Pub Date : 2019-03-05DOI: 10.1007/s11050-019-09150-x
Adrian Stegovec
The paper proposes a new type of control configuration: perspectival control. This involves control of a non-argument PRO that combines with a directive modal operator in the Mood domain. This PRO encodes the individual to whom the public commitments associated with the modal are anchored, and its presence can be detected in the syntax through a subject obviation effect. The empirical focus of the paper are Slovenian directive clauses (imperatives and subjunctives), but the analysis is shown to also have implications for analyses of other languages, as well as theories of directive clauses and the representation of discourse-related information in the syntax.
{"title":"Perspectival control and obviation in directive clauses","authors":"Adrian Stegovec","doi":"10.1007/s11050-019-09150-x","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1007/s11050-019-09150-x","url":null,"abstract":"The paper proposes a new type of control configuration: perspectival control. This involves control of a non-argument <i>PRO</i> that combines with a directive modal operator in the Mood domain. This <i>PRO</i> encodes the individual to whom the public commitments associated with the modal are anchored, and its presence can be detected in the syntax through a subject obviation effect. The empirical focus of the paper are Slovenian directive clauses (imperatives and subjunctives), but the analysis is shown to also have implications for analyses of other languages, as well as theories of directive clauses and the representation of discourse-related information in the syntax.","PeriodicalId":47108,"journal":{"name":"Natural Language Semantics","volume":"91 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2019-03-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138542838","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-01-22DOI: 10.1007/s11050-019-9149-7
Nadine Bade, Konstantin Sachs
Fox and Spector (Nat Lang Semant 26:1–50, 2018) use multiple instances of the exhaustivity operator EXH to derive the correct meaning of utterances that include pitch-focus marked disjunction in downward-entailing environments. They argue that the (sim ) operator evaluates alternatives to be used by EXH. Though the method is sound and gets the right result, we argue that the way in which EXH would need to interact with other instances of EXH, as well as other focus-sensitive elements, is at odds with how EXH is used to explain other phenomena. Specifically, the analysis in Fox and Spector (2018) predicts intervention effects for cases where EXH interacts with other focus-sensitive elements. This is problematic for many cases in which EXH is used to derive the desired inferences. We propose a different way of focus association for EXH that would work for the approach introduced in Fox and Spector (2018) as well as elsewhere. In addition, our account does not require a covert element to be focused.
Fox 和 Spector（Nat Lang Semant 26:1-50，2018）使用穷竭性算子 EXH 的多个实例，推导出在向下义环境中包含音高焦点标记的析取语的正确意义。他们认为，（sim ）算子评估了 EXH 将使用的替代方案。虽然这种方法是合理的，也得到了正确的结果，但我们认为，EXH需要与EXH的其他实例以及其他焦点敏感元素相互作用的方式，与EXH用来解释其他现象的方式是不一致的。具体来说，Fox和Spector（2018）的分析预测了EXH与其他焦点敏感元素相互作用时的干预效果。这对于许多使用 EXH 得出预期推论的情况来说是有问题的。我们为 EXH 提出了一种不同的焦点关联方式，这种方式适用于 Fox 和 Spector（2018）以及其他地方介绍的方法。此外，我们的解释并不要求隐蔽元素被聚焦。
{"title":"EXH passes on alternatives: a comment on Fox and Spector (2018)","authors":"Nadine Bade, Konstantin Sachs","doi":"10.1007/s11050-019-9149-7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1007/s11050-019-9149-7","url":null,"abstract":"Fox and Spector (Nat Lang Semant 26:1–50, 2018) use multiple instances of the exhaustivity operator EXH to derive the correct meaning of utterances that include pitch-focus marked disjunction in downward-entailing environments. They argue that the <span>(sim )</span> operator evaluates alternatives to be used by EXH. Though the method is sound and gets the right result, we argue that the way in which EXH would need to interact with other instances of EXH, as well as other focus-sensitive elements, is at odds with how EXH is used to explain other phenomena. Specifically, the analysis in Fox and Spector (2018) predicts intervention effects for cases where EXH interacts with other focus-sensitive elements. This is problematic for many cases in which EXH is used to derive the desired inferences. We propose a different way of focus association for EXH that would work for the approach introduced in Fox and Spector (2018) as well as elsewhere. In addition, our account does not require a covert element to be focused.","PeriodicalId":47108,"journal":{"name":"Natural Language Semantics","volume":"25 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2019-01-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140887913","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-01-03DOI: 10.1007/s11050-018-9148-0
Paul Crowley
This paper is about the phenomenon known as Neg-Raising. All previous analyses of Neg-Raising fall into one of two categories: syntactic and semantic/pragmatic. The syntactic approach derives the unexpected interpretation of Neg-Raising expressions from a Neg movement operation in the syntax (Fillmore in Word 19:208–231, 1963) while the semantic/pragmatic approach derives it as an inference attributed to an excluded middle associated with Neg-Raising predicates (Bartsch in Linguistische Berichte 27:1–7, 1973). In this squib, I discuss a collection of novel and known data, which I argue indicate that both a Neg movement operation as well as an excluded middle are necessary to account for the full range of data. I propose that Neg-Raising is an intrinsically semantic/pragmatic phenomenon and that the Neg movement operation is conditioned by the presence of an excluded middle. I offer a generalization that takes a step towards understanding this mysterious dependency.
