Pub Date : 2022-09-30DOI: 10.5755/j01.ppaa.21.3.32216
Jurgita Jurkevičienė, Raminta Bičkutė
Efektyvi politikos lyderio krizių komunikacija gali būti itin reikšminga pandemijos valdyme. Šiame straipsnyje siekiama ištirti Lietuvos Respublikos prezidento Gitano Nausėdos COVID-19 tematikos krizių komunikaciją socialiniame tinkle „Facebook“. Taikant mišraus pobūdžio turinio analizės metodą straipsnyje yra nagrinėjami 2020-2021 metų prezidento asmeninėje paskyroje paskelbti įrašai. Tyrimas parodė, kad Gitanas Nausėda anksti pripažino COVID-19 sąlygotą sveikatos krizę, skleidė pakankamai aiškias bei empatiškas žinutes, raminančias gyventojus ir informuojančias, kaip elgtis pandemijos laikotarpiu. Tačiau dėl nepakankamo intensyvumo prezidento komunikacija buvo menkai matoma ir girdima, be to, komunikuojant buvo beveik nebendradarbiaujama su Vyriausybe. Visa tai galėjo lemti mažesnį prezidento komunikacijos vaidmenį kovoje su pandemija.
{"title":"Politikos lyderio krizių komunikacija socialiniuose tinkluose COVID-19 pandemijos laikotarpiu","authors":"Jurgita Jurkevičienė, Raminta Bičkutė","doi":"10.5755/j01.ppaa.21.3.32216","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5755/j01.ppaa.21.3.32216","url":null,"abstract":"Efektyvi politikos lyderio krizių komunikacija gali būti itin reikšminga pandemijos valdyme. Šiame straipsnyje siekiama ištirti Lietuvos Respublikos prezidento Gitano Nausėdos COVID-19 tematikos krizių komunikaciją socialiniame tinkle „Facebook“. Taikant mišraus pobūdžio turinio analizės metodą straipsnyje yra nagrinėjami 2020-2021 metų prezidento asmeninėje paskyroje paskelbti įrašai. Tyrimas parodė, kad Gitanas Nausėda anksti pripažino COVID-19 sąlygotą sveikatos krizę, skleidė pakankamai aiškias bei empatiškas žinutes, raminančias gyventojus ir informuojančias, kaip elgtis pandemijos laikotarpiu. Tačiau dėl nepakankamo intensyvumo prezidento komunikacija buvo menkai matoma ir girdima, be to, komunikuojant buvo beveik nebendradarbiaujama su Vyriausybe. Visa tai galėjo lemti mažesnį prezidento komunikacijos vaidmenį kovoje su pandemija.","PeriodicalId":47076,"journal":{"name":"Public Policy and Administration","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.1,"publicationDate":"2022-09-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45738215","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"管理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-30DOI: 10.5755/j01.ppaa.21.3.30893
Edita Štuopytė, Karina Linkienė
Violence leaves long-lasting scars on children's lives and protecting children from violence remains an important and pressing issue for researchers, public policy makers and public service professionals. This article aims to reveal the experiences of professionals who ensure the protection of children from violence. The following tasks have been set: first, to define a theoretical approach to the practical protection of children from domestic violence; second, to determine the peculiarities of ensuring the protection of children from violence by means of analysis of the experience of specialists. The study used semi-structured interviews. The research in municipality N revealed that various specialists from state and non-governmental institutions are involved in the process: psychologists, child protection specialists, social workers, social educators, employees of medical institutions, mobile teams, police representatives and children's day care centers. The study results showed that one of the most significant positive aspects of ensuring the protection of children from post-reform violence is an established case management position and having a mobile team. The following advantages of providing mobile team support tools have emerged: identifying the initial difficulties of family members and a thorough, in-depth analysis of the problem across a wide range of areas of life; intensive involvement of professionals in assisting the family and the child. The study highlighted the main work challenges that professionals have to overcome: quality assurance at work, emotional experiences at work, the need for psychological support, the ability to manage stressful situations, working with problem adolescents, parental aggression and the reluctance of children and parents to accept help. There are various obstacles in implementing the assistance plan for professionals (unopened investigation, lack of services and availability of services) and therefore it is necessary to find ways to overcome these obstacles.
