施需要解决当今的不公正,因为它们是结构性的遗产因此,结构方法主张大大扩展当今代理人的赔偿义务的内容,以包括纠正当今存在的各种结构性不公正。然而,结构方法面临着关于这些赔偿义务的正当性和反过来的分配的理论问题。这些问题在Iris Marion Young关于结构性不公正责任的基础性论述中得到了最清晰的体现。杨认为,现在的行动者有道德义务解决结构性不公正,因为他们参与了产生结构性不公正的社会结构:因为我们的参与维持了产生结构性不公正的社会结构,我们有责任确保这些结构更加公正但是,这条推理路线面临着两个问题,作为对历史不公正的研究方法。首先,它无法解释今天建立更公正的社会结构如何等同于纠正历史上的不公正,因为制定这种结构转型的义务是通过当今代理人参与不公正的社会结构来证明的,而不是通过对未纠正的历史不公正采取行动的道德呼吁其次,至少从历史不公正的角度来看,它具有令人难以置信的广泛影响,代理人有这种义务。根据这种观点,实际上每个人都有义务解决当今的结构性不公正,因为每个人都以某种方式参与了不公正的社会结构因此,这项义务同样适用于历史上不公正行为的受害者和加害者的后代,例如奴隶和奴隶主的后代。但可以肯定的是,受害者是应该为历史上的不公正得到补偿的人,而不是那些应该为他人得到补偿的人。 如果要避免这些问题,结构方法需要为正当性问题提供另一种答案。本文在历史不公正的争论中提出了一种新的观点,旨在结合赔偿方法和结构方法的见解,同时避免各自的问题。我称这种观点为激进赔偿。关键的创新是重新解释了BPP,以及当今的一些代理人如何从历史上的重大不公正中受益。与现有的基于bpp的观点不同,激进赔偿认为相关的利益不仅仅是财富和财产等物质资源,还包括当代社会结构中的权力和特权地位,这些结构是殖民主义和奴隶制等历史不公正的遗产。获得这些福利的代理人有赔偿义务来纠正这些历史上的不公正。然而,由于这些利益不能简单地放弃和重新分配,这些赔偿义务的内容采取了与激进赔偿中的物质再分配不同的形式:受益人必须通过实施结构改革来改变这些赋予权力和赋予特权的社会结构。因此,受益者在支持和实施今天的平等主义结构改革方面负有向后看的补偿性义务。激进赔偿法因此与赔偿法大体一致,即通过呼吁BPP在当今的主体中证明并相应地分配赔偿义务,但它与结构性方法大体一致,具体规定了这些义务的内容,以解决当今的结构性不公正。根据这种混合的观点,赔偿和结构性方法之间的差距也许不像一些人所争论的那样大:现在的受益者应该支持结构性改革,因为他们有赔偿义务来解决重大历史不公正的不公正利益。我进一步认为,这种观点比其他观点具有理论优势,这些观点试图通过呼吁公司代理人(例如国家)对历史不公正承担责任,将赔偿和结构方法混合在一起。文章的内容如下。第2节批判性地回顾了赔偿方法,重点是BPP,并认为现有的讨论忽视了主要历史不公正所涉及的不同类型的道德错误,以及它们持久的结构性遗产。第3节考察了结构方法,并认为尽管其对历史不公正有更丰富的理解,但现有的解释缺乏对其提出的结构改革的充分回溯的理由,因此作为一种研究历史不公正的方法,面临着重大问题。第四节介绍了激进赔偿,并认为它可以克服这些问题。第5节讨论了对激进赔偿的两种反对意见,一种来自结构方法,另一种来自赔偿方法。第6节总结。值得注意的是,本文提出了一个有条件的论点,因为围绕历史不公正的哲学和实证问题是众多而复杂的。辩护问题——当今的行动者是否真的有道德义务来纠正历史上的不公正——是一个激烈争论的问题,我无法在这里回顾所有的反对意见同样,内容问题——即履行这些道德义务所需要的问题,假设它们在道德上是正当的——在某种程度上是一个经验问题,哲学研究并不能很好地以适当的特异性来回答这个问题,尤其是在结构性改革摆在桌面上的时候。本文并不打算对这些问题提供全面的答案。更温和的目标是捍卫以下有条件的主张:如果BPP是将赔偿义务分配给当今代理人的合理辩护原则,如果殖民主义和奴隶制等重大历史不公正具有持久的结构性后果,那么就有一个合理的观点,将赔偿和历史不公正的结构性方法结合在一起,同时避免各自的弱点。两个问题构成了赔偿哲学讨论的纽带。我将它们称为“谁付钱”和“支付什么”。谁付钱问:哪些人有道德义务为历史上的不公正提供赔偿,哪些人应该得到赔偿?对于历史上的不公正,谁来买单是一个很难回答的问题,因为最初的肇事者往往早已不在了,这意味着分配赔偿义务的通常理由(“你做了这件事,所以你最好解决它!”)不适用于当今的代理人。 Pay What的问题是:对于历史上的不公正,赔偿的种类和金额究竟是什么?关于历史上的不公正,什么是一个很难回答的问题,因为由于各种原因,关于赔偿的通俗说法很难适用于很久以前发生的不公正为了使赔偿在道德上合理和可行,必须回答谁支付和支付什么(分别对应于正当性和内容问题)。一些哲学家,最著名的是Daniel Butt和Robert Goodin,提出了BPP作为这两个问题的答案它的核心论点是,今天的个人享受历史不公正的污染物质利益,包括不公正获得的财富、财产和其他此类资源,有赔偿义务放弃这些资源,以便这些资源可以重新分配给历史不公正的受害者及其后代。这些赔偿义务是合理的,因为历史不公正的今天
{"title":"Structural transformation and reparative obligation: Reinterpreting the beneficiary pays principle","authors":"Hochan Kim","doi":"10.1111/josp.12524","DOIUrl":"10.1111/josp.12524","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Unredressed injustices in national and global history raise important normative questions. These questions are highlighted by the growing chorus of voices in public and academic discourse calling for agents, especially those in the Global North, to recognize and redress the major injustices of their past, most notably colonialism, chattel slavery, and segregation.<sup>1</sup> One is the <i>justification</i> question: do (some) present-day agents have moral obligations to redress historical injustice, and if so, on what moral grounds? Another is the <i>content</i> question: assuming that reparative obligations are justified, what exactly do they obligate (some) present-day agents to do?</p><p>One prominent view in the philosophical literature responding to these questions is centered on the Beneficiary Pays Principle (BPP).