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Can narratives about sovereign debt be generally ideologically suspicious? An exercise in broadening the scope of ideology critique 关于主权债务的叙述在意识形态上是否普遍可疑?拓宽意识形态批判范围的练习
IF 0.8 3区 哲学 Q3 ETHICS Pub Date : 2023-02-12 DOI: 10.1111/josp.12511
Ben Cross, Janosch Prinz
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引用次数: 1
Fame and redemption: On the moral dangers of celebrity apologies 名誉与救赎:论名人道歉的道德危险
IF 0.8 3区 哲学 Q3 ETHICS Pub Date : 2023-01-30 DOI: 10.1111/josp.12510
Benjamin Matheson
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引用次数: 0
Political liberalism today 今天的政治自由主义
IF 0.8 3区 哲学 Q3 ETHICS Pub Date : 2023-01-25 DOI: 10.1111/josp.12509
J. Donald Moon
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引用次数: 0
The possibility of social unity in the Liberal democratic state 自由民主国家社会统一的可能性
IF 0.8 3区 哲学 Q3 ETHICS Pub Date : 2023-01-24 DOI: 10.1111/josp.12507
K. Pourvand
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引用次数: 0
Issue Information - NASSP PAGE 发行信息- NASSP页
IF 0.8 3区 哲学 Q3 ETHICS Pub Date : 2023-01-23 DOI: 10.1111/josp.12424
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引用次数: 0
Contributors 贡献者
IF 0.8 3区 哲学 Q3 ETHICS Pub Date : 2023-01-23 DOI: 10.1111/josp.12423
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引用次数: 0
Analyzing social wrongs 分析社会错误
IF 0.8 3区 哲学 Q3 ETHICS Pub Date : 2023-01-10 DOI: 10.1111/josp.12505
Hilkje C. Hänel, Sally Haslanger, Odin Kroeger
<p>Academic philosophy has witnessed a significant change in the last years from nonideal investigations of social wrongs as being a rather marginal topic in comparison to what was assumed to be more fundamental questions to those very investigations drawing significant attention and taking their rightful place in the midst of the profession of philosophy. Yet, despite these advances and the increasing awareness of social wrongs in relation to—for example, gender, race, class, and disability—social philosophers are still regularly asked to justify what they are doing or to justify that what they are doing is rightfully called philosophy. This special issue is motivated by the following three ideas: First, to increase awareness for nonideal investigations into gender, race, class, and disability. Second, to draw attention to the insight that our philosophical methods and the topics we are concerned with are not two separate issues; in fact, what we investigate and how we do so are tightly connected. Third, to question the ways in which philosophy as a discipline excludes certain voices, topics, and methods.</p><p>Many of the papers in this issue were the result of a conference marked by the attempt to bring investigations of social wrongs in the tradition of post-Analytic philosophy to the German-speaking philosophy world—a context still very much behind on investigations of social wrongs in a nonideal manner. This conference, which took place in Vienna, and which was organized in 2014 by Hilkje C. Hänel, Daniel James, and Odin Kroeger, served as an international forum for social philosophers to think about the way in which we do philosophy and the topics that are often strikingly absent from philosophy. Since then, much has changed, but the need to question what philosophy is, what it can do, and who is doing it remains. Before we provide a brief overview of the papers in this issue, let us say a bit more about the three aspects mentioned above.