{"title":"Experiences of Professionals Ensuring the Protection of Children from Violence","authors":"Edita Štuopytė, Karina Linkienė","doi":"10.5755/j01.ppaa.21.3.30893","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5755/j01.ppaa.21.3.30893","url":null,"abstract":"Violence leaves long-lasting scars on children's lives and protecting children from violence remains an important and pressing issue for researchers, public policy makers and public service professionals. This article aims to reveal the experiences of professionals who ensure the protection of children from violence. The following tasks have been set: first, to define a theoretical approach to the practical protection of children from domestic violence; second, to determine the peculiarities of ensuring the protection of children from violence by means of analysis of the experience of specialists. The study used semi-structured interviews. The research in municipality N revealed that various specialists from state and non-governmental institutions are involved in the process: psychologists, child protection specialists, social workers, social educators, employees of medical institutions, mobile teams, police representatives and children's day care centers. The study results showed that one of the most significant positive aspects of ensuring the protection of children from post-reform violence is an established case management position and having a mobile team. The following advantages of providing mobile team support tools have emerged: identifying the initial difficulties of family members and a thorough, in-depth analysis of the problem across a wide range of areas of life; intensive involvement of professionals in assisting the family and the child. The study highlighted the main work challenges that professionals have to overcome: quality assurance at work, emotional experiences at work, the need for psychological support, the ability to manage stressful situations, working with problem adolescents, parental aggression and the reluctance of children and parents to accept help. There are various obstacles in implementing the assistance plan for professionals (unopened investigation, lack of services and availability of services) and therefore it is necessary to find ways to overcome these obstacles.","PeriodicalId":47076,"journal":{"name":"Public Policy and Administration","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.1,"publicationDate":"2022-09-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45187297","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"管理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-30DOI: 10.5755/j01.ppaa.21.3.28348
G. Kunikowski, Marek Kisilowski
This article aims to provide insights into the research conducted in 2019 when recommendations for changes in the Act on Crisis Management in Poland were formulated and to evaluate the changes introduced in the form of an amendment to the Act on Crisis Management in 2020. The research presented in the article is based on the assessment of the recommendations formulated by the authors in 2019 according to the trends in public crisis management (New Public Management, Public Governments) made in comparison to the literature in this area. The practical part of the presented research consists of a comparative analysis in four categories (General, Risk, Critical Infrastructure, Other) and a discussion of the compliance of the formulated recommendations with the changes in the amended act in 2020. The research showed that the recommendations formulated in 2019 were accurate, especially in the categories of Risk and Critical Infrastructure. The recommendations in the General category relate to the concept of security at the state level, but not to this law on crisis management and thus appear to be neutral. In the theoretical context, compliance of individual recommendations with the trends in public management was indicated.
{"title":"Changes in the crisis management policy – a case study of Poland","authors":"G. Kunikowski, Marek Kisilowski","doi":"10.5755/j01.ppaa.21.3.28348","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5755/j01.ppaa.21.3.28348","url":null,"abstract":"This article aims to provide insights into the research conducted in 2019 when recommendations for changes in the Act on Crisis Management in Poland were formulated and to evaluate the changes introduced in the form of an amendment to the Act on Crisis Management in 2020. The research presented in the article is based on the assessment of the recommendations formulated by the authors in 2019 according to the trends in public crisis management (New Public Management, Public Governments) made in comparison to the literature in this area. The practical part of the presented research consists of a comparative analysis in four categories (General, Risk, Critical Infrastructure, Other) and a discussion of the compliance of the formulated recommendations with the changes in the amended act in 2020. The research showed that the recommendations formulated in 2019 were accurate, especially in the categories of Risk and Critical Infrastructure. The recommendations in the General category relate to the concept of security at the state level, but not to this law on crisis management and thus appear to be neutral. In the theoretical context, compliance of individual recommendations with the trends in public management was indicated.","PeriodicalId":47076,"journal":{"name":"Public Policy and Administration","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.1,"publicationDate":"2022-09-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46368784","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"管理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-30DOI: 10.1177/09520767221117689
E. Ongaro
This paper provides an account of how the European Union (EU), and notably the European Commission (EC), has become an actor in its own right in the field of the reform of administration and public services management in Europe, by developing an approach to support Member States in their initiatives to improve public administration and public services. We qualify this process – occurred over the period 2000-2021, with a tremendous acceleration in the second decade – as a twofold paradigmatic change: because (i) this is a novel field of action for the EU itself; and because (ii) the very logic driving the EU role shifted dramatically from a logic of conditionality (or compliance with aspects of the acquis) in the early phase to a radically different logic of enabling and facilitating administrative reforms, on the ground, in a later phase and prospectively. We interpret the paradigmatic shift that has occurred through a combination of theoretical perspectives: policy learning; policy entrepreneurship within the Commission; the opening of an opportunity window for policy change to occur; and the consolidation of a new policy sub-system in the field. We deem this change to constitute a step forward in the process of European integration.