<sup>2</sup> Proponents of the BPP have argued that some present-day agents have a moral obligation to redress historical injustices that they themselves did not commit because they enjoy material benefits—wealth, property, and other such resources—as a result of these injustices. Since these benefits were originally acquired unjustly, their contemporary inheritors ought to relinquish them, not just because they lack any legitimate claim to these resources, but also because by retaining these resources they are perpetuating the effects of injustice. This answers the justification question. The BPP also suggests an answer to the content question. While some present-day agents enjoy material benefits from historical injustices, others correspondingly suffer material harms.<sup>3</sup> It is thus morally legitimate to redistribute the relinquished resources of present-day beneficiaries of a historical injustice toward its present-day victims—even if that redistribution can only partially approximate the holdings that present-day victims would have enjoyed had the historical injustice never occurred.<sup>4</sup> Altogether, the BPP offers an account of one familiar approach to past wrongdoing, namely the provision of material compensation or <i>reparations</i>. Indeed, proponents of the BPP contend that the principle is appealing because it avoids many of the thorny moral and epistemic challenges against reparations for major historical injustices.<sup>5</sup></p><p>But reparations, so understood, is notably removed from a more radical approach to historical injustice proposed by some recent social movements for racial equality and postcolonial global justice. These proposals demand the egalitarian transformation of present-day social structures in order to undo the unjust social, political, and economic legacies of colonialism, slavery, segregation, and so forth.<sup>6</sup> In alignment with this vision, some philosophical accounts have argued for a <i>structural</i> approach to historical injustice: because many present-day injustices are products of major historical injustices like colonialism and slavery, a full and proper r","PeriodicalId":46756,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Social Philosophy","volume":"55 4","pages":"688-708"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-06-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/josp.12524","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"64056572","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Contributors","authors":"","doi":"10.1111/josp.12476","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/josp.12476","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46756,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Social Philosophy","volume":"54 2","pages":"150-151"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"50116063","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Issue Information - NASSP page","authors":"","doi":"10.1111/josp.12477","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/josp.12477","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46756,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Social Philosophy","volume":"54 2","pages":"285"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/josp.12477","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"50116064","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