</p><p>Discussions of gender, race, and disability have slowly paved their way into the midst of philosophical theorizing and have become an essential aspect of academia; this is evidenced by recent hires in feminist philosophy and critical race studies, the emergence of journals on the topics of gender, race, and most recently, disability, or the central place that these topics take in the APA newsletter, conferences, as well as book and article publications. (This is of course due to the resistant struggle of a few to make our profession better and more welcoming for marginalized and oppressed philosophers.) However, neither nonideal investigations of social wrongs in general nor debates on gender, race, and disability—and many other important sites of oppression and injustice—have a secure place within academic philosophy yet; as can be seen by recent backlashes against trans philosophy or the metaphysical debates that claim that gender and race (and likely disability) are not substantive debates within
学术哲学在过去的几年里见证了一个重大的变化,从对社会错误的非理想调查,作为一个相当边缘的话题,与那些被认为是更基本的问题相比,这些调查引起了极大的关注,并在哲学专业中占据了应有的位置。然而,尽管取得了这些进步,人们也越来越意识到社会上的错误——例如,性别、种族、阶级和残疾——社会哲学家们仍然经常被要求为他们所做的事情辩护,或者为他们所做的事情辩护,证明他们所做的事情是正当的哲学。本期特刊的动机有以下三点:第一,提高对性别、种族、阶级和残疾的非理想调查的认识。第二,提请注意我们的哲学方法和我们所关心的主题并不是两个独立的问题;事实上,我们调查的内容和调查的方式是紧密相连的。第三,质疑哲学作为一门学科排斥某些声音、主题和方法的方式。这期杂志上的许多论文都是一次会议的结果,这次会议的标志是试图将后分析哲学传统中的社会错误研究引入德语哲学世界——这一背景仍然远远落后于以非理想方式研究社会错误。这次会议于2014年在维也纳举行,由Hilkje C. Hänel、Daniel James和Odin Kroeger组织,为社会哲学家提供了一个国际论坛,让他们思考我们研究哲学的方式以及哲学中经常明显缺失的主题。从那以后,很多事情都发生了变化,但人们仍然需要质疑哲学是什么,哲学能做什么,谁在做哲学。在我们对本期论文进行简要概述之前,让我们再多说一下上面提到的三个方面。关于性别、种族和残疾的讨论已经慢慢地进入了哲学理论的中心,并成为学术界的一个重要方面;最近在女权主义哲学和批判性种族研究方面的招聘证明了这一点,出现了关于性别,种族和最近的残疾主题的期刊,或者这些主题在APA通讯,会议以及书籍和文章出版物中占据中心位置。(当然,这是由于少数人为了使我们的职业更好,更欢迎边缘化和受压迫的哲学家而进行的抵抗斗争。)然而,无论是对一般社会错误的非理想调查,还是对性别、种族和残疾——以及许多其他压迫和不公正的重要领域——的辩论,在学术哲学中都没有一个安全的位置;从最近对跨性别哲学或形而上学辩论的强烈反对中可以看出,这些辩论声称性别和种族(以及可能的残疾)在形而上学中不是实质性的辩论(正如Díaz-León在本期中讨论的那样)。此外,对妇女堕胎权利的更普遍反对,在2019冠状病毒病大流行期间对残疾和/或慢性病患者进行分类的有害辩论,以及针对黑人和边缘化社会群体的国家和人际暴力,都证明了继续提出这些话题的重要性。在立场认识论、批判理论和哲学的其他领域,我们选择的研究方法对我们的感知和我们感兴趣的主题有影响,反之亦然,这是一个司空见惯的现象;毕竟,站在树顶的观点不太可能导致对其根源的良好或任何研究。我们自己的社会地位和关系对我们认为有趣的事情和我们的研究结果产生影响的方式,可以在无知认识论的最新理论中详细看到。这个问题引起了人们对一个相关现象的关注,即我们选择的方法对我们的思维内容和我们认为值得研究的现象有影响。此外,选择一种非理想的哲学方法意味着我们从特定的社会错误开始思考,这些错误有时会揭示出我们已建立的哲学理论的不足;正如Bierria, Hänel, Haslanger和Hufendiek在本期的贡献所示。最后,我们认为值得研究的东西和我们选择的研究方法会影响哲学对谁开放和吸引谁。研究表明,被边缘化的哲学家在研究领域和主题中感到不受其他学者的欢迎和代表,并且通常对不同的主题或方法论方法感兴趣;例如,跨学科方法或对现实世界不公正的调查。 在本期中,Dotson、Ball-Blakely、Chapman和Carel将人们的注意力吸引到了学术界内外对特定话题以及学术界边缘化哲学家的非常真实且相当明确的排斥和沉默,以及学术资源、规范和规则暗中排斥学术界某些人而不是其他人的方式。前四篇论文是关于一般的方法论问题;当我们分析社会错误时,我们在做什么,我们应该做什么?接着她的论文《这篇论文是怎样的哲学?》(2012), Kristie Dotson反映了哲学论文的吸收,特别是那些与社会相关的话题。“关于社会相关哲学论文的成本:反思”提供了学术界有问题的排斥以及这种排斥影响哲学书面生产的方式的重要见解。为了做到这一点,多森介绍了被认为与社会相关的论文包含的三个方面:概念劳动力、建设劳动力和期望成本。