{"title":"The long and winding road towards the EU policy of support to Member States public administration reform: History (2000–2021) and prospects","authors":"E. Ongaro","doi":"10.1177/09520767221117689","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/09520767221117689","url":null,"abstract":"This paper provides an account of how the European Union (EU), and notably the European Commission (EC), has become an actor in its own right in the field of the reform of administration and public services management in Europe, by developing an approach to support Member States in their initiatives to improve public administration and public services. We qualify this process – occurred over the period 2000-2021, with a tremendous acceleration in the second decade – as a twofold paradigmatic change: because (i) this is a novel field of action for the EU itself; and because (ii) the very logic driving the EU role shifted dramatically from a logic of conditionality (or compliance with aspects of the acquis) in the early phase to a radically different logic of enabling and facilitating administrative reforms, on the ground, in a later phase and prospectively. We interpret the paradigmatic shift that has occurred through a combination of theoretical perspectives: policy learning; policy entrepreneurship within the Commission; the opening of an opportunity window for policy change to occur; and the consolidation of a new policy sub-system in the field. We deem this change to constitute a step forward in the process of European integration.","PeriodicalId":47076,"journal":{"name":"Public Policy and Administration","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.1,"publicationDate":"2022-09-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48650634","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"管理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-30DOI: 10.5755/j01.ppaa.21.3.30159
Gintarė Žukaitė-Zelenkienė, Samanta Fominova
Nevyriausybinės organizacijos yra demokratinės visuomenės išraiška. Nepaisant to kartais viešasis sektorius įžvelgia jose konkurenciją savo atliekamoms funkcijoms bei grėsmę valstybės saugumui, todėl įveda veiklos ribojimus. Dažniausiai šis reiškinys išryškėja į autoritarizmą linkusiose valstybėse. Pastaraisiais metais Rusijos Federacijoje yra stebimas nevyriausybinių organizacijų (NVO) kontrolės stiprėjimas, ypač jis akivaizdus NVO, kurios dirba politikos sferoje ir/ar yra finansuojamos užsienio šaltinių lėšomis. Šiame straipsnyje analizuojami viešojo sektoriaus ribojimai NVO veiklai Rusijoje. Tyrimo rezultatai atskleidė, kad NVO veikla yra ribojama keletu aspektų: teisės burtis į asociacijas, žodžio ir susirinkimų laisvės bei finansinių ribojimų. 2012 m. ir 2015 m. priimtos įstatymų pataisos, kurios įvedė „užsienio agento“ ir „nepageidaujamų organizacijų“ sąvokas, yra labiausiai NVO veiklą Rusijoje ribojantys teisiniai veiksniai. Tyrimas atliktas remiantis dokumentų analizės bei pusiau struktūruoto interviu metodu su Rusijos NVO atstovais.
