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Federalism as an institutional doctrine 联邦制作为一种制度理论
IF 0.8 3区 哲学 Q3 ETHICS Pub Date : 2023-06-19 DOI: 10.1111/josp.12540
Michael Da Silva
<p>Federalism is, minimally, a method of allocating final decision-making authority over subjects (e.g., crime, healthcare, and immigration) in a governance unit (e.g., country). Faced with questions of the form “who can decide what when,” federal bodies, like the United States., Canada, Australia, and Germany, provide at least two entities (federal governments, provinces, cities, etc.) with final decision-making “powers” over at least one subject. No other entity is morally permitted to directly interfere (substitute decisions, fine, etc.) with the authority's decision-making regarding those subject(s). This is distinct from the unitary or centralized governance of, for example, France and Israel whereby one central entity possesses all final decision-making authority.<sup>1</sup> Beyond these basics, the meaning of and criteria for evaluating claims about federalism remain contested in law and political science.<sup>2</sup> The broader debates are then oft-ignored in mainstream political philosophy, resulting in conceptual confusion with important practical results discussed below.<sup>3</sup></p><p>The following argues for adopting an “institutional” approach to federalism, rather than more common “ideological” approaches.<sup>4</sup> A long tradition equates federalism with the US Founding Fathers' institutional proposals (Publius, <span>1788/1987</span>). Yet, partly due to empirical developments, the dominant account outside philosophy now holds that federalism is a normative doctrine promoting a secure political organization combining “shared[-]rule and self-rule” and separates this federal “idea” from institutional forms that may realize it (Elazar, <span>1987</span>; Watts, <span>2008</span>). Philosophers often begin by accepting this ideological approach (as I discuss further in Da Silva, <span>2022</span>).<sup>5</sup> Popelier (<span>2021</span>, p. 33) even suggests “all” scholars view this combination as federalism's “normative core.” But philosophical strictures and practical realities demand a more circumscribed approach. The dominant ideological approach is too broad to be a distinct normative doctrine or cannot even apply to many paradigmatic federal bodies. Institutional approaches defining federalism by advocacy for the adoption of federations (defined below) for authority allocation are preferable.</p><p>To establish this, I first detail and defend criteria for evaluating philosophical accounts of federalism. I then elaborate the distinction between ideological and institutional approaches and apply the criteria to the dominant ideological approach and a new specification of an institutional approach inspired by Wheare (<span>1946/1953</span>, p. 11)'s classic, oft-critiqued account. I thereby demonstrate that ideological accounts fail to fulfill many normative adequacy criteria for a philosophical account of federalism and one can articulate a more action-guiding institutional account that avoids common critiques. I finally
31 每个政府还应向不同的选区负责。每届政府成员的选举应(至少在很大程度上)是不同的。联邦政府的成员应来自各省(即美国或澳大利亚式的组成州、瑞士州、德国州),但成员不应仅仅是省立法机构的成员。例如,各省在联邦政府中应有代表。一些代表也可以在省政府中任职。但人员不应相同,角色不应重叠。这对于保障不同的决策和问责地点是必要的。如果两级政府中的大多数角色都由同一人担任,那么独特性的可能性就会降到最低。一个省也应有单独决策的手段。省一级的 "统治 "不应仅仅依赖于在一个同时拥有其他组成单位成员的机构中的代表权。我们提出的观点仍然是坚定的制度性观点:它认为制度形式在概念上先于其可能产生的任何想法,并接受随之而来的范围较窄的真正的联邦现象。然而,与许多前人的观点相比,它对制度的要求较低。它对联邦的定义要求较低,允许联邦制的概念更加细化。该建议并不像 Elazar(1987 年)所说的那样要求通过谈判来解决问题,也不要求联邦是由先前存在的团体以在新的宪法安排中保持其地位的方式缔结契约而产生的(同上;Tierney,2022 年)。这已经表明,联邦制本身并不包含忠诚要求,但这并不能证明这一点。多个实体必须拥有不同的权力领域。联邦制的概念本身对它们是否必须合作或何时合作并无定论。如果存在这样的要求,那么它必须源于构成性制度形式的性质:忠诚要求的支持者必须解释联邦是如何存在的。辅助性也是如此。同样,联邦制的概念并不要求许多经常与之相关的特征,无论是对民主的承诺还是司法审查。联邦形式可能包含每一种特征。这种观点与惠尔的观点一致,即联邦是联邦治理的定义形式,联邦制是促进采用这种形式的规范理论。这种观点采纳了惠尔对联邦形式的理解,即联邦形式需要多个具有最终权力的决策者及其决策机构的独立性,例如,联邦政府不仅仅是省级政府代表的集合,省级政府的大部分权力也不依赖于在中央机构中的代表权。尽管如此,该建议仍有别于并有助于避免对惠尔和厚重制度模式的常见批评。例如,Popelier (2021)批评以联邦为中心的制度观点对民主和美国式联邦优越性的承诺动机不足,没有考虑到像苏联这样的非民主联邦,也没有考虑到德国或瑞士治理的规范可取性。惠尔本人承认,他只将美国、瑞士、澳大利亚和加拿大作为联邦治理的明确案例(1946/1953,第22页)。虽然他的一些局限性是历史环境造成的,比如当时印度宪法的萌芽状态(47),将德国作为准联邦制国家来讨论(26-27)似乎也很奇怪。然而,惠尔的描述性问题并没有破坏他更广泛的制度主义项目。密切关注他所否定的案例表明基本联邦形式存在细微差别,而不是需要超越制度主义。印度的提案具有基本联邦形式的特征。而德国权力划分的复杂性也可以在这一观点中得到解决。例如,德国承认并行权力,这在联邦专有权力和州专有权力各自存在的情况下是没有问题的。另一个例子是,在下院和立法院各不相同的情况下,上院的州代表也是可以接受的。