第一部分描述了将一篇论文置于其适当的解释学景观中所涉及的劳动,包括思想和概念的历史形成。第二种描述了“话语执行的物质和实践必需品”(xx)所涉及的劳动,例如撰写论文所需的工具、培训或时间。构想性劳动和建构性劳动不一定有问题;虽然他们可以。第三,期望成本,指的是“对未来参与施加影响”的期望目标(xx)。这些成本是有问题的,因为它们往往导致排除复杂而不是技术话语及其多样化的从业者。多森的论点是基于她2012年的论文中提出的重要的哲学见解,即我们在西方学术界研究哲学的方式,并要求一些(但不是全部)来证明他们正在做的事情,以及我们的行为在个人和结构上的成本。接下来,在她的论文《扰乱需求:对分析方法论的混乱挑战》中,Naomi Scheman质疑了分析哲学的核心假设,即“适当的概念划分逻辑空间”和“真实的种类和真实的细节都不是本体论上模糊的”(xx)。Scheman认为,一个完全多元主义的——至少有时——概念上混乱的方法更适合解放女性主义的理论化。总的观点是,作为哲学家,我们不应该以清理混乱的社会世界为目标,而应该更好地理解它的全部混乱。这是出于这样一种理解,即特别是被压迫、从属和边缘化的主体往往有相互冲突的需求,如果其中任何一种需求优先于其他需求,他们的声音就会被排除和沉默。图式阐释了这些重要的论点,他引入了一场辩论,讨论作为一个女人意味着什么,以及谁被视为女人,这在很大程度上主导了分析女性主义哲学。接下来的两篇论文都表明,通过关注哲学中常见的不充分理论,质疑方法选择对社会错误的批判性分析的重要性。在她的《超越本质主义谬误:对生物性别差异诉求的微调意识形态批判》一书中,丽贝卡·胡芬迪克关注了进化心理学关于人类行为性别差异的过时观点。Hufendiek认为,进化心理学家忽视了数据、方法和对女性主义科学哲学家的批评,这表明他们的分析在方法上是不充分的,并且再现了性别歧视的刻板印象,以及从他们的分析中得出的伦理含义。这是一个特别有问题的问题,因为进化心理学有广泛的受众——甚至在学术界之外——因此影响了关于性别和性的论述。胡芬迪克认为,这些有问题的观点既需要女性主义科学哲学家的分析,也需要意识形态的批判性调查,因为进化心理学中的本质主义谬误再现并证明了压迫结构的合理性。因此,Hufendiek展示了方法和内容是如何经常携手并进的,对社会错误的分析必须注意方法问题。莎莉·哈斯兰格在她的论文《方法论个人主义的失败:社会系统的物质性》中认为方法论个人主义是不充分的。哈斯兰格的总体目标是表明,在社会系统中,物质、文化和心理之间存在着一种相互依存关系——这对许多社会解释至关重要;换句话说,一些社会现象最好是从系统或结构的角度来理解,而不是从个人和他们的个人态度的角度来理解。 为了论证方法论个人主义的不足,哈斯兰格指出,这种方法可以追溯到“社会世界由个人组成”的理想(xx),因此,对社会现象的任何解释都应该关注这些个人;无论是本体论个人主义还是解释性个人主义。然而
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引用次数: 0
Justice for (and by) philosophers: Professional ethics and punishing our own 哲学家的正义:职业道德和惩罚我们自己
IF 1.1 3区 哲学 Q3 ETHICS Pub Date : 2023-01-10 DOI: 10.1111/josp.12508
Timothy Weidel
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引用次数: 0
The normative justification of obligatory integration policies 强制性一体化政策的规范性理由
IF 1.1 3区 哲学 Q3 ETHICS Pub Date : 2023-01-05 DOI: 10.1111/josp.12506
Matthias Hoesch
<p>Since the late 1990s a class of political measures that can be called “obligatory integration policies” has constantly gained importance in Europe (cf. Goodman, <span>2010</span>; Goodman & Wright, <span>2015</span>; Joppke, <span>2017</span>; Michalowski & van Oers, <span>2012</span>; Triadafilopoulos, <span>2011</span>). These policies require immigrants to take certain actions or to demonstrate certain competences that, in the eyes of the host society, serve their integration.</p><p>Some of these measures are aimed at integration in a general sense. The requirement in several European states to take up residence in a particular place (“residence condition”), for instance, is intended to “facilitate the integration [of immigrants]” (EuGH Press Release No. 22/16), without specifying what integration consists in. Typically, however, these measures focus on learning the host society's language as the key to integration. In particular, many Western states prescribe some groups of immigrants to attend language classes. Often, these measures additionally seek to promote “civic” integration, for example, when integration courses encompass, beside language lessons, units about the host society's values, politics, culture, and history.