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Context of Male Single Parenting in Nigeria 尼日利亚男性单亲家庭的背景
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-02-17 DOI: 10.1177/00219096241228793
Ọ. Àkànle, Fikayomi Ogundele
Most studies have documented experiences of single parents focusing more predominantly on realities of females. This is especially so in studies on Africa where single parenting has been commonly narrated as core cluster of patriarchy and feminization of gender oppression. In this article, the authors contribute to knowledge by examining single parenting from experiences of men – male single parents in patriarchal context of Africa thereby nuancing essentialist explanations of single parenting that have reified traditional patriarchy as mainstreaming single parenting into existences of a particular gender. This empirical article explores male single parenting through 30 in-depth interviews triangulated with autoethnography leveraging over 10 years of the authors’ primary insights, contextual lived experiences and observation. Issues examined include: worldviews about male single parents, consequences of male single parenting, companionship deficits occasioned by male single parenting, support systems and perceived benefits of male single parenting in context. Findings show many male single parents do not get formal supports, like from government agencies and non-governmental organizations, but they get informal supports from their kinship and social networks like families, friends and neighbours. Sense of maleness – sense of wanting to show being a strong man – do not make many male single parents seek supports from people as they do not want to be seen as weak if they seek supports. While some single fathers enjoy emotional supports from networks, they suffer serious financial pressures and insufficiency as they are not able to get financial assistance from anyone or organization. This is very important against the background of poor economic system in which male single parents live.
大多数研究都记录了单亲父母的经历,主要侧重于女性的现实情况。在有关非洲的研究中尤其如此,在非洲,单亲通常被描述为父权制和性别压迫女性化的核心问题。在这篇文章中,作者从男性--非洲父权制背景下的男性单亲父母--的经验出发,研究单亲父母问题,从而对单亲父母问题的本质主义解释做出了贡献。这篇实证性文章通过 30 次深入访谈,结合作者十多年的主要见解、生活背景经验和观察,以自我民族志的方式对男性单亲进行了探讨。研究的问题包括:对男性单亲的世界观、男性单亲的后果、男性单亲造成的陪伴缺失、男性单亲的支持系统和感知到的好处。研究结果表明,许多男性单亲无法从政府机构和非政府组织等获得正式支持,但他们可以从家庭、朋友和邻居等亲属和社会网络中获得非正式支持。男性意识--想要显示自己是个强者的意识--并没有使许多男性单亲家长寻求人们的支持,因为他们不想在寻求支持时被视为弱者。虽然一些单亲父亲从网络中获得了情感支持,但他们却承受着严重的经济压力和不足,因为他们无法从任何人或组织那里获得经济援助。这在男性单亲所处的贫穷经济制度背景下非常重要。
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引用次数: 0
Politicization of Hate and Weaponization of Twitter/X in a Polarized Digital Space in Nigeria 尼日利亚两极分化的数字空间中仇恨的政治化和 Twitter/X 的武器化
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-02-17 DOI: 10.1177/00219096241230500
Abdulhameed Olaitan Ridwanullah, Sulaiman Ya’u Sule, Bashiru Usman, Lauratu Umar Abdulsalam
Hate speech on social media platforms during electioneering campaign has been institutionalized. The campaign hate-filled rhetoric continues unabated. Some have attributed this phenomenon to access to social media. This study therefore investigates the prevalence of hate speech on Twitter in Nigeria. Twitter API was used to generate data that was later content analyzed. Anchored on the technological determinism theory, the study revealed political periods saw the prevalence of hate speech and political, ethnic, religion and regional-based hate speech are the dominant themes on hate discourse on Twitter. Some regions in Nigeria weaponized Twitter to denigrate others while others used it to promote their agitation but in the process also resort to hate speech. The study argued that Twitter is just a technology in the hand of hate-filled people who used it to promote their bigotry and bile. This study recommends the development of a legal framework for the regulation of hate speech on social media. Also, the utterance of politicians must be guarded, and the electoral acts must be fully implemented.