{"title":"Neg-Raising and Neg movement","authors":"Paul Crowley","doi":"10.1007/s11050-018-9148-0","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1007/s11050-018-9148-0","url":null,"abstract":"This paper is about the phenomenon known as Neg-Raising. All previous analyses of Neg-Raising fall into one of two categories: syntactic and semantic/pragmatic. The syntactic approach derives the unexpected interpretation of Neg-Raising expressions from a Neg movement operation in the syntax (Fillmore in Word 19:208–231, 1963) while the semantic/pragmatic approach derives it as an inference attributed to an excluded middle associated with Neg-Raising predicates (Bartsch in Linguistische Berichte 27:1–7, 1973). In this squib, I discuss a collection of novel and known data, which I argue indicate that both a Neg movement operation as well as an excluded middle are necessary to account for the full range of data. I propose that Neg-Raising is an intrinsically semantic/pragmatic phenomenon and that the Neg movement operation is conditioned by the presence of an excluded middle. I offer a generalization that takes a step towards understanding this mysterious dependency.","PeriodicalId":47108,"journal":{"name":"Natural Language Semantics","volume":"117 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2019-01-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140887617","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-12-21DOI: 10.1007/s11050-018-9147-1
Seth Cable
This paper develops and defends a semantic/syntactic analysis of a curious set of negative gradable predicates in the Tlingit language, and shows that the analysis has some important consequences concerning the range of crosslinguistic variation in degree constructions. In Tlingit, certain negative gradable predicates are formed by negating a positive root and then applying an additional morphological operation: e.g. k’éi ‘good’, tlél ukʼé ‘not good’, tlél ushké ‘bad’. I show that (i) the negation in forms like tlél ushké ‘bad’ is VP-external, clausal negation, and is not an incorporated negation like English un-; and (ii) the meaning of these forms is indeed that of a gradable negative predicate, rather than the propositional negation of the positive predicate (cf. tlél ukʼé ‘not good’). Under the proposed analysis, the additional morphological operation observed in these forms is the reflex of a special degree relativizer, one that must undergo movement to Spec-NegP. In addition, Tlingit differs from English and other languages in that degree operators—like POS and comparative operators—can be attached high in the clause, above sentential negation. In addition to capturing various facts concerning these negative predicates, the proposed analysis raises some novel puzzles concerning intervention effects in the movement of degree operators, and provides support for the view that negative predicates like bad are morphosyntactically derived from positive predicates like good.
{"title":"The good, the ‘not good’, and the ‘not pretty’: negation in the negative predicates of Tlingit","authors":"Seth Cable","doi":"10.1007/s11050-018-9147-1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1007/s11050-018-9147-1","url":null,"abstract":"This paper develops and defends a semantic/syntactic analysis of a curious set of negative gradable predicates in the Tlingit language, and shows that the analysis has some important consequences concerning the range of crosslinguistic variation in degree constructions. In Tlingit, certain negative gradable predicates are formed by negating a positive root and then applying an additional morphological operation: e.g. <i>k’éi</i> ‘good’, <i>tlél ukʼé</i> ‘not good’, <i>tlél ushké</i> ‘bad’. I show that (i) the negation in forms like <i>tlél ushké</i> ‘bad’ is VP-external, clausal negation, and is not an incorporated negation like English <i>un</i>-; and (ii) the meaning of these forms is indeed that of a gradable negative predicate, rather than the propositional negation of the positive predicate (cf. tlél ukʼé ‘not good’). Under the proposed analysis, the additional morphological operation observed in these forms is the reflex of a special degree relativizer, one that must undergo movement to Spec-NegP. In addition, Tlingit differs from English and other languages in that degree operators—like <i>POS</i> and comparative operators—can be attached high in the clause, above sentential negation. In addition to capturing various facts concerning these negative predicates, the proposed analysis raises some novel puzzles concerning intervention effects in the movement of degree operators, and provides support for the view that negative predicates like <i>bad</i> are morphosyntactically derived from positive predicates like <i>good</i>.","PeriodicalId":47108,"journal":{"name":"Natural Language Semantics","volume":"19 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2018-12-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140887846","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-12-01DOI: 10.1007/s11050-018-9146-2
Bernhard Schwarz, Alexandra Simonenko
{"title":"Factive islands and meaning-driven unacceptability","authors":"Bernhard Schwarz, Alexandra Simonenko","doi":"10.1007/s11050-018-9146-2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1007/s11050-018-9146-2","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47108,"journal":{"name":"Natural Language Semantics","volume":"26 1","pages":"253 - 279"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2018-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1007/s11050-018-9146-2","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"52482965","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-11-02DOI: 10.1007/s11050-018-9145-3
