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Violence, Victimhood and Retaliation: The 2008 Elections and the Cyclic Nature of Political Violence in Norton, Zimbabwe 暴力、受害者和报复:2008 年大选与津巴布韦诺顿政治暴力的循环性质
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/00219096221092108
Kudakwashe Chitofiri, Lotti Nkomo
This article is an empirical examination of ‘victimhood’ in the context of the widespread, deadly and destructive electoral violence that affected Zimbabwe in 2008. It contends that an examination of the behaviour of victims of state-sponsored political violence enhances our comprehension of ‘victimhood’ as a factor in the perpetuation of political violence. The victims were largely ignored by the justice system, the political leadership and the community, all of whom were under the coercive spell of the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU PF). The trivialisation of their situation, and the absence of legitimate avenues for redress, forced many victims to seek direct revenge. The article traces how this fomented and reproduced the already violent political atmosphere in Norton town during the 2008 election period. It relies on interviews with opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) victims of violence in Norton to consider how they attempted to make sense of their pain by claiming victimhood and exacting physical revenge against their tormentors.
这篇文章是在2008年影响津巴布韦的广泛、致命和破坏性的选举暴力背景下对“受害者”的实证检验。它认为,对国家支持的政治暴力受害者的行为进行检查,可以增强我们对“受害者”作为政治暴力长期存在的一个因素的理解。受害者在很大程度上被司法系统、政治领导层和社区所忽视,他们都处于执政的津巴布韦非洲民族联盟-爱国阵线(ZANU - PF)的胁迫之下。他们的处境被轻视,又缺乏合法的补救途径,迫使许多受害者寻求直接报复。这篇文章追溯了这是如何在2008年选举期间煽动和再现诺顿镇本已暴力的政治气氛的。它依赖于对反对党民主变革运动(MDC)在诺顿遭受暴力的受害者的采访,来思考他们是如何试图通过声称自己是受害者并对折磨他们的人进行严格的身体报复来理解自己的痛苦的。
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引用次数: 0
Industrial Relations, Social Dialogue and Pacification of Public Sector Unions in Zambia: Rethinking Trade Union Strategies 赞比亚公共部门工会的劳资关系、社会对话与和解:重新思考工会战略
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/00219096221090640
Clever Madimutsa
This article analyses the incorporation of social dialogue in industrial relations and its role in pacifying public sector unions in Zambia. A sample of 19 managers of public institutions and union leaders in Lusaka participated in the research. The research reveals that social dialogue is used to pacify trade unions as governments implement structural adjustment policies, which bring about poor employment conditions. Although the unions have responded to pacification by diversifying and servicing their membership, they are still weak. This finding is significant because it helps us to understand why unions in Southern Africa are weak in the post-independence era.
本文分析了将社会对话纳入劳资关系及其在安抚赞比亚公共部门工会方面的作用。卢萨卡的19名公共机构管理人员和工会领导人参加了这项研究。研究发现,当政府实施结构调整政策时,社会对话被用来安抚工会,这带来了糟糕的就业状况。尽管工会通过多元化和服务会员来回应安抚,但他们仍然很弱。这一发现意义重大,因为它有助于我们理解为什么在独立后的时代,南部非洲的工会力量薄弱。
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引用次数: 0
Intra-conservative Bloc Contestations on Gender Equality in Turkey – Norm Reception in Fragmented Normative Orders 土耳其保守派集团内部对性别平等的争论--零散规范秩序中的规范接受
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/00219096221076109
Husrev Tabak, S. Erdoğan, Marella Bodur Ün
This research problematizes the contested nature of the global norm diffusion by focusing on intra-group rivalries and fragmentations shaping local responses (often reactionary and resistant) to global norms. Such an examination is important primarily to account for what leads to shifts in the local reception of norms over time. This study empirically explores local fragmentation, rivalry and change in response nexus in the example of the reception of the global gender equality norms in Turkey by the conservative normative bloc. It reveals that the conservative bloc is not a monolithic normative order and that there are two main competing receptions of the gender equality norm within the group in Turkey. With a firm emphasis on Turkey’s first initiating and later withdrawal from the Istanbul Convention, the study elaborates how the institutionalized conservative response to gender equality has shifted from a compromising acceptance to a rejection over time.