<p>Climate change poses an existential threat to the world's ecosystems and to human societies. In order to slow and eventually halt global warming, governments, firms, and civil society must enact radical structural change in order to minimize greenhouse gas emissions from fossil fuel use. Cynicism, pessimism, and defeatism are currently prevalent, however, and threaten to undermine the cooperative spirit needed to achieve a low carbon economy. Climate change denial has played a major role in feeding these destructive attitudes. Since the discovery of the greenhouse effect, the fossil fuel industry and a network of powerful allies have utilized every imaginable tactic to promote business as usual and to foster political inaction. For decades, they have sown doubt and misinformation about global warming, its causes, and its dangerous impact (Oreskes & Conway <span>2012</span>). In response to widespread acceptance of the proof of anthropogenic warming, these actors have adapted their strategies beyond outright factual denial. One alternative strategy is shifting the public debate to individual morality (Lamb et al., <span>2020</span>; Mann, <span>2021</span>), emphasizing how individual lifestyles are inextricably intertwined with the environmentally profligate status quo, and thereby demoralizing the citizens of top emitting nations. The charge of hypocrisy is prominent in such demoralization efforts. It is leveled against climate scientists and activists, pro-environmentalist politicians and their supporters, “eco-celebrities”, or simply “the elites”, who are alleged not to practice what they preach, as they lead energy-intensive lifestyles.</p><p>If this charge were advanced only by agents who attempt to delay climate action, one could dismiss it by pointing to their own immoral activities. Instead of doing these lobbyists the favor of discussing the charge in earnest, one could change the terms of the conversation and redirect attention to the damaging effects of climate denial, and to feasible and urgently needed institutional decarbonization measures. The discursive constellation is more complicated, however, for two reasons. First, the accusation of lifestyle hypocrisy has long been a recurring theme in the general debate on climate change. It is not only discussed by those who are cynical about the prospects for individual and political climate action (such “climate cynicism” is not necessarily strategic). It is also considered by many who reflect, in good faith, on questions of individual morality and integrity in relation to climate change—such as how to reconcile our prosperous way of life with the imperative to leave a habitable world for future generations. Second, the accusation often takes another form, namely when governments or politicians are criticized for actions that contradict their proclaimed concern for climate change mitigation. This second variant of the hypocrisy charge can also be leveled with different motivations
气候变化对世界生态系统和人类社会构成了生存威胁。为了减缓并最终停止全球变暖,政府、企业和民间社会必须实施彻底的结构性改革,以最大限度地减少化石燃料使用产生的温室气体排放。然而,犬儒主义、悲观主义和失败主义目前盛行,并有可能破坏实现低碳经济所需的合作精神。否认气候变化在助长这些破坏性态度方面发挥了重要作用。自从发现温室效应以来,化石燃料行业及其强大的盟友网络利用了一切可以想象到的策略来促进一切正常,并助长政治上的无所作为。几十年来,他们播下了对全球变暖、其原因及其危险影响的怀疑和错误信息(Oreskes &;康威2012)。作为对人为变暖证据被广泛接受的回应,这些行动者已经调整了他们的策略,而不是完全否认事实。另一种策略是将公众辩论转向个人道德(Lamb et al., 2020;Mann, 2021),强调个人生活方式如何与环境挥霍现状密不可分,从而使排放大国的公民士气低落。在这种败坏道德的努力中,伪善的指控是突出的。它针对的是气候科学家和活动家,亲环境主义政治家和他们的支持者,“生态名人”,或者简称为“精英”,因为他们过着能源密集型的生活方式,被指控没有实践他们所宣扬的。如果这一指控只是由那些试图拖延气候行动的代理人提出的,人们可以通过指出他们自己的不道德行为来驳斥它。与其帮助这些游说者认真地讨论这项指控,不如改变谈话的内容,把注意力转移到否认气候变化的破坏性影响上,转移到可行的、迫切需要的制度性脱碳措施上。然而,由于两个原因,话语星座更为复杂。首先,在关于气候变化的一般性辩论中,对虚伪生活方式的指责一直是一个反复出现的主题。这不仅仅是那些对个人和政治气候行动前景持怀疑态度的人在讨论(这种“气候犬儒主义”不一定是战略性的)。