竞选期间社交媒体平台上的仇恨言论已经制度化。充满仇恨的竞选言论有增无减。一些人将这一现象归因于社交媒体的使用。因此,本研究调查了尼日利亚 Twitter 上仇恨言论的流行情况。研究使用 Twitter API 生成数据,随后对数据进行内容分析。研究以技术决定论为基础,揭示了政治时期仇恨言论的盛行,政治、种族、宗教和地区仇恨言论是 Twitter 上仇恨言论的主导主题。尼日利亚的一些地区将 Twitter 作为诋毁他人的武器,而另一些地区则利用 Twitter 来促进其煽动活动,但在此过程中也会诉诸仇恨言论。研究认为,Twitter 只是充满仇恨的人手中的一种技术,他们利用 Twitter 来宣扬他们的偏执和恶意。这项研究建议制定一个法律框架,对社交媒体上的仇恨言论进行监管。同时,必须对政治家的言论加以防范,并充分执行选举法。
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引用次数: 0
Islamic Faith as an Ethnic Identity Marker: Overview of Sri Lanka Muslim Identity Formation, Politicization, and Violence 作为种族身份标志的伊斯兰信仰:斯里兰卡穆斯林身份形成、政治化和暴力概述
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-02-17 DOI: 10.1177/00219096241230482
A. Imtiyaz, Amjad Mohamed-Saleem
Since the late-19th century, for political expediency, the Sri Lankan Muslims have used Islam as a marker of identity difference which has suffered due to the tensions of religious and ethnic identity markers. Unlike Tamils and Sinhalese ethnic groups, Sri Lanka Muslim elites did not choose language as their primary identity marker but sought to differentiate themselves based on the practices and traditions of Islamic faith. These tensions have manifested in several ways, however, following the 2019 Easter Sunday attacks, there has been a great strain placed on Muslim representation as questions have been asked as to whether the religious identity has laid the foundations for the radicalization of the Muslims, especially in the wake of global Islamophobia and concerns about security. Therefore, it is important to answer questions related to Islamic identity manifestation in Sri Lanka: What is the role of an Islamic religious identity in radicalizing Sri Lankan Muslims? Why did Sri Lanka become a convenient place for IS’ activities? Did religious identity alone cause the radicalization of some Muslims? This article would attempt to answer these questions by (1) revisiting the Muslim community’s identity formation before the independence, (2) explaining Islamic identity in the post-independence Sri Lanka and the political representation to win votes and mobilize support during the ethnic civil war between Tamils and Sinhalese, and (3) analyzing factors that contributed to the radicalization of Muslims, and Islam. Drawing mostly on secondary sources, the article attempts to situate Sri Lanka Muslims’ identity formation in Sri Lanka’s ethnic conflict and reconciliation. Using answers from interviews conducted through Zoom, WeChat, and WhatsApp, the article assesses the behavior of Sri Lanka Muslims in the face of the 2019 terrorist attack by some Muslims. The article finds that religious identity alone is not sufficient to trigger violence, as evidence suggests that underlying socio-economic as well as political grievances produce polarization and radical actions. We argue that long-standing arguments tying radical actions solely to religion may require substantial revision and need to be situated within a wider frame of national reconciliation especially if it does not consider existing contexts.
