I-Perception最新文献

Face images depicting the same individual can differ substantially from one another. Ecological variation in pose, expression, lighting, and other sources of appearance variability complicates the recognition and matching of unfamiliar faces, but acquired familiarity leads to the ability to cope with these challenges. Among the many ways that face of the same individual can vary, some images are judged to be better likenesses of familiar individuals than others. Simply put, these images look more like the individual under consideration than others. But what does it mean for an image to be a better likeness than another? Does likeness entail typicality, or is it something distinct from this? We examined the relationship between the likeness of face images and the similarity of those images to average images of target individuals using a set of famous faces selected for reciprocal familiarity/unfamiliarity across US and UK participants. We found that though likeness judgments are correlated with similarity-to-prototype judgments made by both familiar and unfamiliar participants, this correlation was smaller than the correlation between similarity judgments made by different participant groups. This implies that while familiarity weakens the relationship between likeness and similarity-to-prototype judgments, it does not change similarity-to-prototype judgments to the same degree.

Patrick Hughes' Reverspectives demonstrate the importance of perspective as a source of information about the structure and layout of the three-dimensional (3D) world. More recently, he has created a new work of art-Hollow Dice-in which the actual concave structure of the dice is seen as convex. In this article, we examine the similarities and differences between these two perceptual phenomena as well as attempting to explain how and why they arise. Popular interest in both effects is based on the fact that "what we perceive" does not correspond to "what the reality is." As a consequence, Reverspectives and Hollow Dice are often categorized and labeled as "illusions." However, if we consider the information that is available in patterns of light reaching our eyes-rather than the "actual" 3D structure of the Reverspectives and the Hollow Dice-we are in a better position to explain how the size, the viewing distance, the perspective features, the convexity bias, and observer movements determine what we see when viewing these novel and fascinating visual effects.

This study explored visual-vestibular sensory integration when the vestibular system receives self-motion information using caloric irrigation. The objectives of this study were to (1) determine if measurable vestibular circular vection can be induced in healthy participants using caloric vestibular stimulation and (2) determine if a conflicting visual display could impact vestibular vection. In Experiment 1 (E1), participants had their eyes closed. Air caloric vestibular stimulation cooled the endolymph fluid of the horizontal semi-circular canal inducing vestibular circular vection. Participants reported vestibular circular vection with a potentiometer knob that measured circular vection direction, speed, and duration. In Experiment 2 (E2), participants viewed a stationary display in a virtual reality headset that did not signal self-motion while receiving caloric vestibular stimulation. This produced a visual-vestibular conflict. Participants indicated clockwise vection in the left ear and counter-clockwise vection in right ear in a significant proportion of trials in E1 and E2. Vection was significantly slower and shorter in E2 compared to E1. E2 results demonstrated that during visual-vestibular conflict, visual and vestibular cues are used to determine self-motion rather than one system overriding the other. These results are consistent with optimal cue integration hypothesis.

Humans infer mental states and traits from faces and their expressions. Previous research focused on the role of eyes and mouths in this process, even though most observers fixate somewhere in between. Here, we report that ratings of the nose region are surprisingly consistent with those for the full face and even with subjective feelings of the nose bearer. We propose the nose as central to faces and their perception.

Pictorial portraits are viewed with two eyes despite the fact that they are mostly monocular: they have been produced from a single viewpoint (either by painters or photographers). The differences between the images on each eye are a consequence of the separation between them rather than differences in two pictorial images. Viewing with two eyes detracts from the monocular cues to depth within the singular portrait because of information for the flatness of the pictorial surface. Binocular portraits, on the other hand, incorporate differences between two pictorial images producing perceptual effects that cannot be seen by a single eye alone. The differences can consist of small disparities that yield stereoscopic depth or large ones that produce binocular rivalry. Binocular portraits require viewing with a stereoscope, many varieties of which exist. Those shown here are anaglyphs which can be observed through red/cyan filters. They are not conventional stereoscopic portraits where the sitter is imaged from two slightly different locations. Rather, the binocular processes of cooperation (stereoscopic depth perception) and competition (binocular rivalry) are manipulated in the binocular portraits. The subjects shown in the anaglyphic portraits have been involved in the science and art of binocular vision.

The Japanese and Caucasian Brief Affect Recognition Task (JACBART) has been proposed as a standardized method for measuring people's ability to accurately categorize briefly presented images of facial expressions. However, the factors that impact performance in this task are not entirely understood. The current study sought to explore the role of the forward mask's duration (i.e., fixed vs. variable) in brief affect categorization across expressions of the six basic emotions (i.e., anger, disgust, fear, happiness, sadness, and surprise) and three presentation times (i.e., 17, 67, and 500 ms). Current findings do not demonstrate evidence that a variable duration forward mask negatively impacts brief affect categorization. However, efficiency and necessity thresholds were observed to vary across the expressions of emotion. Further exploration of the temporal dynamics of facial affect categorization will therefore require a consideration of these differences.

When we attend sculptures in museums, they might fascinate us due to the mastery of the material, the inherent dynamics of body language or due to contrapposto or the sheer size of some of these statues such as Michelangelo's David. What is less convincing, however, is the life-alikeness of the face. Actually, most visitors experience dead faces, dead eyes, and static expressions. By merely adding paraphernalia to a face (e.g., a facemask or sunglasses), such unalive sculptures gain vividness and liveliness. This striking effect is demonstrated by applying a facemask and sunglasses to a sculpture on public display in Bamberg, but it can easily be demonstrated on any available sculpture. This simple method might help connect people with sculptures or artworks, in general, to lower the barrier between the beholder and artwork and increase their interaction.

Previous research has revealed that several emotions can be perceived via touch. What advantages does touch have over other nonverbal communication channels? In our study, we compared the perception of emotions from touch with that from voice to examine the advantages of each channel at the emotional valence level. In our experiment, the encoder expressed 12 different emotions by touching the decoder's arm or uttering a syllable /e/, and the decoder judged the emotion. The results showed that the categorical average accuracy of negative emotions was higher for voice than for touch, whereas that of positive emotions was marginally higher for touch than for voice. These results suggest that different channels (touch and voice) have different advantages for the perception of positive and negative emotions.

Humans perceive 3D shapes even from 2D images. A slant can be perceived from images of slanted rectangular objects, which include texture gradients and linear perspective contours. How does the visual system integrate and utilize these pictorial depth cues? A new visual illusion that provides some insights into this issue was examined. A box-like object with disk figures drawn on its upper surface was rendered in a linear perspective image. The length of the object's upper surface side line was overestimated, probably due to the foreshortened disks serving as slant cues. This illusory effect occurred even when observers estimated the line length on the image plane, suggesting that the slant perception from the disks was mandatory. Five experiments revealed that multiple depth cues were utilized for the slant perception; the aspect ratio of the disks, texture gradients, trapezium/parallelogram contours, and the side surfaces of the box-like object. However, foreshortened disks outside the object were not utilized as depth cues. These results suggested that various depth cues belonging to the target object are integrated for the slant perception.

We implement Adelson and Bergen's spatiotemporal energy model with extension to three-dimensional (x-y-t) in an interactive tool. It helps gain an easy understanding of early (first-order) visual motion perception. We demonstrate its usefulness in explaining an assortment of phenomena, including some that are typically not associated with the spatiotemporal energy model.