{"title":"Viešojo sektoriaus taikomi ribojimai NVO: Rusijos atvejis","authors":"Gintarė Žukaitė-Zelenkienė, Samanta Fominova","doi":"10.5755/j01.ppaa.21.3.30159","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5755/j01.ppaa.21.3.30159","url":null,"abstract":"Nevyriausybinės organizacijos yra demokratinės visuomenės išraiška. Nepaisant to kartais viešasis sektorius įžvelgia jose konkurenciją savo atliekamoms funkcijoms bei grėsmę valstybės saugumui, todėl įveda veiklos ribojimus. Dažniausiai šis reiškinys išryškėja į autoritarizmą linkusiose valstybėse. Pastaraisiais metais Rusijos Federacijoje yra stebimas nevyriausybinių organizacijų (NVO) kontrolės stiprėjimas, ypač jis akivaizdus NVO, kurios dirba politikos sferoje ir/ar yra finansuojamos užsienio šaltinių lėšomis. Šiame straipsnyje analizuojami viešojo sektoriaus ribojimai NVO veiklai Rusijoje. Tyrimo rezultatai atskleidė, kad NVO veikla yra ribojama keletu aspektų: teisės burtis į asociacijas, žodžio ir susirinkimų laisvės bei finansinių ribojimų. 2012 m. ir 2015 m. priimtos įstatymų pataisos, kurios įvedė „užsienio agento“ ir „nepageidaujamų organizacijų“ sąvokas, yra labiausiai NVO veiklą Rusijoje ribojantys teisiniai veiksniai. Tyrimas atliktas remiantis dokumentų analizės bei pusiau struktūruoto interviu metodu su Rusijos NVO atstovais.","PeriodicalId":47076,"journal":{"name":"Public Policy and Administration","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.1,"publicationDate":"2022-09-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42201392","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"管理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-30DOI: 10.5755/j01.ppaa.21.3.31788
D. Indiahono
The study aimed to describe bureaucratic neutrality at regional level and its necessity in direct regional head elections in Indonesia. This research is important in examining whether state civil apparatuses are tempted to enter the practical political arena in regional head elections despite being prohibited by the principle of bureaucratic neutrality. This study employed a descriptive quantitative research method and index analysis techniques. A research population of 12,539 state civil apparatuses (SCAs) in Banyumas, Indonesia was utilized, 400 of which were selected as the research samples. Employing Slovin formula, 95% confidence level and margin of error 4.92% were obtained. This study indicates a satisfactory level of bureaucratic neutrality at 3.18 or 79.59. Indicators of high bureaucratic neutrality level include the absence of SCAs’ support to non-incumbent or incumbent regent candidates on social media as well as the non-response of SCAs to the request of incumbent regent candidates‘ campaign team to perform actions that may benefit incumbent regent candidates. Meanwhile, indicators of low bureaucratic neutrality level include the preservation of neutrality upon discovering other SCA colleagues’ support to non-incumbent or incumbent regent candidates on social media and the preservation of no support to non-incumbent or incumbent regent candidates. These findings present an opportunity to realize a professional merit and bureaucracy system in Indonesia. This study offers recommendations of increased neutrality awareness campaigns among bureaucratic officials and the importance of encouraging SCAs to consistently remind colleagues who may violate the principle of neutrality. Enforcement of legal actions against violators of bureaucratic neutrality is also necessary as a deterrent effect for bureaucratic officials who are not committed to upholding bureaucratic neutrality.
{"title":"Bureaucratic Neutrality Index in Direct Regional Head Elections: Optimism in Developing Professional Bureaucracy in Indonesia","authors":"D. Indiahono","doi":"10.5755/j01.ppaa.21.3.31788","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5755/j01.ppaa.21.3.31788","url":null,"abstract":"The study aimed to describe bureaucratic neutrality at regional level and its necessity in direct regional head elections in Indonesia. This research is important in examining whether state civil apparatuses are tempted to enter the practical political arena in regional head elections despite being prohibited by the principle of bureaucratic neutrality. This study employed a descriptive quantitative research method and index analysis techniques. A research population of 12,539 state civil apparatuses (SCAs) in Banyumas, Indonesia was utilized, 400 of which were selected as the research samples. Employing Slovin formula, 95% confidence level and margin of error 4.92% were obtained. This study indicates a satisfactory level of bureaucratic neutrality at 3.18 or 79.59. Indicators of high bureaucratic neutrality level include the absence of SCAs’ support to non-incumbent or incumbent regent candidates on social media as well as the non-response of SCAs to the request of incumbent regent candidates‘ campaign team to perform actions that may benefit incumbent regent candidates. Meanwhile, indicators of low bureaucratic neutrality level include the preservation of neutrality upon discovering other SCA colleagues’ support to non-incumbent or incumbent regent candidates on social media and the preservation of no support to non-incumbent or incumbent regent candidates. These findings present an opportunity to realize a professional merit and bureaucracy system in Indonesia. This study offers recommendations of increased neutrality awareness campaigns among bureaucratic officials and the importance of encouraging SCAs to consistently remind colleagues who may violate the principle of neutrality. Enforcement of legal actions against violators of bureaucratic neutrality is also necessary as a deterrent effect for bureaucratic officials who are not committed to upholding bureaucratic neutrality.\u0000 ","PeriodicalId":47076,"journal":{"name":"Public Policy and Administration","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.1,"publicationDate":"2022-09-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47069050","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"管理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-17DOI: 10.1177/09520767221118490