许多人真诚地思考与气候变化有关的个人道德和诚信问题,比如如何协调我们繁荣的生活方式与为子孙后代留下一个宜居世界的必要性。其次,这种指责往往以另一种形式出现,即政府或政治家因与其宣称的减缓气候变化的关切相悖的行动而受到批评。这种伪善指控的第二种变体也可以用不同的动机来解释:一方面是倡导有效气候行动的人,另一方面是愤世嫉俗的造谣者,他们打算在这些行动中播下分裂和怀疑的种子。气候伪善指控的话语可变性意味着需要对其相关性有一个坚实的理解。近年来,实证研究已经开始揭示各种关于气候伪善的话语引用(见Gunster等人,2018;Schneider et al., 2016),以及政府(Stevenson, 2021)和化石燃料公司(Li et al., 2022)的绿色言论与现实世界行动之间经常存在明显差异。本文通过系统的哲学分析来补充这些方法,重点关注气候伪善和生态不一致的相关品种的精确概念描述和规范评估。这种概念性和规范性的工作是必要的,因为伪善的意义和重要性通常没有得到很好的理解。部分原因是,即使是圣经中提到的“伪善”,也没有明确指出一个统一的现象,而是指向一组松散相关的不一致。因此,对伪善的日常指责往往是含糊其辞的。它们的规范性相关性也经常未被说明。在气候问题上的虚伪也是如此。系统的概念和规范方法可以澄清问题。我在这里提出了这样一个解释,认为气候伪善和相关的生态不一致的不同实例有不同的问题,这取决于它们对代理人实现环境完整性的危害程度。我主要分为四个步骤。我首先概述了气候伪善指控的两种主要变体:(1)对“生活方式伪善”的指控;(2)对政府和其他政治代表未能履行其声明的气候承诺的批评(见第2节)。 以麦基本对特鲁多和特恩布尔的指控为例,这表明了对被告环境完整性的关注,提醒这些国家元首必须言行一致(比较第2.2节)。事实上,正如我在上面所说的,认真对待环境完整性的概念要求政府及其代表承担责任,不仅要表达对全面脱碳的承诺,而且要全面地使其政治机构与这些承诺保持一致。然而,这种表示气候伪善指控的合法用途的方式遇到了两个挑战。首先,很难确定行动者对环境完整性表现出真正关注的程度,即对自己和他人的环境责任进行认真的评估和真实的交流验证这种担忧的存在需要看穿虚假的借口,这可能是困难的,因为任何批评背后的动机对观察者来说都是模糊的。然而,环境完整性的标准仍然可以证明为什么某些类型的气候伪善指控是不合理的。因此,它可以为试图根据额外的经验证据形成准确的个案判断的观察员提供指导。但还有第二个更根本的挑战。伪善的主体相对性是这样的,人们可以合理地批评伪善者不遵守同一规范而掩饰规范(见第3节)。想象一下,一个“支持选择”的人,指出了一个堕胎的“支持生命”倡导者的虚伪。显然,原告不必认为堕胎是错误的。类似地,人们不必为了指出气候虚伪而肯定环境完整性的优点。那么,气候变化否认者利用这种批评有什么错呢?几件事情。首先,即使是化石燃料游说者现在也经常口头上说需要“解决”气候变化,这表明,尽管一个人可以不断地提出气候伪善的指控,同时拒绝与环境完整性相关的代理品质,但这种立场已经变得不流行了。这反映在从理论到实践的气候否认的广泛转变上,这反过来又可以通过对气候变化及其带来的环境危害(包括热浪、野火、干旱和洪水)的普遍认识的提高来解释。因此,即使是化石燃料公司现在也表达了对与环境完整性相关的质量的关注。对四家美国和欧洲石油和天然气巨头(雪佛龙、埃克森美孚、英国石油和壳牌)的全面考察发现,尽管参与绿色言论的趋势越来越大,但这些公司中没有一家“目前正在向清洁能源转型”,而且“对洗绿的指责(……)是有根据的”(Li et al., 2022: 19)。揭露化石燃料行业自身在气候问题上的伪善,无疑是一种揭露其说客提出气候伪善指控的不真诚方式的方式。具有讽刺意味的是,化石燃料游说者及其盟友的工作显然涉及到惊人数量的虚伪。David Runciman(2017)指出,专业的气候否认者“对怀疑”是虚伪的。更多的伪善体现在他们纯粹出于实际目的的否认气候变化和有组织地拖延气候变化行动上,直到他们戏剧性地将伪善指控升级,并模拟道德关切来掩盖他们真正的议程。第二,对化石燃料游说者及其盟友的指责通常缺乏对诚信的关注。像普京这样愤世嫉俗的独裁者可能觉得没有必要掩饰对环境的关注。如果他的沟通与他的非道德立场保持一致,就不可能简单地把气候伪善的指控还给他。然而,任何提出这种指控的人都不可能始终如一地否定诚信的重要性,而不因此抵消他们指控的力量。有充分的经验证据表明,气候否认者总体上缺乏对诚信的关注,因此在指责他人虚伪时,他们否定了自己所承诺的规范。早在20世纪70年代,他们就准确地预测了全球变暖的程度(Supran等人,2023年),他们长达数十年的理论否认了化石燃料产生的全球变暖,这与诚信所要求的外在真诚的认知倾向极端对立(见第4节)此外,气候变化否认者散布气候变化伪善指控的方式表明,他们对他们所指责的人的正直缺乏真正的兴趣,下面的观察结果清楚地说明了这一点。 化石燃料游说者及其盟友利用这两种气候伪善指控的变体,目的是通过误导、分散和混淆公众对我们解决气候危机的能力和责任的认识,来阻止脱碳。(1)指责生活方式虚伪,他们(a)试图诋毁气候行动的支持者,并否认他们倡导的道德立场,(b)通过推广“自由市场”和反政府意识形态,将社会和环境问题减少为个体机构变化的结果,从而将气候责任个人化(Schneider等人,2016)。因此
{"title":"Climate hypocrisy and environmental integrity","authors":"Valentin Beck","doi":"10.1111/josp.12522","DOIUrl":"10.1111/josp.12522","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Climate change poses an existential threat to the world's ecosystems and to human societies. In order to slow and eventually halt global warming, governments, firms, and civil society must enact radical structural change in order to minimize greenhouse gas emissions from fossil fuel use. Cynicism, pessimism, and defeatism are currently prevalent, however, and threaten to undermine the cooperative spirit needed to achieve a low carbon economy. Climate change denial has played a major role in feeding these destructive attitudes. Since the discovery of the greenhouse effect, the fossil fuel industry and a network of powerful allies have utilized every imaginable tactic to promote business as usual and to foster political inaction. For decades, they have sown doubt and misinformation about global warming, its causes, and its dangerous impact (Oreskes & Conway <span>2012</span>). In response to widespread acceptance of the proof of anthropogenic warming, these actors have adapted their strategies beyond outright