Alexandre Cremers
{"title":"Plurality effects in an exhaustification-based theory of embedded questions","authors":"Alexandre Cremers","doi":"10.1007/s11050-018-9145-3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1007/s11050-018-9145-3","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47108,"journal":{"name":"Natural Language Semantics","volume":"9 1","pages":"193 - 251"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2018-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1007/s11050-018-9145-3","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"52482945","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-03-31DOI: 10.1007/s11050-018-9144-4
A. Silk
{"title":"Commitment and states of mind with mood and modality","authors":"A. Silk","doi":"10.1007/s11050-018-9144-4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1007/s11050-018-9144-4","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47108,"journal":{"name":"Natural Language Semantics","volume":"26 1","pages":"125 - 166"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2018-03-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1007/s11050-018-9144-4","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"52482923","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-03-16DOI: 10.1007/s11050-018-9143-5
Tue Trinh
Breheny et al. (Nat Lang Semant, 2017) argue against the structural approach to alternatives. The empirical force of their argument comes mostly from challenges raised against Trinh and Haida (Nat Lang Semant 23:249–270, 2015). This paper aims to respond to these challenges, showing how they can be met by a natural refinement of Trinh and Haida’s proposal which turns out to capture additional facts previously not accounted for. Another aim of this paper is to recount the debate with enough precision and explicitness in order to enhance understanding and facilitate future discussions.
Breheny 等人（Nat Lang Semant，2017 年）反对替代品的结构性方法。他们论证的实证力量主要来自对 Trinh 和 Haida 提出的挑战（Nat Lang Semant 23:249-270, 2015）。本文旨在回应这些挑战，展示如何通过对 Trinh 和 Haida 提议的自然完善来应对这些挑战，结果发现该提议捕捉到了之前未考虑到的更多事实。本文的另一个目的是以足够精确和明确的方式重述这场辩论，以加深理解并促进未来的讨论。
{"title":"Keeping it simple","authors":"Tue Trinh","doi":"10.1007/s11050-018-9143-5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1007/s11050-018-9143-5","url":null,"abstract":"Breheny et al. (Nat Lang Semant, 2017) argue against the structural approach to alternatives. The empirical force of their argument comes mostly from challenges raised against Trinh and Haida (Nat Lang Semant 23:249–270, 2015). This paper aims to respond to these challenges, showing how they can be met by a natural refinement of Trinh and Haida’s proposal which turns out to capture additional facts previously not accounted for. Another aim of this paper is to recount the debate with enough precision and explicitness in order to enhance understanding and facilitate future discussions.","PeriodicalId":47108,"journal":{"name":"Natural Language Semantics","volume":"284 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2018-03-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140887942","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-03-07DOI: 10.1007/s11050-018-9142-6
M. Erlewine
{"title":"Even doesn’t move but associates into traces: A reply to Nakanishi 2012","authors":"M. Erlewine","doi":"10.1007/s11050-018-9142-6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1007/s11050-018-9142-6","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47108,"journal":{"name":"Natural Language Semantics","volume":"26 1","pages":"167 - 191"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2018-03-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1007/s11050-018-9142-6","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"52482897","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-01-08DOI: 10.1007/s11050-017-9139-6
Danny Fox, Benjamin Spector
Building on previous works which argued that scalar implicatures can be computed in embedded positions, this paper proposes a constraint on exhaustification (an economy condition) which restricts the conditions under which an exhaustivity operator can be licensed. We show that this economy condition allows us to derive a number of generalizations, such as, in particular, the ‘Implicature Focus Generalization’: scalar implicatures can be embedded under a downward-entailing operator only if the (relevant) scalar term bears pitch accent. Our economy condition also derives specific predictions regarding the licensing of so-called Hurford disjunctions.
{"title":"Economy and embedded exhaustification","authors":"Danny Fox, Benjamin Spector","doi":"10.1007/s11050-017-9139-6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1007/s11050-017-9139-6","url":null,"abstract":"Building on previous works which argued that scalar implicatures can be computed in embedded positions, this paper proposes a constraint on exhaustification (an economy condition) which restricts the conditions under which an exhaustivity operator can be licensed. We show that this economy condition allows us to derive a number of generalizations, such as, in particular, the ‘Implicature Focus Generalization’: scalar implicatures can be embedded under a downward-entailing operator only if the (relevant) scalar term bears pitch accent. Our economy condition also derives specific predictions regarding the licensing of so-called Hurford disjunctions.","PeriodicalId":47108,"journal":{"name":"Natural Language Semantics","volume":"33 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2018-01-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140887529","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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