J. Rees, Rebecca Taylor, C. Damm
The UK’s Work Programme (2012-18) was a major employment services programme, inspired by new public management principles. A relatively small number of directly commissioned ‘prime providers’ were paid by the central Government largely according to the number of job-outcomes their service users achieved but were given a ‘black box’ to design their own services and subcontracting arrangements. Drawing on an empirical study of subcontracted service providers, and focusing on those from the third sector, the paper shows that within this prime-led commissioning model, subcontractors came under sustained pressure to adjust their operational practices. We draw on institutional isomorphism to show that isomorphic pressures were experienced because of both the design and implementation of the Work Programme. Although there were strong pressures pushing towards convergence, however, the different starting positions of subcontractors meant that these changes were not entirely deterministic and some attempts at resistance were observed amongst third sector providers. Their diverse institutional contexts, including positioning and wider interest in the field, shaped how they navigated and responded to isomorphic pressures, ultimately mitigating homogenisation. The paper contributes a more sophisticated understanding of the ways in which provider organisations experience, interpret and respond to structural pressures within an evolving quasi-market. The findings have implications for public service reform programmes featuring quasi-markets that are intended to encourage innovation and a diversity of provision, particularly when promoting mission-led, third sector organisations (TSOs).
{"title":"Opening the ‘black box’: Organisational Adaptation and Resistance to institutional isomorphism in a prime-led employment services programme","authors":"J. Rees, Rebecca Taylor, C. Damm","doi":"10.1177/09520767221118490","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/09520767221118490","url":null,"abstract":"The UK’s Work Programme (2012-18) was a major employment services programme, inspired by new public management principles. A relatively small number of directly commissioned ‘prime providers’ were paid by the central Government largely according to the number of job-outcomes their service users achieved but were given a ‘black box’ to design their own services and subcontracting arrangements. Drawing on an empirical study of subcontracted service providers, and focusing on those from the third sector, the paper shows that within this prime-led commissioning model, subcontractors came under sustained pressure to adjust their operational practices. We draw on institutional isomorphism to show that isomorphic pressures were experienced because of both the design and implementation of the Work Programme. Although there were strong pressures pushing towards convergence, however, the different starting positions of subcontractors meant that these changes were not entirely deterministic and some attempts at resistance were observed amongst third sector providers. Their diverse institutional contexts, including positioning and wider interest in the field, shaped how they navigated and responded to isomorphic pressures, ultimately mitigating homogenisation. The paper contributes a more sophisticated understanding of the ways in which provider organisations experience, interpret and respond to structural pressures within an evolving quasi-market. The findings have implications for public service reform programmes featuring quasi-markets that are intended to encourage innovation and a diversity of provision, particularly when promoting mission-led, third sector organisations (TSOs).","PeriodicalId":47076,"journal":{"name":"Public Policy and Administration","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.1,"publicationDate":"2022-08-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41571643","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"管理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-15DOI: 10.1177/09520767221108287
Maayan Davidovitz
Do street-level bureaucrats exercise discretion to encourage clients’ political participation? If so, how, and in what way is it demonstrated? This study examines these questions empirically through 36 semi-structured in-depth interviews with LGBTQ+ (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer) teachers in Israel. Findings reveal that these street-level bureaucrats encourage clients to participate politically through strategies they adopt both inside and outside the work environment. In the classroom their lessons contain political content and expressions of political protest. Outside school they employ digital media to influence students. Clients’ political participation is manifested both jointly with street-level bureaucrats and independently of them.