factual denial. One alternative strategy is shifting the public debate to individual morality (Lamb et al., <span>2020</span>; Mann, <span>2021</span>), emphasizing how individual lifestyles are inextricably intertwined with the environmentally profligate status quo, and thereby demoralizing the citizens of top emitting nations. The charge of hypocrisy is prominent in such demoralization efforts. It is leveled against climate scientists and activists, pro-environmentalist politicians and their supporters, “eco-celebrities”, or simply “the elites”, who are alleged not to practice what they preach, as they lead energy-intensive lifestyles.</p><p>If this charge were advanced only by agents who attempt to delay climate action, one could dismiss it by pointing to their own immoral activities. Instead of doing these lobbyists the favor of discussing the charge in earnest, one could change the terms of the conversation and redirect attention to the damaging effects of climate denial, and to feasible and urgently needed institutional decarbonization measures. The discursive constellation is more complicated, however, for two reasons. First, the accusation of lifestyle hypocrisy has long been a recurring theme in the general debate on climate change. It is not only discussed by those who are cynical about the prospects for individual and political climate action (such “climate cynicism” is not necessarily strategic). It is also considered by many who reflect, in good faith, on questions of individual morality and integrity in relation to climate change—such as how to reconcile our prosperous way of life with the imperative to leave a habitable world for future generations. Second, the accusation often takes another form, namely when governments or politicians are criticized for actions that contradict their proclaimed concern for climate change mitigation. This second variant of the hypocrisy charge can also be leveled with different motivations","PeriodicalId":46756,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Social Philosophy","volume":"56 2","pages":"223-242"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-05-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/josp.12522","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47335797","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
<p>Reparations are often justified as a means to ensure “peace,” “reconciliation,” or to “vindicate victims” (Bottigliero, <span>2004</span>, p. 14; Greiff, <span>2006</span>, pp. 463–466; Laplante, <span>2015</span>, pp. 555–557). The justification of reparations range from corrective justice notions of <i>restitutio in integrum</i> (returning all that is lost) to moral notions of recognition and relational restoration, to even communitarian notions of engendering civic trust, social cohesion and transformative explanations of the place of reparations in post-conflict societies. Reparations can seem almost Janus-faced, allowing a broad umbrella of conceptions and expectations to co-exist, but it is worth interrogating the justifications of reparations, as it can help to “serve to clarify the nature and the full extent of our normative commitments” (Greiff, <span>2012</span>, p. 33).