</p><p>Obligatory integration policies are obligatory in the sense that they do not seek to promote attendance with <i>incentives</i>, but to compel it with <i>sanctions</i> or penalties. In case of incentives, immigrants are at liberty to respond to them or not. If, for example, the state subsidizes language courses so that the fee is very low or if the state pays grants to immigrants for successfully joining classes, many immigrants will decide to participate of their own free will. In case of obligatory integration policies, however, immigrants cannot choose whether or not they respond to an incentive; they simply have to comply with the legal obligation and any violation is deemed to be wrongdoing. In recent decades, there has been a shift in many European states from integration policies based on incentives toward obligatory integration policies. When, for instance, publicly subsidized integration courses were established in Germany in 2005, about a third of the participants in the courses were obliged to attend, whereas a majority chose voluntarily to embrace the opportunity to learn the language for a low price. The amendment of the legal rules underlying integration courses through the so-called <i>Integrationsgesetz</i> in 2016, lead to an increase in the share of the obligatory participants to two-thirds (193,000 persons in 2017).<sup>1</sup></p><p>From the point of view of normative theory, the distinction between obligatory integration policies and those merely involving incentives for voluntary compliance is of major importance. Obviously, there is nothing pro tanto unjust about states creating incentives for immigrants to integrate, as long as the incentives in question are reasonable in scope and
无论如何,所提出的论点并没有授权东道国社会向移民发号施令,要求他们在一系列同样有效的提高就业能力的选择中选择哪一个。第四,就移民而言,有一个对本国人来说不存在的特殊限制:国家要求他们融入社会的权利取决于他们可能在东道国逗留的时间长短。如果移民只打算短期逗留--比如难民,他们打算在情况允许时立即返回原籍国--那么他们就没有义务学习从长远来看才有利的技能。更重要的是,大多数东道国最初都会向移民发放临时居留证。一个只被允许逗留两年的移民,如果被允许逗留更长时间的前景并不明朗,在道义上肯定没有义务投入几个月的时间来学习语言,以便能够找到工作(尽管她很可能有义务接受低工资水平的工作邀请,或参加一个简短的应聘讲习班)。因此,东道国社会面临着一个取舍问题:要么给予移民更好的居留前景,要么接受失业移民没有义务为改善其在劳动力市场上的前景作出重大努力的观点。越来越多的学者主张无条件的基本收入,因此他们不同意国家有权要求人们努力寻找工作。根据这种观点,在一个失业率很高的富裕社会中,一个人是否愿意找工作以及找多 少工作都应被视为一个自由的决定。如果这些作者的观点是正确的,每个人都有获得无条件基本收入的道德诉求,或者如果一个国家确实决定落实每个人获得基本收入的法定权利,那么国家强制移民改善其在劳动力市场上的前景的权利就不复存在了。总之,避免依赖福利制度援助的责任意味着国家有权强制某类移民参加语言课程或采取进一步措施(如应用培训),以提高他们找到工作的机会。然而,我们没有理由断定所有失业移民都必须这样做。他们是否必须这样做,取决于他们的意愿、他们在法律上是否被允许永久居留,以及他们是否有适应劳动力市场的选择。在所提出的论点中,融入只被视为一种找工作的手段,因此,强制性融入政策的内容必须局限于确实有助于在劳动力市场上站稳脚跟的内容。最后,强制性融入政策的理由可以是移民与本地人之间的一个显著区别:本地人一直生活在自己的国家,而移民则是出于一个决定而生活在东道国。因此,可以说移民有义务融入社会,因为他们在移民时就接受了这一义务。换句话说,移民可能已经与东道国签订了一份合同,该合同将移民的居留许可与移民的某些互惠行为联系在一起。有趣的是,在关于融合的哲学文献中,这些契约的作用微乎其微,20 而在现实政治中,却有一些重要的例子将移民作为东道国与移民之间的契约,如法国的 "共和融合契约 "和奥地利的 "融合联盟"。特别是,它们可以要求那些被接纳的移民同意一项融合契约,其中包括承诺采取某些促进融合的措施。这样,移民就有义务参加融合课程或其他融合措施,而这完全是基于他们在入境时所作的承诺。由于大多数合同义务都可以强制执行,因此有理由认为国家有权对违反义务的行为进行制裁。
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引用次数: 0
Political activism, egalitarian justice, and public reason 政治激进主义、平等正义和公共理性
IF 0.8 3区 哲学 Q3 ETHICS Pub Date : 2022-12-28 DOI: 10.1111/josp.12501
Blain Neufeld
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引用次数: 0
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Journal of Social Philosophy
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