自 19 世纪末以来,出于政治上的权宜之计,斯里兰卡穆斯林一直将伊斯兰教作为身份差异的标志,但由于宗教和种族身份标志之间的紧张关系,这种差异受到了影响。与泰米尔族和僧伽罗族不同,斯里兰卡穆斯林精英并没有选择语言作为其主要身份标志,而是试图根据伊斯兰信仰的习俗和传统来区分自己。这些紧张关系表现在多个方面,然而,在 2019 年复活节周日袭击事件之后,穆斯林的代表性受到了极大的压力,因为人们质疑宗教身份是否为穆斯林的激进化奠定了基础,尤其是在全球仇视伊斯兰教和对安全问题感到担忧的情况下。因此,有必要回答与斯里兰卡伊斯兰特性表现相关的问题:伊斯兰宗教身份在斯里兰卡穆斯林激进化中的作用是什么?为什么斯里兰卡会成为 IS 活动的便利场所?宗教身份本身是否导致了一些穆斯林的激进化?本文试图通过以下方式回答这些问题:(1)重温独立前穆斯林群体的身份形成;(2)解释独立后斯里兰卡的伊斯兰身份以及泰米尔人和僧伽罗人种族内战期间为赢得选票和动员支持而进行的政治表述;(3)分析导致穆斯林和伊斯兰教激进化的因素。文章主要利用二手资料,试图将斯里兰卡穆斯林的身份形成与斯里兰卡的种族冲突与和解联系起来。文章利用通过 Zoom、微信和 WhatsApp 进行的访谈中的答案,评估了斯里兰卡穆斯林在面对 2019 年一些穆斯林发动的恐怖袭击时的行为。文章发现,宗教身份本身并不足以引发暴力,因为有证据表明,潜在的社会经济以及政治不满情绪会导致两极分化和激进行为。我们认为,将激进行为仅仅与宗教联系在一起的长期论点可能需要进行实质性的修正,并且需要将其置于更广泛的民族和解框架内,尤其是在没有考虑现有背景的情况下。
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引用次数: 0
The State and Accountable Policing: A Diagnosis of #ENDSARS Movement in Nigeria 国家与负责任的警务:对尼日利亚 #ENDSARS 运动的诊断
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-02-15 DOI: 10.1177/00219096241228784
Paul C. Ezinna, Cordelia Ozoemena Idoko, David C. Nwogbo
The functions and actions of a State represent and characterize what it is. Police, as the most visible institution in a civil society, represent the character of the government within a State. In line with this thought, the actions of the ‘Special Anti-Robbery Squad – SARS’, a unit in the Nigeria Police Force (NPF), attracted the ire of the public against the government which led to international anti-police brutality campaign known as ‘#EndSARS Movement’. Among other concerns, the study sought to address the question – ‘Can activism in criminology like the “#EndSARS Movement” make the police accountable to the citizens?’
国家的职能和行动代表着国家的本质和特征。警察作为公民社会中最明显的机构,代表着一个国家政府的特征。根据这一思想,尼日利亚警察部队(NPF)中的 "特别反劫匪小组"(SARS)的行动引起了公众对政府的愤怒,并引发了一场名为 "#终结 SARS 运动 "的国际反警察暴行运动。除其他关注点外,本研究还试图解决以下问题:"像'#EndSARS 运动'这样的犯罪学行动主义能否使警察对公民负责?
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引用次数: 0
Context Integration and Inclusivity in Contemporary Public Spaces of Major City From Global South—Case of Karachi, Pakistan 全球南部主要城市当代公共空间的语境融合与包容性--巴基斯坦卡拉奇案例
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-02-15 DOI: 10.1177/00219096241228778
Masooma Shakir
The emerging role of private sector in neoliberal city development is creating disconnect of contemporary public space with physical and social context. The following paper uses four case studies of public spaces within Karachi, mega city of Pakistan, to highlight the developing trends creating lack of context integration to place. The main research question for this study is, how well do the contemporary public spaces cater to inclusivity and integration with social and physical context? The research methodology used is mixed methods and qualitative research. Surveys and interviews conducted evaluate success factors and limitations in design approach to public spaces.
私营部门在新自由主义城市发展中的新兴角色正在造成当代公共空间与自然和社会环境的脱节。以下论文通过对巴基斯坦特大城市卡拉奇公共空间的四个案例研究,强调了造成缺乏与地方环境融合的发展趋势。本研究的主要研究问题是:当代公共空间在多大程度上满足了包容性以及与社会和自然环境的融合?采用的研究方法是混合方法和定性研究。通过调查和访谈,评估公共空间设计方法的成功因素和局限性。
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引用次数: 0
The Perpetuation of Muslim–Hindu Divide in British India Through the (Ab)Use of Historical Memory 通过(滥用)历史记忆延续英属印度穆斯林与印度教徒之间的分歧
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-02-15 DOI: 10.1177/00219096241228939
Belkacem Belmekki
This article seeks to highlight the extent to which recounting historical narratives can determine the nature of relations between racial and ethnic groups, through examining the case of Muslims and Hindus in British India. Throughout the 19th century, the process of the religious communalization of the subcontinent was set in motion, which ultimately led to the bifurcation of the local society into two self-conscious, mutually antagonistic groups: a Hindu majority versus a Muslim minority. This study argues that such schism would not have taken place without the instrumentalization of a colonially ‘constructed’ past by Hindu communalists who, in the process of mobilizing their co-religionists through mythmaking and a hostile discourse fraught with subjectively interpreted historical facts, alienated the members of the other group. This article also underscores that besides imperial scholars, Hindutva activists should bear the historical responsibility for the divide.