本研究通过关注群体内部的竞争和分裂来形成对全球规范的局部反应(通常是反动的和抵抗的),从而对全球规范扩散的争议性提出了问题。这种检查的重要性主要在于解释是什么导致了当地对规范的接受随着时间的推移而发生变化。本研究以保守规范集团在土耳其接受全球性别平等规范为例,实证地探讨了地方分裂、竞争和反应关系的变化。它揭示了保守集团不是一个单一的规范秩序,在土耳其的集团内部有两种主要的性别平等规范的竞争接受。该研究坚定地强调了土耳其最初发起和后来退出《伊斯坦布尔公约》的情况,详细阐述了对性别平等的制度化保守反应如何随着时间的推移从妥协的接受转变为拒绝。
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引用次数: 2
Social Gradient in Maternal Healthcare Utilization in Malawi: Analysis of Trends 马拉维孕产妇保健利用的社会梯度:趋势分析
4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-11-14 DOI: 10.1177/00219096231207897
Joe Maganga Zonda, Suchuan Yu
Despite the tremendous efforts to achieve universal health coverage in Malawi, progress has been trivial hitherto. This study uses logistic regression analysis in the context of Andersen’s behavioral model of healthcare utilization to investigate the determinants of antenatal care (ANC), skilled provider-assisted delivery, and facility-based delivery services among women aged 15–49 years in a resource-constrained country—Malawi. Our primary novelty lies in the construction of concentration indices and concentration curves to explore the drivers of socioeconomic inequalities in the context of Andersen’s model. Data from the Malawi Demographic and Health Survey 2004, 2010, and 2015 were used. Our results indicate that predisposing, enabling, and need factors have heterogeneous effects on the utilization of these services. While analysis of the inequalities generally reveals a downward trend, the poor–rich gap in ANC utilization remains exceptionally high. Moreover, decomposition analysis shows that the socioeconomic inequalities are almost exclusively driven by enabling factors, characterizing the observed inequalities as “inequities.”
尽管马拉维为实现全民健康覆盖作出了巨大努力,但迄今为止进展甚微。本研究在Andersen的医疗保健利用行为模型的背景下使用逻辑回归分析,调查15-49岁马拉维资源受限国家妇女产前护理(ANC)、熟练提供者辅助分娩和基于设施的分娩服务的决定因素。我们的主要新颖之处在于构建集中度指数和集中度曲线,在安徒生模型的背景下探索社会经济不平等的驱动因素。使用了2004年、2010年和2015年马拉维人口与健康调查的数据。我们的研究结果表明,易感因素、使能因素和需求因素对这些服务的利用具有异质性影响。虽然对不平等现象的分析一般显示出下降的趋势,但在非洲经委会利用方面的贫富差距仍然非常大。此外,分解分析表明,社会经济不平等几乎完全是由有利因素驱动的,将观察到的不平等定性为“不平等”。
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引用次数: 0
The Iran Nuclear Deal (JCPOA) and Implications for the North Korean Nuclear Crisis 伊朗核协议及其对朝鲜核危机的影响
4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-11-13 DOI: 10.1177/00219096231207895
Ji Young Heo
This article addresses the question of whether there is a peaceful way to defuse the North Korean nuclear crisis by examining the process leading to the Iran nuclear deal. The European approach to resolve security crises based on its principles of multilateralism and the rule of law provides valuable insights for nuclear diplomacy with North Korea: (1) a nuclear-focus approach that dissociates nuclear negotiations from Iran’s other troublesome issues helps the country continue with discussions preventing a military conflict and (2) a multilateral framework with a mediator can guarantee that deals remain alive even if one party breaks away.
本文通过分析伊朗核协议的过程,回答了是否存在和平解决北韩核危机的问题。基于多边主义和法治原则的欧洲解决安全危机的方法为与朝鲜的核外交提供了宝贵的见解:(1)将核谈判与伊朗其他棘手问题分离开来的以核为重点的方法有助于该国继续进行防止军事冲突的讨论;(2)具有调解人的多边框架可以保证即使一方退出,协议仍然有效。
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引用次数: 0
Chambal Ravines: A Unique Kind of Topography 昌巴尔峡谷:一种独特的地形
4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-11-08 DOI: 10.1177/00219096231207889
Yashita Jain
Ravines of Chambal, which runs across the states of Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, and Rajasthan, is a unique landform for India. This region of Chambal serves as the most complex topography of the country as it continues to suffer from excessive soil erosion and reduced agriculture productivity. This paper will seek to answer questions regarding the formation of ravines, the soil morphology, and the unique variations that can be witnessed in different regions of ravine-hit areas. This paper will also address how ravines pose a serious socio-economic threat to populations nearby and what can be successful measures to reclaim these lands to make them economically viable. The paper tries to culminate the discussion by mentioning a few policy areas, which need to be strengthened so that the ravines of Chambal become a land of high geo-touristic value.
昌巴尔峡谷横跨中央邦、北方邦和拉贾斯坦邦,是印度独特的地貌。尚巴尔的这一地区是该国地形最复杂的地区,因为它继续遭受过度的土壤侵蚀和农业生产力下降。本文将试图回答有关沟壑的形成,土壤形态和独特的变化,可以在沟壑冲击地区的不同地区见证的问题。本文还将讨论沟壑如何对附近的人口构成严重的社会经济威胁,以及哪些措施可以成功地开垦这些土地,使其在经济上可行。本文试图通过提出几个需要加强的政策领域来结束讨论,以便使昌巴尔峡谷成为具有高地理旅游价值的土地。
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引用次数: 0
Inequality and Caste-Based Crime in India 印度的不平等和种姓犯罪
4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-11-08 DOI: 10.1177/00219096231207890
Pintu Kabiraj
Using data from the National Crime Records Bureau and National Sample Survey data, this paper uses a spatial regression technique to examine the effect of intercaste inequality on caste-based violence in India. Our results show that when the socioeconomic gap between the upper and lower castes decreases, upper caste violence against the lower castes increases. This result is interpreted as the upper castes reacting to changes in threat perception caused by changes in the relative positions of these two groups.