{"title":"How street-level bureaucrats exercise their discretion to encourage clients’ political participation: A case study of Israeli LGBTQ+ teachers","authors":"Maayan Davidovitz","doi":"10.1177/09520767221108287","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/09520767221108287","url":null,"abstract":"Do street-level bureaucrats exercise discretion to encourage clients’ political participation? If so, how, and in what way is it demonstrated? This study examines these questions empirically through 36 semi-structured in-depth interviews with LGBTQ+ (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer) teachers in Israel. Findings reveal that these street-level bureaucrats encourage clients to participate politically through strategies they adopt both inside and outside the work environment. In the classroom their lessons contain political content and expressions of political protest. Outside school they employ digital media to influence students. Clients’ political participation is manifested both jointly with street-level bureaucrats and independently of them.","PeriodicalId":47076,"journal":{"name":"Public Policy and Administration","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.1,"publicationDate":"2022-06-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43001490","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"管理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-10DOI: 10.1177/09520767221098292
Thomas Schillemans, S. Overman, M. Flinders, Per Laegreid, M. Maggetti, Y. Papadopoulos, Matthew Wood
This paper develops and applies the concept of accountability styles for analyzing and comparing accountability practices in different countries. This is relevant as there is considerable scholarship on public sector accountability but only very few comparative studies. Extant studies have shown that national styles of accountability are both marked by convergence as well as the resilience of national differences. The concept of accountability style is adopted to describe and interpret how and why accountability practices differ between administrative systems. It does so by analyzing practices of accountability of public sector agencies in four European democracies with different state traditions: the Netherlands, Norway, Switzerland and the UK. These countries vary with regards to state strength (interventionist propensity) and administrative concentration (high or low centralization). The analysis focuses on the accountability of arms’ length agencies which lends itself for comparisons across counties. The paper shows that the national political-administrative context crucially shapes practices of accountability and accountability regimes of agencies. The Norwegian accountability style is characterized as ‘centralized and convenient’. The UK-style is equally centralized yet not so convenient as it incurs high accountability-process costs on agencies. Switzerland is marked by limited hierarchical accountability. And the Dutch accountability style is comparatively ‘broad and informal’. State strength and administrative concentration explain some of the variance while historical legacies explain additional national variations.
{"title":"Public sector accountability styles in Europe comparing accountability and control of agencies in the Netherlands, Norway, Switzerland and the UK","authors":"Thomas Schillemans, S. Overman, M. Flinders, Per Laegreid, M. Maggetti, Y. Papadopoulos, Matthew Wood","doi":"10.1177/09520767221098292","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/09520767221098292","url":null,"abstract":"This paper develops and applies the concept of accountability styles for analyzing and comparing accountability practices in different countries. This is relevant as there is considerable scholarship on public sector accountability but only very few comparative studies. Extant studies have shown that national styles of accountability are both marked by convergence as well as the resilience of national differences. The concept of accountability style is adopted to describe and interpret how and why accountability practices differ between administrative systems. It does so by analyzing practices of accountability of public sector agencies in four European democracies with different state traditions: the Netherlands, Norway, Switzerland and the UK. These countries vary with regards to state strength (interventionist propensity) and administrative concentration (high or low centralization). The analysis focuses on the accountability of arms’ length agencies which lends itself for comparisons across counties. The paper shows that the national political-administrative context crucially shapes practices of accountability and accountability regimes of agencies. The Norwegian accountability style is characterized as ‘centralized and convenient’. The UK-style is equally centralized yet not so convenient as it incurs high accountability-process costs on agencies. Switzerland is marked by limited hierarchical accountability. And the Dutch accountability style is comparatively ‘broad and informal’. State strength and administrative concentration explain some of the variance while historical legacies explain additional national variations.","PeriodicalId":47076,"journal":{"name":"Public Policy and Administration","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.1,"publicationDate":"2022-06-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43725970","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"管理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-27DOI: 10.1177/09520767221094446
W. Hendrikx, Marlot Kuiper, Nicolette van Gestel
Based on an extensive literature review, this article explores the impact of strategic renewal in the public sector on the roles and skills of public professionals. Findings show that successive reforms of New Public Management and New Public Governance have resulted in hybrid role requirements that go beyond the often-debated dichotomy between professionalism and management. Based on our review, we could distinguish four sets of skills for professionals, linking traditional professional expertise to competences for networking and co-creation. Implications for future research are discussed.
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