本文试图通过研究英属印度穆斯林和印度教徒的案例,强调历史叙事在多大程度上可以决定种族和民族群体之间关系的性质。在整个 19 世纪,次大陆的宗教社区化进程开始启动,最终导致当地社会分裂为两个自觉的、相互对立的群体:印度教多数派与穆斯林少数派。本研究认为,如果印度教社区主义者不利用殖民时期 "构建 "的过去,这种分裂就不会发生,他们在通过制造神话和充满主观解释的历史事实的敌对言论动员其共同宗教信徒的过程中,疏远了另一群体的成员。本文还强调,除帝国学者外,印度教活动家也应承担造成分裂的历史责任。
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引用次数: 0
‘Normalizing Informality’ in Local–Transnational Spaces: Contraband, Conflict and Street Trade in Eastern Ethiopia 地方-跨国空间中的 "非正规性正常化":埃塞俄比亚东部的违禁品、冲突和街头贸易
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-02-15 DOI: 10.1177/00219096241230495
Engida Esayas Dube, Alison Brown
Informality arguably remains the main source of employment and income for most participants in the cities of the Global South. It is rampant in cities along national borders and transport routes. This paper discusses the ‘normality of informality’, exploring the nexus between contraband, conflict and informal cross-border trade in a local–transnational space, drawing from Dire Dawa in eastern Ethiopia. Data were collected through key informants and in-depth interviews in 2015/2016 and 2019. This study also benefitted from secondary sources. Since its establishment in 1902, the city has become a major hub of commerce, industry, transportation, and cross-border trade. Combining the literature on the informal economy and cross-border trade and drawing on evidence from eastern Ethiopia, this study explores how trade is deeply embedded in local–transnational interactions through partnerships between state and non-state actors. This study argues that informal cross-border trade is a societal mode of provisioning with extensive livelihood opportunities that survive even through periods of conflict and repression. Thus, reducing the vulnerability of participants in informal cross-border trade could be a more effective policy target than eradicating them.
可以说,非正规就业仍然是全球南部城市大多数参与者的主要就业和收入来源。在沿国家边界和交通线的城市中,非正规贸易十分猖獗。本文以埃塞俄比亚东部的德雷达瓦为例,讨论了 "非正规性的常态",探讨了违禁品、冲突和非正规跨境贸易在地方-跨国空间中的关系。数据是在 2015/2016 年和 2019 年通过关键信息提供者和深入访谈收集的。本研究还受益于二手资料来源。自 1902 年建市以来,该市已成为商业、工业、交通和跨境贸易的主要枢纽。结合有关非正规经济和跨境贸易的文献,并借鉴埃塞俄比亚东部的证据,本研究探讨了贸易如何通过国家和非国家行为者之间的伙伴关系深深嵌入地方-跨国互动之中。本研究认为,非正规跨境贸易是一种社会供应模式,具有广泛的谋生机会,即使在冲突和镇压时期也能生存。因此,减少非正规跨境贸易参与者的脆弱性可能是比根除他们更有效的政策目标。
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引用次数: 0
Democracy and Road Construction in Nigeria: A study of Enugu State, 1999–2015 尼日利亚的民主与道路建设:埃努古州研究,1999-2015 年
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-02-14 DOI: 10.1177/00219096241228758
Nwosu Okwudili Chukwuma, Nwande Matthias Chukwuma, Emmanuel Ugwuerua
The nexus between democracy and infrastructural development is debatable. In Nigeria, democracy appears to be discombobulated with infrastructural underdevelopment. On whether democracy constructed more roads than the military, two subsequent administrations were studied in Southeastern Nigerian Enugu State. The article draws on quantitative and qualitative data and stewardship theory. The study reveals that the roads constructed between 1999 and 2007 were better in quality and evenly distributed as against those constructed between 2007 and 2015 which was lopsided, though with more roads. Corruption among others impeded road construction and the study suggested among others addressing the major causes of corruption.