</p><p>This article analyses some of the main justifications for reparations so as to challenge some of their normative assumptions in redressing the past. The discussion focuses on three predominate concepts of reparations namely justice, morality/recognition and reconciliation/relational justifications. These accounts do not fully reflect the practice of reparations for mass atrocities, which creates a normative account that is either too utopian to be realized or inadequately provides the conceptual tools to navigate moral challenges to realize effective reparations. Indeed more critical scholars working on these issues point to “rough” or “imperfect” justice (Eizenstat, <span>2003</span>), but do not provide a coherent account to what this theoretically amounts to. Instead this author proposes reparation as balance to reflect that such measures in practice are part of a negotiated process. Reparation as balance involves the relevant stakeholders finding common ground to redress the past and prevent its non-recurrence in the future. This point is referred to as the “goldilocks' zone” wherein reparations can be conceived as a space to which conflicting perspective can find a harmony to redress the past through a spectrum of measures. Such a position does not fully repair victims' harm as required by <i>restitutio in integrum</i>, but also does not compromise society's values nor is humiliating to those responsible. This approach envisages reparations as not simply a victim-centered measure to remedy their harm, but also a space for responsible actors to rehabilitate their own moral position in the present and future from their past actions. “Reparations as balance” is informed by many contemporary struggles for reparations by victims, but also an understanding of what has succeeded in practice.</p><p>Reparations are a means to find equilibrium after violence, a way to move forward from the violations of the past. There are elements in each of these theories that resonate around the importance of values, the actors' relationship (whether social or not) between perpet
{"title":"Reparations as balance","authors":"Luke Moffett","doi":"10.1111/josp.12523","DOIUrl":"10.1111/josp.12523","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Reparations are often justified as a means to ensure “peace,” “reconciliation,” or to “vindicate victims” (Bottigliero, <span>2004</span>, p. 14; Greiff, <span>2006</span>, pp. 463–466; Laplante, <span>2015</span>, pp. 555–557). The justification of reparations range from corrective justice notions of <i>restitutio in integrum</i> (returning all that is lost) to moral notions of recognition and relational restoration, to even communitarian notions of engendering civic trust, social cohesion and transformative explanations of the place of reparations in post-conflict societies. Reparations can seem almost Janus-faced, allowing a broad umbrella of conceptions and expectations to co-exist, but it is worth interrogating the justifications of reparations, as it can help to “serve to clarify the nature and the full extent of our normative commitments” (Greiff, <span>2012</span>, p. 33).</p><p>This article analyses some of the main justifications for reparations so as to challenge some of their normative assumptions in redressing the past. The discussion focuses on three predominate concepts of reparations namely justice, morality/recognition and reconciliation/relational justifications. These accounts do not fully reflect the practice of reparations for mass atrocities, which creates a normative account that is either too utopian to be realized or inadequately provides the conceptual tools to navigate moral