本文使用来自国家犯罪记录局和国家抽样调查的数据,使用空间回归技术来研究印度种姓间不平等对种姓暴力的影响。我们的研究结果表明,当上层和下层种姓之间的社会经济差距缩小时,上层种姓对下层种姓的暴力就会增加。这一结果被解释为高种姓对这两个群体的相对位置变化所引起的威胁感知变化的反应。
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引用次数: 0
From Mosque to Media: How Saudi Arabia Implements Its Soft Power Strategy in Pakistan 从清真寺到媒体:沙特如何在巴基斯坦实施软实力战略
4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-11-08 DOI: 10.1177/00219096231207882
Ejaz Karim
This article examines the various soft power strategies implemented by Saudi Arabia in Pakistan, with a particular focus on the role of religious and media institutions. Through financing the construction of mosques and religious schools, the Saudi government has been able to exert significant influence over the religious landscape in Pakistan. In addition, Saudi Arabia has also invested heavily in Pakistani media, through the establishment of news channels and funding for local media outlets. By cultivating these cultural and religious ties, Saudi Arabia has been able to gain a foothold in Pakistan and increase its soft power in the region. However, these efforts have not been without criticism, with many Pakistanis expressing concern about the potential negative impact of Saudi Arabian influence on their society. This article highlights the complex interplay between soft power and cultural imperialism in the modern world.
本文考察了沙特阿拉伯在巴基斯坦实施的各种软实力战略,特别关注宗教和媒体机构的作用。通过资助清真寺和宗教学校的建设,沙特政府已经能够对巴基斯坦的宗教景观施加重大影响。此外,沙特阿拉伯还通过建立新闻频道和为当地媒体提供资金,对巴基斯坦媒体进行了大量投资。通过培养这些文化和宗教关系,沙特阿拉伯已经能够在巴基斯坦获得立足点,并增加其在该地区的软实力。然而,这些努力并非没有受到批评,许多巴基斯坦人对沙特阿拉伯的影响对其社会的潜在负面影响表示关切。本文强调了现代世界软实力与文化帝国主义之间复杂的相互作用。
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引用次数: 0
Catholic Priests’ Involvement in Nigerian Politics: A Response to Social Change 天主教神父参与尼日利亚政治:对社会变革的回应
4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-11-03 DOI: 10.1177/00219096231207881
Lawrence Nwachukwu Okwuosa, Anuli Okoli
Going against their sacred calling, Catholic priests are using the pulpit to engage in partisan politics. This emerging trend has stirred mixed feelings. Exploring this new reality in the light of religion and social transformation, this paper argues that political preaching is religious obligation found in the Catholic Social Teachings and a positive response to social change. While this novelty faces a lot of challenges, this study shows different approaches to it and contributes to the scanty scholarship on Catholic priests’ involvement in Nigerian politics, especially as it concerns social transformation.
天主教牧师违背了他们的神圣使命,利用讲坛参与党派政治。这一新兴趋势引发了复杂的情绪。本文从宗教与社会转型的角度来探讨这一新的现实,认为政治宣讲是天主教社会训导中发现的宗教义务,是对社会变革的积极回应。虽然这一新奇事物面临着许多挑战,但本研究展示了不同的方法,并有助于对天主教牧师参与尼日利亚政治的稀少学术研究,特别是涉及社会转型的研究。
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引用次数: 0
Between Rhetoric and Performance: The State and Counterterrorism in Nigeria’s Post-2015 Presidential Election 在言辞与行动之间:尼日利亚2015年后总统选举中的国家与反恐
4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-11-03 DOI: 10.1177/00219096231207884
Nsemba Edward Lenshie, Buhari Shehu Miapyen, Confidence Nwachinemere Ogbonna, Kelechi Okengwu, Aminu Idris, Adamson Duncan Ganiyu
While there are significant volumes of studies on Nigeria’s counterterrorism, little or no intellectual attention has focused on the nexus between rhetoric and the performance of the administration of President Muhammadu Buhari on counterterrorism. This paper explores the politicisation of insecurity and the government’s counterterrorism efforts. It draws on the performativity thesis and documented field data to make assessments of the administration’s counterterrorism measures. It found that the government could not bridge rhetoric with performance in its efforts at counterterrorism and concluded that its failure to mitigate terrorism hinges on the politicisation of insecurity in Nigeria.
虽然有大量关于尼日利亚反恐的研究,但很少或根本没有关注穆罕默德·布哈里(Muhammadu Buhari)总统领导的政府在反恐方面的言论与表现之间的关系。本文探讨了不安全的政治化和政府的反恐努力。它利用绩效论文和记录在案的实地数据来评估政府的反恐措施。报告发现,尼日利亚政府在反恐行动中无法将言论与实际行动结合起来,并得出结论称,尼日利亚政府未能减轻恐怖主义,关键在于该国不安全局势的政治化。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Journal of Asian and African Studies
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