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引用次数: 0
Difficulties in nurturing a sense of justice 培养正义感的困难
IF 0.8 3区 哲学 Q3 ETHICS Pub Date : 2023-06-13 DOI: 10.1111/josp.12538
Hannes Kuch

The paper analyzes Rawls's moral psychology and the claim that a just society must foster a sufficiently strong sense of justice. When Rawls investigates the development of the sense of justice under a just basic structure, he tacitly narrows down the focus: he only demonstrates the development of a sense of justice on the premise that all members of society are already in possession of a full-fledged sense of justice, save the one individual under investigation. This begs the question, largely presupposing what needs to be explained, namely, how citizens at large develop a sense of justice. Rawls's narrowing of perspective leads to distortions in the analysis of stability, particularly with regard to a property-owning democracy. However, in lesser known parts of his work, Rawls offers clues for a more plausible account. Here, the idea is that institutions must be structured such that they enable all of us to nurture the sense of justice of each of us. With this idea of collective self-transformation in place, it becomes clear that economic institutions must be broadly democratized because of their profound educational role. Thus, the choice between a property-owning democracy and liberal socialism falls more strongly upon the latter.

本文分析了罗尔斯的道德心理学以及正义社会必须培养足够强烈的正义感这一主张。当罗尔斯研究公正的基本结构下正义感的发展时,他默许地缩小了关注的焦点:他只证明了正义感的发展,前提是除了被研究的个人之外,所有社会成员都已经拥有了充分的正义感。这就提出了一个问题,在很大程度上预设了需要解释的内容,即广大公民如何发展正义感。罗尔斯对视角的狭隘导致了对稳定性分析的扭曲,尤其是对财产所有制民主的分析。然而,在罗尔斯著作中鲜为人知的部分,他提供了更合理的解释的线索。这里的观点是,制度的结构必须使我们所有人都能培养我们每个人的正义感。有了这种集体自我改造的思想,经济制度显然必须广泛民主化,因为它们具有深刻的教育作用。因此,在财产所有制民主与自由社会主义之间,后者的选择更为重要。
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引用次数: 0
Partial ectogestation and the right to choose the method by which one ends one's pregnancy 部分异位妊娠和选择终止妊娠方法的权利
IF 0.8 3区 哲学 Q3 ETHICS Pub Date : 2023-06-12 DOI: 10.1111/josp.12537
Kristen Hine
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引用次数: 0
Structural transformation and reparative obligation: Reinterpreting the beneficiary pays principle 结构转型与赔偿义务:受益人给付原则的再解读
IF 0.8 3区 哲学 Q3 ETHICS Pub Date : 2023-06-05 DOI: 10.1111/josp.12524
H. Kim
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引用次数: 0
Contributors 贡献者
IF 0.8 3区 哲学 Q3 ETHICS Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1111/josp.12476
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引用次数: 0
Issue Information - NASSP page 问题信息-NASSP页面
IF 0.8 3区 哲学 Q3 ETHICS Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1111/josp.12477
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引用次数: 0
Climate hypocrisy and environmental integrity 气候虚伪和环境完整性
IF 0.8 3区 哲学 Q3 ETHICS Pub Date : 2023-05-18 DOI: 10.1111/josp.12522
Valentin Beck
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引用次数: 0
Reparations as balance 作为余额的赔偿
IF 0.8 3区 哲学 Q3 ETHICS Pub Date : 2023-05-08 DOI: 10.1111/josp.12523
L. Moffett
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引用次数: 0
Responding to microaggression with irony: The case of Sor Juana Inés de la Cruz 用讽刺回应微侵犯:Sor Juana Inés de la Cruz案
IF 0.8 3区 哲学 Q3 ETHICS Pub Date : 2023-05-02 DOI: 10.1111/josp.12521
S. A. Gallegos‐Ordorica, J. Perez Gomez
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引用次数: 0
Ideal theory, political liberalism, and the well-ordered society 理想理论、政治自由主义和有序社会
IF 0.8 3区 哲学 Q3 ETHICS Pub Date : 2023-04-11 DOI: 10.1111/josp.12520
Samuel Freeman
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Journal of Social Philosophy
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