challenges to realize effective reparations. Indeed more critical scholars working on these issues point to “rough” or “imperfect” justice (Eizenstat, <span>2003</span>), but do not provide a coherent account to what this theoretically amounts to. Instead this author proposes reparation as balance to reflect that such measures in practice are part of a negotiated process. Reparation as balance involves the relevant stakeholders finding common ground to redress the past and prevent its non-recurrence in the future. This point is referred to as the “goldilocks' zone” wherein reparations can be conceived as a space to which conflicting perspective can find a harmony to redress the past through a spectrum of measures. Such a position does not fully repair victims' harm as required by <i>restitutio in integrum</i>, but also does not compromise society's values nor is humiliating to those responsible. This approach envisages reparations as not simply a victim-centered measure to remedy their harm, but also a space for responsible actors to rehabilitate their own moral position in the present and future from their past actions. “Reparations as balance” is informed by many contemporary struggles for reparations by victims, but also an understanding of what has succeeded in practice.</p><p>Reparations are a means to find equilibrium after violence, a way to move forward from the violations of the past. There are elements in each of these theories that resonate around the importance of values, the actors' relationship (whether social or not) between perpet","PeriodicalId":46756,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Social Philosophy","volume":"55 4","pages":"624-642"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-05-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/josp.12523","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49571747","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Responding to microaggression with irony: The case of Sor Juana Inés de la Cruz","authors":"Sergio Armando Gallegos-Ordorica, Javiera Perez Gomez","doi":"10.1111/josp.12521","DOIUrl":"10.1111/josp.12521","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46756,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Social Philosophy","volume":"56 2","pages":"300-319"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-05-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44315479","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Ideal theory, political liberalism, and the well-ordered society","authors":"Samuel Freeman","doi":"10.1111/josp.12520","DOIUrl":"10.1111/josp.12520","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46756,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Social Philosophy","volume":"55 2","pages":"278-298"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-04-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45230417","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Public reason and private bias: Accommodating political disagreement","authors":"Athmeya Jayaram","doi":"10.1111/josp.12518","DOIUrl":"10.1111/josp.12518","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46756,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Social Philosophy","volume":"56 2","pages":"243-260"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-03-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42266948","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}