Journal of Applied Philosophy最新文献

We consider the apparent inability of theories of exploitation to capture common intuitions about structural exploitation. For example, it seems that consumers participate in the exploitation of sweatshop workers, but there is no direct transaction between the parties. This poses a problem for transactional accounts of exploitation. Many address this problem by appealing to structural exploitation. Existing structural accounts fall, primarily, into two families: weak structural exploitation and strong structural exploitation. We argue neither appropriately captures intuitions about sweatshops. Weak accounts can capture aggregate inequalities but fail to consider relationships or discrete connections. Strong accounts, on the other hand, are sensitive to relationships between exploiters and exploitees, but too demanding about what it takes to exploit to capture consumers' role in sweatshops. We propose a third option, ‘moderate structural exploitation’, that fits ‘between’ existing approaches. Moderate structural exploitation focuses on relationships between the exploited and their exploiter (unlike weak accounts), without appealing to overly strong conditions for who counts as an exploiter (like strong accounts do). We then show that our moderate structural account can not only accommodate intuitions about sweatshops, but also helps assess the exploitation of teachers in the US public education system.

It strikes many people as unfair when artists whose works generate large profits for galleries or art dealers do not themselves benefit from the rise in value of their art. A policy called the Artist's Resale Right (ARR), whereby the creator of an artwork receives a percentage of any subsequent resale transaction, is supposed to address this. I examine whether this policy is well-grounded normatively. I do so by focusing on two types of arguments justifying the ARR: the argument from property rights and the argument from exploitation. The first claims that an ARR can be motivated by appeal to existing property rights or to their underlying justifications. The second relies on claims about the vulnerability of the creator, the fair distribution of benefits in a transaction, and the nature of the buyer's duties towards the artist. I will argue that neither strategy is successful in convincingly justifying an ARR.

Although children are often mentioned in the philosophy of meaningful life, the meaningfulness of their lives has thus far played an insignificant role in the literature. In this article, the meaningfulness of children's lives serves as a touchstone for theories of meaningful life. I argue that children can live meaningful lives; on the basis of this, I then ask to what extent current theories of meaning in life are able to account for the meaningfulness of children's lives. The investigation shows that while most subjectivist theories have no problem with this, many objectivist theories struggle with it. Therefore, I conclude by discussing what a convincing objectivist account that includes children's lives might look like, and outline a proposal: the developmental account of meaning in life.

Police censor drill rap music based on the claim that drill artists incite violence. In this article, I provide a framework for evaluating whether an instance of drill constitutes a speech act of incitement. I also introduce an alternative speech act that drillers may also be performing, drawn from sociological work on drill artists. I show that those who claim drill incites violence (such as the Metropolitan Police) must meet the explanatory and justificatory burden of showing that the speech act of incitement (rather than something else) has been performed, and that it may often be very challenging to meet that burden. Finally, I argue that where that burden is not met, police interventions in drill would constitute a form of illocutionary silencing and discursive injustice. Drill artists are owed careful consideration of the illocutionary acts they perform in their music – more careful than police assumptions about incitement have been.