民主与基础设施发展之间的关系值得商榷。在尼日利亚,民主似乎与基础设施发展不足脱节。关于民主制度是否比军事制度修建了更多的道路,我们对尼日利亚东南部埃努古州后来的两届政府进行了研究。文章借鉴了定量和定性数据以及管理理论。研究显示,1999 年至 2007 年期间修建的道路质量较好,分布均匀,而 2007 年至 2015 年期间修建的道路虽然数量较多,但分布不均。腐败等因素阻碍了道路建设,研究建议解决腐败的主要原因。
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引用次数: 0
Decentralization and Local Government Performance: Empirical Evidence From Ghana 权力下放与地方政府绩效:加纳的经验证据
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-02-14 DOI: 10.1177/00219096241228777
A. Mohammed, F. Tuokuu, Alex Bokuma
Development agencies often promote decentralization as a solution for poverty reduction and a means of addressing the unique needs of local populations in developing countries. This manuscript examines the District Assembly system’s effectiveness in delivering services within the Bawku Municipality in the Upper East Region of Ghana. The study employs a mixed-methods approach to illuminate two contrasting perspectives on the local assembly’s service provision. On one hand, citizens generally express satisfaction with the delivery of services related to health infrastructure, education, electricity, and water supply. On the other hand, a significant portion of the population is dissatisfied with the local assembly’s performance in governance, sanitation, gender-related issues, and addressing vulnerability. Notably, the study also uncovers that despite the intended objective of decentralization to empower local citizens, a degree of central government control and influence undermines its effectiveness. This study presents practical and theoretical implications and identifies avenues for future research in this field.
发展机构经常将权力下放作为减贫的一种解决方案和满足发展中国家当地人口独特需求的一种手段。本手稿研究了加纳上东部地区巴乌库市的地区议会系统在提供服务方面的有效性。研究采用混合方法,阐明了关于地方议会提供服务的两种截然不同的观点。一方面,市民普遍对卫生基础设施、教育、电力和供水方面的服务表示满意。另一方面,相当一部分人对地方议会在治理、卫生、性别相关问题和解决脆弱性方面的表现表示不满。值得注意的是,本研究还发现,尽管权力下放的预期目标是赋予地方公民权力,但中央政府一定程度的控制和影响削弱了权力下放的有效性。本研究提出了实际和理论影响,并确定了该领域未来研究的途径。
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引用次数: 0
Decentralization and Local Government Performance: Empirical Evidence From Ghana 权力下放与地方政府绩效:加纳的经验证据
IF 1 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-02-14 DOI: 10.1177/00219096241228777
A. Mohammed, F. Tuokuu, Alex Bokuma
Development agencies often promote decentralization as a solution for poverty reduction and a means of addressing the unique needs of local populations in developing countries. This manuscript examines the District Assembly system’s effectiveness in delivering services within the Bawku Municipality in the Upper East Region of Ghana. The study employs a mixed-methods approach to illuminate two contrasting perspectives on the local assembly’s service provision. On one hand, citizens generally express satisfaction with the delivery of services related to health infrastructure, education, electricity, and water supply. On the other hand, a significant portion of the population is dissatisfied with the local assembly’s performance in governance, sanitation, gender-related issues, and addressing vulnerability. Notably, the study also uncovers that despite the intended objective of decentralization to empower local citizens, a degree of central government control and influence undermines its effectiveness. This study presents practical and theoretical implications and identifies avenues for future research in this field.
发展机构经常将权力下放作为减贫的一种解决方案和满足发展中国家当地人口独特需求的一种手段。本手稿研究了加纳上东部地区巴乌库市的地区议会系统在提供服务方面的有效性。研究采用混合方法,阐明了关于地方议会提供服务的两种截然不同的观点。一方面,市民普遍对卫生基础设施、教育、电力和供水方面的服务表示满意。另一方面,相当一部分人对地方议会在治理、卫生、性别相关问题和解决脆弱性方面的表现表示不满。值得注意的是,本研究还发现,尽管权力下放的预期目标是赋予地方公民权力,但中央政府一定程度的控制和影响削弱了权力下放的有效性。本研究提出了实际和理论影响,并确定了该领域未来研究的途径。
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引用次数: 0
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Journal of Asian and African Studies
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